Body Team Proposal 《自力更生！Body 团队提案》

Scope 范围

Débrouillez-Vous (DV) features only skeletons, proxies and expansions to existing content.
《自力更生》(DV)仅包含骨架内容、代理机制及对现有内容的扩展。

DV has 36+ skeletons, and 9 possible major proxies, excluding non-mechanical conflicts, covering the vast majority of Africa - all of it with wide branching and interaction between each other and the playable tags, with a significant degree of map variance over the course of the game.
DV 拥有 36 个以上骨架国家，9 种可能的主要代理机制（不含非机制性冲突），覆盖非洲绝大部分地区——所有内容均具有广泛的分支路径和互动性，既存在于各机制之间，也与可玩阵营相互影响，并在游戏进程中呈现显著的地图动态变化。

There are some ideas for playable content, but these are not part of this proposed patch.
虽然存在关于可玩内容的构想，但这些并不属于本提案补丁的范畴。

Setting 设定

A 'brief' overview of the leadup to '62 as it concerns DV.
关于 1962 年与 DV 相关事件的"简要"概述。

1940

The defection of Equatorial Africa to the Free French and the subsequent Battle of Gabon occur as they did irl.
赤道非洲投向自由法国及随后的加蓬战役，其发展过程与现实历史一致。

1942

Operation Torch did not occur due to the Army high command's skepticism. Instead, the command prioritized operations in the Pacific.
"火炬行动"因陆军高层质疑而未能实施，指挥部转而优先考虑太平洋战区的作战计划。

1943

Operation Sealion Begins "海狮行动"启动
South Africa occupies the British High Commission Territories (Bechuanaland, Basutoland, Swaziland) to keep them out of Axis hands.
南非占领英国高级专员辖区（贝专纳兰、巴苏陀兰、斯威士兰），以防这些地区落入轴心国之手。

1944~45

The Congo is reorganized into the 'State of the Congo' as the war sours.
随着战局恶化，刚果被重组为"刚果国"。
The War Treaty is signed.
战争条约正式签署。

The US - German provisions of the treaty do not significantly cover Africa.
美德条约条款未实质性涵盖非洲事务。
Germany acknowledges the separation of the Congo.
德国承认刚果独立。

1945~46

French Invasion of Equatorial Africa
法军入侵赤道非洲

Landings in Pointe-Noire and a push from British Nigeria
在黑角登陆并从英属尼日利亚推进
Free French positions, lacking US support, dissolve into local communities or retreat across the Congo River.
自由法国势力因缺乏美国支持，瓦解后融入当地社区或撤退至刚果河对岸
Free French military and political components are pushed into the Congo. De Gaulle and the National Committee remained in Leopoldville for some time before moving to the United States in 1949 at the request of the Eisenhower administration.
自由法国的军事和政治力量被驱赶至刚果境内。戴高乐及民族委员会在利奥波德维尔停留一段时间后，于 1949 年应艾森豪威尔政府要求迁往美国。

1947~48

The Malagasy Uprising erupts.
马达加斯加起义爆发。
The UPC rebellion begins in French Cameroon.
喀麦隆人民联盟起义在法属喀麦隆开始。
Equatorial African stability is assailed by distantly related resistance elsewhere.
赤道非洲的稳定受到远方抵抗运动的冲击。
The HNP wins a decisive victory in the South African general elections.
南非大选中，HNP（国民党）取得决定性胜利。

1952~3

Major sections of the Trans-Saharan Railroad (linking Algiers, Abidjan, and Dakar) are completed by forced African labor.
跨撒哈拉铁路（连接阿尔及尔、阿比让和达喀尔）的主要路段由非洲强制劳工完成建设。
The Congo State is reformed as the Republic of the Congo
刚果国改制为刚果共和国

Eisenhower's state-building project.
艾森豪威尔的建国计划。
Is a major feature of the early OFN, a redemptive project for internationalist liberalism.
这是早期 OFN 的显著特征，也是国际自由主义者的救赎计划。

1952~4

European economic downturn begins, with consequences for African investments and administrative costs.
欧洲经济衰退初现，对非洲投资及行政成本造成连锁影响。
Britain and South Africa engage in a standoff over control of the High Commission Territories. War is avoided thanks to Germany's refusal to alienate South Africa as a potential future partner.
英国与南非就高级专员辖地的控制权陷入对峙。由于德国不愿疏远南非这个潜在的未来伙伴，战争得以避免。

1955~6

West Russia War 西俄战争
The First Great Uprising in Britain caused a wave of unrest in British Africa, which was mostly put down, save for the Ghanaian Revolution.
英国第一次大起义在英属非洲引发动荡浪潮，除加纳革命外，多数叛乱被镇压。
The HNP wins a referendum to transition South Africa into a republic. South Africa leaves the London Commonwealth on poor terms.
南非国民党（HNP）通过公投获胜，使南非转型为共和国。南非与英联邦不欢而散，退出伦敦联邦。

1956: The First Year of Africa
1956：非洲元年

The Ghanaian Revolution 加纳革命
A wide wave of turmoil on the continent, filling newspapers.
大陆动荡浪潮席卷，占据报章头条。

1956~7

Equatorial Africa begins to buckle, the French State cuts its losses.
赤道非洲局势开始崩溃，法国政府选择断尾求生。

French withdrawal, many resources refocused in West Africa.
随着法国撤军，大量资源重新聚焦于西非地区。

1957~8

After the French withdrawal, US & Congolese forces sweep into Eq. Africa.
法军撤离后，美国与刚果联军迅速挺进赤道非洲。

The US & Congo engage in ongoing anti-insurgency actions in Cameroon
美国与刚果持续在喀麦隆开展反叛乱军事行动
Sharply sour relations between Ghana & the US.
加纳与美国关系急剧恶化

Multiple 'Commonwealth' governments are established in the region.
该地区建立了多个"英联邦"政府

Later, the governments are composed as the United States of Latin Africa
后来这些政府重组为拉丁非洲合众国
It is a US-pushed move, bundles together the US's aligned client states.
这是美国推动的行动，旨在整合其附属盟国

The Bloody Years begin in the Congo
刚果的血腥岁月拉开序幕

Force Publique soldiers realize that they have fewer rights than people in the client states they help to police.
公共部队士兵意识到自己享有的权利比他们协助管辖的附庸国平民更少
Similarly, Cameroon deployments are sharply unpopular in the Congo.
同样地，喀麦隆驻军在刚果也极不受欢迎
Explosion of political action, civic & state violence
政治行动、公民与政府暴力事件激增
Collapses the old political system, driving a Reform Coalition to power.
旧政治体系崩溃，推动改革联盟掌权

1962, early 1962 年初

UPC rebellion succeeds in overthrowing Cameroon's Commonwealth government.
喀麦隆人民联盟起义成功推翻英联邦政府
The USLA is on its last legs, as the US questions its old political model in Africa.
美国在非洲的传统政治模式正受到质疑，美国非洲战略司令部（USLA）已濒临崩溃。

Africa & You 非洲与你

Superpower policies, interests, and narrative within Africa.
超级大国在非洲的政策、利益与叙事框架。

U.S. of A. 美利坚合众国

US policy, historically, centered on the 'Monrovia System' built around support for Liberia & the Congo. From the end of the Second World War until 1956, the United States' support for these authoritarian and minority-ruled states constituted Washington's leading role in fostering a "free" Africa against European colonialism.
美国政策历来以支持利比里亚和刚果为核心的"蒙罗维亚体系"为中心。从二战结束到 1956 年，美国对这些由少数人统治的威权国家的支持，构成了华盛顿在培育"自由"非洲对抗欧洲殖民主义方面的主导角色。

After Ghanaian independence, Accra and Washington attempted to work together, with the former depending on the latter for financial backing, but Nkrumah's demands for reform in the American sphere and his independent posturing pushed the two apart. In addition to fostering a nation-building process in the Congo, after 1956 the US-backed Commonwealth governments of the USLA gained considerable investment and constituted an expansion of the "centrist" bloc of independent African states in which Ghana did not participate.
加纳独立后，阿克拉与华盛顿曾试图合作——前者依赖后者的资金支持，但恩克鲁玛要求在美国势力范围内进行改革及其独立姿态使双方分道扬镳。除推动刚果的国家建设进程外，1956 年后美国支持的 USLA 英联邦政府获得大量投资，形成了加纳未参与的非洲独立国家"中间派"集团扩张。

The challenge that the United States faces in DV is the partial collapse of European control in Africa and the rise of an independent, African-led bloc that contests American legitimacy as the principal supporter of African freedom on the continent. Furthermore, conflict within states previously thought to be firmly within the US sphere of influence put Washington on the defensive in the Congo, Equatorial Africa, and East Africa, while also making expansion into the freshly independent West African states more difficult.
美国在 DV 模式中面临的挑战在于：欧洲对非洲的控制力部分瓦解，一个由非洲主导的独立集团正在崛起，这个集团质疑美国作为非洲大陆自由事业主要支持者的合法性。更棘手的是，那些曾被认定属于美国势力范围的国家爆发内部冲突，迫使华盛顿在刚果、赤道非洲和东非地区转入守势，同时也使向新独立的西非国家扩张影响力变得更为困难。

Of the three superpowers, the United States has perhaps the most range in how it approaches Africa; the circumstances of the West African Independence Wars and the Congo Crisis are catalysts for a new American foreign policy dogma, which the player decides on. This is built on by later proxies, such as the liberation wars in Angola and Mozambique, and dealings with South Africa. Whereas Germany favors white-led minority rule states and select reactionary African dictatorships, and Japan favors African nationalists, the US can pull from both groups while avoiding both sides' extremes. This isn't to say the US is a champion of liberal democracy in Africa, but is instead the primary soft-power competitor for both of its Cold War rivals.
在三大超级大国中，美国对非洲的策略或许最具弹性空间——西非独立战争与刚果危机的特殊局势，催生了由玩家抉择的全新美国外交政策信条。这一信条通过后续代理人战争（如安哥拉与莫桑比克解放战争）及与南非的周旋得以深化。当德国青睐白人主导的少数派统治政权与特定反动非洲独裁者，日本倾向非洲民族主义者时，美国却能游走于两者之间而不陷入任何一方的极端立场。这并非意味着美国是非洲自由民主的捍卫者，而实则是其两大冷战对手在软实力角力中的首要竞争者。

The United States is fully able to pursue a conservative policy, favoring strong, stable dictatorships and minority rule states at the expense of potentially amicable African partners. In the case of Angola, the US can back the Portuguese administration and non-socialist rebels to broker a negotiated settlement. The US can also compete with Germany for South African alignment, alienating potential African allies in the process. In addition, the US’ policy towards British-governed East Africa is often one that ends up in them favouring Britain.
美国完全有能力推行保守政策，支持强大稳定的独裁政权和少数族裔统治国家，不惜牺牲与非洲伙伴建立友好关系的可能性。在安哥拉问题上，美国可以支持葡萄牙殖民当局与非社会主义反叛势力，促成谈判解决方案。美国还能与德国争夺南非的站队支持，尽管这一过程会疏远潜在的非洲盟友。此外，美国对英属东非的政策往往最终演变为偏袒英国立场。

In other cases, the US will work directly against white minority projects, working with African-led, democratic-oriented states, anocracies, and dictatorships so long as they uphold American interests. The US can push for a reformist outcome in the Congo, oppose Portugal in Angola (especially if Iberia is favorable to Germany), and stay cool on South Africa. More often than not, US foreign policy in Africa will be a careful balance of these options to maximize gains on the continent.
在其他情况下，美国会直接对抗白人少数派项目，与非洲主导的民主国家、混合政体乃至独裁政权合作——只要它们维护美国利益。美国可以在刚果推动改革派胜出，在安哥拉对抗葡萄牙（尤其当伊比利亚倾向德国时），并对南非保持冷淡态度。多数情况下，美国对非政策会谨慎平衡这些选项，以实现非洲大陆利益最大化。

Germany 德国

German policy in Africa is largely shaped by its other, ancillary interests. Broadly, Germany doesn’t prioritize Africa for building ties with African countries, nor even for its resources. However, Germany does care about what Africa means for its other interests; for the politics within Europe, and the geopolitics of the Cold War.
德国的非洲政策主要受其附属利益驱动。总体而言，德国既不会优先考虑与非洲国家建立关系，甚至也不看重当地资源。但德国确实关注非洲对其核心利益的影响——包括欧洲内部政治格局与冷战地缘博弈。

A good example is probably Germany's late 40s-early 50's policy - that is, one of wielding Africa as a way to control France and Britain. France and Britain, burdened by war-debts, are driven to attempt to turn their colonial holdings profitable, a process that is immensely disruptive and drives waves of discontent throughout the colonies. Their fragile post-war governments would simply not survive any abandonment of the colonies, nor would the idea be accepted easily within the frame of politics that now govern these countries. Thus, to meet their security needs, France and Britain have to rely on Germany, at least in part. Similarly, Germany will wield its old colonial claims for its political benefit, looming the threat of invoking said past claims. This is not an honest practice; German policy has simply moved past this by the late 40s, but it is an effective way to batter concessions out of its allies, and control their actions. Germany will support France & Britain, but it will do so on terms that benefit Germany. This has produced an Africa with, at times, a quite noticeable German presence, especially in areas of strategic importance or near to the OFN. But, ultimately, Germany acts in Africa in service of it's European political interests first and foremost.
一个很好的例子可能是德国 40 年代末至 50 年代初的政策——即利用非洲作为控制法国和英国的手段。背负战争债务的法国和英国被迫试图从其殖民地榨取利润，这一过程极具破坏性，在殖民地引发了不满浪潮。他们脆弱的战后政府根本无法承受放弃殖民地的后果，在当前的政治框架下，这种想法也不会轻易被接受。因此，为满足安全需求，法英两国不得不至少部分依赖德国。同样，德国会挥舞其旧殖民主张谋取政治利益，不断暗示可能重提这些历史诉求。这种做法并不真诚——到 40 年代末德国政策其实已超越这一阶段，但这是从盟友那里榨取让步、控制其行动的有效方式。德国会支持法英，但必须符合自身利益。这导致非洲某些地区——尤其是战略要地或靠近 OFN 的区域——时常出现相当显眼的德国存在。但归根结底，德国在非洲的行动首先且主要服务于其欧洲政治利益。

As the 50s proceed, and European Colonial policy enters a sustained (and in 1962 largely unresolved) crisis, Germany will largely be of the mind that this is directly the fault of US interests in Africa. This isn't true, but it's also explicitly what the US is trying to do. This will drive an increasingly confrontational policy in early content, where Germany will challenge the US with two not-entirely-African projects in mind. For one, Germany wants to buckle US projects in Africa - for instance, the Congo, a product of US nation-building. For two, Germany wants to define the terms of US foreign policy in Africa - it wants to alienate the US from South Africa & Iberia by driving the US to prioritize positions that they won't like. Essentially, Germany is betting on being the bigger chud, and will try to create conditions that force the US to make choices that split its Foreign Policy down the middle.
随着 50 年代的推进，欧洲殖民政策陷入持续危机（至 1962 年仍基本未解决），德国主流观点将认为这完全是美国在非洲利益扩张导致的恶果。这种认知虽不准确，却恰好与美国试图达成的目标不谋而合。这将推动早期内容中日趋对抗的政策走向——德国将以两个不完全针对非洲的计划挑战美国：其一旨在瓦解美国在非洲的布局（例如美国国家建设产物刚果）；其二企图重新定义美国对非政策框架，通过迫使美国采取南非和伊比利亚半岛无法接受的立场，离间其与这两方的关系。本质上，德国在赌自己更能扮演"恶霸"角色，试图制造迫使美国外交政策左右分裂的决策困境。

As the 1960s proceed, European powers will be forced to address the institutional deficiencies of their old-style colonial policies, as they grapple with the continent-wide crisis. This is not an even process, and may not be in any sense progressive, but colonial policy will change in the 60s. While Britain & France are engaging with (or losing) their reformed colonial interests, Germany will begin to shift towards more stable partners, especially South Africa, and develop its Africa policy through a looser bloc of minoritarian projects. Germany may not control this bloc, but it doesn't need to, as geopolitical realities will bind them together. That said, Germany will never abandon French and British colonialism; it will instead seek to synthesize the two avenues wherever possible.
随着 1960 年代的推进，欧洲列强在应对这场席卷整个大陆的危机时，将被迫解决其旧式殖民政策中的制度性缺陷。这一进程并不均衡，甚至可能毫无进步意义，但殖民政策将在 60 年代发生改变。当英国和法国正忙于处理（或失去）其改革后的殖民利益时，德国将开始转向更稳定的合作伙伴，特别是南非，并通过更松散的少数群体项目联盟来发展其非洲政策。德国或许无法掌控这个联盟，但它无需如此——地缘政治现实自会将它们捆绑在一起。尽管如此，德国绝不会完全抛弃法国和英国的殖民模式，而是会尽可能寻求将两种路径融合。

In-addition, it's perfectly possible that in late content Germany & the US end up on the same side of things more often than not - and this should have consequences. A natural US-German détente could reasonably grow from their converging policies in Africa. For a first release, this will likely mean flavor content for US-German relations, for later releases, this theme may become more central.
此外，在后续内容中，德国与美国极有可能经常站在同一阵线——这应当产生相应的影响。美德两国在非洲政策的趋同，很可能会促成双方关系的自然缓和。在首个版本中，这可能表现为美德关系的背景设定；而在后续更新中，这一主题可能会成为核心内容。

Japan 日本

Japanese interests in Africa are relatively new, taking hold Japan will not actively seek client states or spherelings within Africa, but will instead seek to build a loose bloc of associated states which are economically available to Japan and amenable to Japan's diplomatic hegemony. Japan's main driving interest is distinctly economical, it seeks market expansion to release steam within the CPS's economy through Africa, and, to a lesser degree, to diversify its resource economy. However, Japan will also use Africa as a way to keep conflicts out of Asia - any conflict with the American or German sphere in Africa is one not occurring within Japan's backyard. If Japan can externalize these Great Power conflicts outside of Asia, it will.
日本在非洲的利益相对较新，尚在形成阶段。日本不会主动在非洲寻求附庸国或势力范围，而是致力于构建一个松散的国家联盟——这些国家既能在经济上对日本开放，又愿意接受日本的外交主导权。日本的核心驱动力明显是经济层面的：通过非洲市场扩张来缓解共荣圈经济体的压力，其次才是实现资源经济的多元化。不过，日本也将非洲视为转移冲突的舞台——任何与美洲或德国势力范围在非洲的冲突，都能避免在自家后院亚洲发生。若能将这些大国冲突外移至亚洲之外，日本必将付诸实践。

Diplomatically, Japan will position itself as a 'post-colonial' partner. It will attempt to wield and take advantage of anti-colonial sentiment and language, but is ultimately not interested in humoring genuine expressions of anti-colonial politics. Conversely, there are groups in Africa that see Japan as a successful model of anti/post-imperial development – a model they wish to emulate in their states (“Asia for the Asians, Africa for the Africans!”). When Japan does act in Africa, it will often act along with, or through, its relevant partners - this is most often, but not exclusively, Tanganyika or Azad Hind.
在外交层面，日本将自我定位为"后殖民"合作伙伴。其试图利用并驾驭反殖民情绪与话语体系，但本质上对真正意义上的反殖民政治表达并无兴趣。与之相对的是，非洲部分群体将日本视为反帝/后帝国时代发展的成功典范——他们渴望在本国复制这种模式（"亚洲人的亚洲，非洲人的非洲！"）。当日本在非洲采取行动时，通常会联合或通过其相关合作伙伴共同实施——最常见（但非绝对）的合作对象是坦噶尼喀或自由印度临时政府。

However, Japan will act on its terms, especially when attempting to break American & German power blocks. One of the most consistent ways it will do this is through opposing the white-minoritarian governments in Eastern & Southern Africa. Japan's policy interests will drive it to splinter blocks that serve opposing interests, both making new available associates and externalizing Great Power conflicts out of Asia.
然而，日本将按照自己的条件行事，尤其是在试图打破美德势力集团时。最常用的手段之一就是反对东部及南部非洲的白人少数派政府。日本的政策利益将驱使其分裂对立阵营的集团，既能为自身争取新的合作伙伴，又能将大国冲突转移出亚洲地区。

Parties that engage with Japan will often find themselves having to shift their political presentation to fit within 'comfortable' politics in Japan. Japan will not directly work with explicit Marxists (e.g., Cameroon, Ghana), and even non-Marxists will generally be incentivized (or pressured) to adjust how they present their regimes. This is something every Japanese-aligned country engages with at least in part, but at times, this design conceit may also carry mechanical consequences.
与日本打交道的各方常常需要调整其政治表述，以适应日本国内"舒适区"政治。日本不会直接与公开的马克思主义者合作（如喀麦隆、加纳），即便是非马克思主义政权通常也会受到诱导（或施压）来调整其统治方式的对外呈现。这是每个亲日国家至少会部分面对的情况，但有时这种设计上的妥协也可能带来实质性的机制性后果。

Baked in is that what Japan wants and what its African partners want will frequently not align, and conflict even within Japan's sphere is possible. While no sphereling will directly antagonize Japan, there is, for instance, a conflict between Uganda and Tanganyika where Japan and Azad Hind would support opposing sides of the conflict. This incongruence should be an additional defining feature of Japan's presence in Africa - it will associate with a web of pretty different states, even ones which may actively conflict with one another.
深层矛盾在于日本的需求与其非洲伙伴的目标往往并不一致，甚至在日本的势力范围内也可能出现冲突。虽然没有任何卫星国会直接对抗日本，但例如乌干达与坦噶尼喀之间的冲突中，日本与自由印度就会支持对立双方。这种不协调性应当成为日本在非洲存在的标志性特征——它将与一群差异显著的国家形成关联网络，其中甚至包括彼此存在主动冲突的国家。

Non-Proxy Mechanics 非代理机制

Regional Trackers 区域追踪器

As a way to condense the representation of pathing, and to simplify some of the design-end complexity, some skeletons & interactions have trackers - dynamic modifiers whose main purpose is to indicate the state of the skeleton or skeletons.
为了简化路径表现的复杂度并降低设计端难度，部分骨架结构和交互机制配备了追踪器——这些动态修饰器的主要功能是标示单个或多个骨架的当前状态。

Two demonstrative examples;
两个示范性案例：

The first is South Africa's Between Behemoth and Leviathan - a nat spirit covering South Africa's unique position between the United States and Germany. As South Africa's skeleton goes on, and it interacts with the regional skeletons & events, its alignment will shift along. Its alignment isn't so simple as pro-US or pro-German, South Africa's alignment with either Superpower may wax and wane between the two over the course of the game. This, at times, can be the product of player action.
首先是南非的《巨兽与利维坦之间》——一个体现南非在美国与德国之间独特立场的国家精神。随着南非骨架的推进，以及它与区域骨架和事件的互动，其阵营倾向将不断变化。南非的阵营选择并非简单的亲美或亲德，在游戏进程中，南非对这两个超级大国的倾向可能会此消彼长。这种变化有时可能是玩家行动的结果。

The Congo Crisis is an important instance of this - a large portion of Germany's motivation for being involved in the conflict, and acting how it does, is in pressuring the US into alienating South Africa. A central aspect of this conflict is negotiation, which is not a binary state - parties will attempt to tilt negotiations into favorable conditions. South Africa strongly prefers an independent or autonomous Katanga, and will increasingly support Katanga in the Crisis. If the US takes a position antagonistic to Katanga, which it has reasons to do, it will worsen relations with South Africa. This outcome is one Germany is actively seeking, and is one of their goals with being involved in the Crisis.
刚果危机是这一战略的重要案例——德国介入冲突并采取特定行动的主要动机，就是迫使美国与南非关系恶化。这场危机的核心在于谈判博弈，这不是非此即彼的状态——各方都试图将谈判导向有利条件。南非强烈主张加丹加独立或自治，并将在危机中不断增强对加丹加的支持。若美国采取反对加丹加的立场（这完全有其理由），将导致其与南非关系恶化。这一结果正是德国积极谋求的，也是其介入刚果危机的目标之一。

The second is the West African Cold War, a wide regional 'skeleton' with multiple different tie-ins to other mechanics and interactions. Over the course of the game, the US, Germany, and others will have opportunities to influence the outcomes of the Cold War. This can be to the advantage of Ghana,or to Cote D'Ivoire, or otherwise. The conditions of the cold war inform succeeding content, and, further, summarize the 'state' of the wider regional skeletons. If Ghana is succeeding, the tracker will show it clearly in a way that the map can't always accomplish. And similarly for other involved parties.
其次是西非冷战，这是一个广泛的区域性"骨架"，与其他机制和互动有多种不同的联系。在游戏过程中，美国、德国等国家将有机会影响冷战的结果。这可能对加纳有利，也可能对科特迪瓦有利，或者其他情况。冷战的条件会影响后续内容，并进一步概括更广泛区域骨架的"状态"。如果加纳占据优势，追踪器将以地图无法始终实现的方式清晰地显示这一点。其他相关方的情况也是如此。

Conflicts 冲突事件

Conflicts with bolded text are major, mechanical proxies
加粗文本标注的冲突是具有重要机制意义的代理人战争

Cameroonian Insurgency (1962)
喀麦隆叛乱（1962 年）

Angolan War of Independence (1962-196X, Proxy 1965-196X)
安哥拉独立战争（1962-196X 年，代理人战争阶段 1965-196X 年）
West African Independence Wars (1963-1964)
西非独立战争（1963-1964）
Senegal-Mali War (1963) 塞内加尔-马里战争（1963 年）
Portuguese-Guinea Insurgency (1963)
葡属几内亚叛乱（1963 年）
Nigerien Western Expedition (1964)
尼日尔西部远征（1964 年）
Congo Crisis (1964-1966+)
刚果危机（1964-1966+）

Phase 1 (64) 第一阶段（64 年）
Phase 2 (64~66) 第二阶段（64~66 年）
Phase 3 - Congo War (1966, 1~2 years)
第三阶段 - 刚果战争（1966 年，持续 1~2 年）

West African Cold War (1964-1969)
西非冷战（1964-1969 年）

Upper Volta Revolt 上沃尔特起义
Dahomeyan Tug-of-War 达荷美拉锯战
Ghanaian-Togolese War 加纳-多哥战争
West African War (1968) 西非战争（1968 年）

Mozambican War of Independence (1965-196X)
莫桑比克独立战争（1965-196X 年）
FLR Invasion of Rwanda (1965 OR 1970)
FLR 入侵卢旺达（1965 或 1970 年）
First Nigerian-Cameroonian War (1966)
第一次尼日利亚-喀麦隆战争（1966 年）
Kamerun Wars (1967-1970?)
喀麦隆战争（1967-1970 年？）

Kamerun vs. Central African Republic (~1967)
喀麦隆对阵中非共和国（约 1967 年）
Kamerun vs. Moyen-Congo (1967, 1969)
喀麦隆 vs. 中刚果（1967 年、1969 年）
Kamerun vs. Gabon (1967) 喀麦隆 vs. 加蓬（1967 年）
Kamerun vs. Equatorial Guinea (~1970)
喀麦隆 vs. 赤道几内亚（约 1970 年）

Zanzibar War (1966) 桑给巴尔战争（1966 年）
February Offensive (Kenya) (1968)
肯尼亚二月攻势（1968 年）
Nigerian Civil War (1968)
尼日利亚内战（1968 年）
Rhodesian Disturbances (1969)
罗德西亚动乱（1969 年）
Sahel Wars (1971) 萨赫勒战争（1971 年）
Operation Victoria OR Operation Vuiswys (1971)
维多利亚行动/维伊斯维斯行动（1971 年）
Second Nigerian-Cameroonian War (1972)
第二次尼日利亚-喀麦隆战争（1972 年）
Maquis Invasion (1973) 马基游击队入侵（1973 年）
Operation Uhuru (1974) 自由行动（1974 年）

Proxy Overview 代理概述

Collapse of French West Africa
法属西非的崩溃

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1962

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

Germany 德国
France 法国
West African Rebels (various, non-tag)
西非叛军（各类，无标签）

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

USA 美国
Brazil (via Lobster War) 巴西（通过龙虾战争）

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

French West Africa is struggling through a second revolutionary wave in Africa.
法属西非正艰难应对非洲的第二波革命浪潮。
Pull out as much infrastructure as possible, while balancing control.
尽可能撤出基础设施，同时保持控制平衡。
Loss is a snowball, once you've lost one region it gets much harder.
损失如同滚雪球，一旦失去一个区域，情况就会急剧恶化。

Status: 现状：

Mechanic is 95% done, though could use some finishing touches.
机制部分已完成 95%，尚需一些收尾工作。

Malagasy Revolts 马达加斯加起义

Largely minor changes to the Madagascar outcomes & skeleton
对马达加斯加结局及框架的细微调整

Congo Crisis 刚果危机

Phase 1 - Hammer & Anvil
第一阶段 - 铁锤与铁砧

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1964 (approx 10~12 months)
1964 年（约 10~12 个月）

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

USA 美国
Germany 德国
Congo - Leopoldville 刚果 - 利奥波德维尔
Katanga 加丹加
Sud-Kasaï 南开赛省

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Angolan Rebels (FDLA) 安哥拉叛军（安哥拉民主解放阵线）

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

The secession of Katanga has flung the region into a political crisis.
加丹加省的独立使该地区陷入政治危机。
The US objective is to ride & guide the wave of instability to remove Lumumba & mold the political field into something amicable to US interests.
美国的目标是借势引导不稳定局势，以清除卢蒙巴，并将政治格局塑造成符合美国利益的局面。
The German objective is to entrench Katanga's independence, and Germany's influence with it.
德国的目标是巩固加丹加的独立地位，并借此扩大自身影响力。

Status: 状态：

The mechanical needs for Phase 1 are essentially done.
第一阶段所需的机械需求已基本完成。

Bug-fixes are needed, but in terms of structure it's largely ready to go.
仍需进行错误修复，但整体结构已基本就绪。

Phase 2 - Bottled Lightning
第二阶段 - 瓶中闪电

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1964 ~ 1966

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

USA 美国
Germany 德国
Congo - Leopoldville 刚果 - 利奥波德维尔
Congo - Stanleyville 刚果 - 斯坦利维尔
Katanga 加丹加
Sud-Kasaï 南卡赛

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Brazil 巴西
Iberia 伊比利亚
South Africa 南非
Cameroon 喀麦隆
CAR 汽车
Moyen-Congo 中刚果
Rwanda 卢旺达
Burundi 布隆迪
Tanzania 坦桑尼亚
Cuba 古巴

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

The proper war has begun, as the initial political crisis settles for the Congo & Katanga.
随着刚果与加丹加地区的政治危机初步平息，真正的战争已然打响。
A limited number of volunteer divs are now in play.
目前已有少量志愿师团投入战场。
But, the war is not only between the Congo & Katanga, Phase 2 is where the conflict grows immensely more complicated, and it only gets worse.
但这场战争不仅限于刚果与加丹加之间——第二阶段冲突将急剧升级，局势只会愈发恶化。

Dynamic & Flavored Rebellions can occur as a consequence of political instability.
政治动荡可能导致充满活力且各具特色的叛乱爆发。
Similarly, backlash to Phase 1's outcome will harshly define conditions in the East.
同样，对第一阶段结果的强烈抵制将严酷地决定东部地区的局势。

Gizenga's abortive rival government, and its awkward relationship with Leopoldville are represented - and pathing-relevant.
吉赞加流产的敌对政府及其与利奥波德维尔尴尬的关系得到体现——这些都与路径选择相关。
The later CNL & Simba Rebellion and its multitude of factions and leaders are also continuously relevant.
随后的刚果民族解放委员会及辛巴叛乱，连同其众多派系和领导人，也将持续产生影响。

As the war begins, tertiary powers will begin to pay a lot more attention, and express their own interests and perspectives in the conflict.
随着战争爆发，第三世界国家将更加密切关注局势，并在冲突中表达自身利益与立场。

Iberia & South Africa are particular focal points
伊比利亚与南非成为特别焦点
But, countries like Cameroon, Ghana and Tanganyika are also important.
但喀麦隆、加纳和坦噶尼喀等国家同样重要

Elevator Pitch (Cont.): 电梯简报（续）：

The main focus is on negotiations with Katanga and tension between the US/Germany
谈判重点聚焦于与加丹加的协商及美德之间的紧张关系

Tension, Internal Politics, and the war's Condition cumulatively define the terms & grounds of negotiation.
紧张局势、内部政治与战争态势共同构成了谈判的条件与基础
Negotiations are not binary, there are multiple different outcomes
谈判并非二元对立，存在多种可能结果
Negotiations, similarly, are not the end be all
同样地，谈判也并非最终定局

The US can push to just militarily win, but this usually isn't a good idea.
美国可以强行通过军事手段取胜，但这通常不是个好主意。
Negotiations are only indirectly important to Germany, for them Katanga is a means, not an end. Still - Germany has good reasons to control the terms and timing of negotiation.
谈判对德国而言只有间接重要性，对他们来说加丹加只是手段而非目的。尽管如此——德国有充分理由控制谈判的条件和时机。

Players, by controlling tension, internal politics and the war's condition, are seeking to define on what terms negotiations are held.
玩家们通过控制紧张局势、内部政治和战争状态，试图主导谈判的条款。

Tension is a poisoned chalice - it's often to your benefit, and you are incentivized, even, to have it - but it can bring severe consequences.
紧张局势如同毒酒——它往往对你有利，甚至你会主动寻求它——但也可能带来严重后果。

Tension is antagonistic to negotiations - it makes them harder.
紧张局势与谈判是对立的——它会使谈判更加困难。
But - Tension is hard to avoid, it's often beneficial to have it, and avoiding it carries consequences.
但是——紧张局势难以避免，它往往是有益的，而避免它也会带来后果。
However - Tension can feed itself, and if let to it will spin out of control.
然而——紧张局势会自我滋长，若放任不管终将失控

The secondary focus is on the alignment of Iberia & South Africa
次要关注点是伊比利亚与南非的立场协调

Both are heavily invested in this conflict, both in favor of Katanga.
两国均在此冲突中投入巨大，且都支持加丹加

The player is presented with multiple strategies, each catered to particular interests - and none of which plainly better than the other.
玩家将面临多种策略选择，每种策略都针对特定利益诉求——且没有明显优劣之分。

The US may heavily favor negotiation, pleasing South Africa & Iberia.
美国可能极力主张谈判，以取悦南非和伊比利亚。

But, it also may seek to quash Katanga - securing the Congo.
但它也可能试图镇压加丹加——从而掌控刚果。

Germany, in delaying negotiations, can further weaken the US diplomatically.
德国若拖延谈判进程，能在外交层面进一步削弱美国。

But, Katanga-friendly negotiations may entrench the power of Germany-friendly Moise Thsombe.
但是，与加丹加友好的谈判可能会巩固亲德国的莫伊兹·冲伯的势力。

The outcomes should be diverse - and the player is capable of switching tracks.
结果应该是多样化的——玩家能够切换轨道。
Deliberately, they are also capable of failure
他们也有故意失败的能力

There are two ways to fail - first, end up in a condition where you have to negotiate. E.g. just lose.
有两种失败方式——首先，陷入不得不谈判的境地。例如，直接输掉。
Second, spin international tension out of control until the US directly declares war on Katanga.
其次，让国际紧张局势失控，直到美国直接向加丹加宣战。

Germany will seek to delay negotiations, but it does get something out of negotiations.
德国将试图拖延谈判进程，但确实能从谈判中获取利益。
A strongly Katanga-friendly end is one where Germany-friendly Tshombe is politically entrenched - a key consequence for a Katanga-friendly US.
对加丹加最有利的结局是亲德派的冲伯在政治上站稳脚跟——这对支持加丹加的美国而言至关重要。
Deliberately, the player can fail outright to stick the landing on their preferred approach - and there are consequences for doing so.
玩家可以故意彻底失败，无法达成其偏好的解决方案——这样做将面临相应后果。

Dynamic tension events as the US & Germany are drawn further towards confrontation.
随着美德两国进一步走向对抗，动态紧张局势事件频发。
If all else fails, and tension reaches its cap - Well. I hope you like war.
如果所有努力都失败，紧张局势达到顶点——好吧。希望你喜欢战争。

Phase 3 - The Congo War / Pay the Piper
第三阶段 - 刚果战争 / 付出代价

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1966 ~ 1967

Directly Involved 直接参与

USA 美国
Germany 德国
Congo - Leopoldville 刚果 - 利奥波德维尔
Congo - Stanleyville 刚果 - 斯坦利维尔
Katanga 加丹加
Sud-Kasaï 南卡赛

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Brazil 巴西
Iberia 伊比利亚
South Africa 南非
Cameroon 喀麦隆
CA 中国
Moyen-Congo 中刚果
Rwanda 卢旺达
Burundi 布隆迪
Tanzania 坦桑尼亚
Cuba 古巴

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

Occurs if tension spins out of control in Phase 2
若第二阶段紧张局势失控则触发

In the US, the public would be demanding blood for months.
在美国，民众会持续数月要求严惩。

The conditions would be bad enough that, chickening out or god forbid losing would be political suicide.
条件会糟糕到临阵退缩或——但愿不会——失败都将成为政治自杀。

In Germany, this once small & distant war is now being taken very seriously, and failure would have sweeping political consequences.
在德国，这场曾经微不足道且遥远的战争如今正被高度重视，失败将带来广泛的政治后果。

The German public is basically convinced that WW2 is on again.
德国公众基本上确信第二次世界大战将再次爆发。

In South Africa & Iberia, this sharply sours relations with the US.
在南非和伊比利亚半岛，这使与美国的关系急剧恶化。

The volunteer cap is raised significantly - this war is now conventional, and it will only become moreso.
志愿者上限大幅提高——这场战争现已转为常规战，且只会愈演愈烈。

Elevator Pitch (cont.): 电梯演讲（续）：

The Congo War is a bad thing, more or less for everyone.
刚果战争对所有人而言或多或少都是件坏事。

As stated in Phase 2 - the war can be sought out, and it's something the player in-the-moment benefits from and is often incentivized to do.
如第二阶段所述，战争可以被主动寻求，玩家在当下能从中获益，且往往受到激励去这样做。
However, 然而

For the US, it evaporates most of the benefits to winning, but losing is now way worse for the player.
对美国而言，这使获胜的收益大打折扣，但失败的代价对玩家而言却更加惨重。
For Germany, the situation is certainly better than for the US - but it is still very problematic. What was a distant, cheap, war is now important, expensive, and painful to lose.
对德国来说，情况当然比美国乐观——但仍十分棘手。原本一场遥远、廉价的战争，如今却变得至关重要、代价高昂，且难以承受失败之痛。

That all said - Negotiations are still in play - and are still how the conflict ends.
尽管如此——谈判仍在进行——并且仍是冲突结束的方式。

But, high tension will prevent even conciliatory negotiations
但过高的紧张度会连和解谈判都无法进行
People will have to die before a settlement can even be considered.
必须有人牺牲才能考虑达成和解。

Tension is now joined by Exhaustion, two interrelated & opposite variables.
紧张如今与疲惫相伴，这是两个相互关联又彼此对立的变量。

Generally, as exhaustion rises, tension falls.
随着疲劳度上升，紧张度通常会下降。
Higher tension will make the war easier to wage.
更高的紧张度会使战争更易持续。

But, you really won't gain tension at this point. It will almost always fall.
但此刻你确实难以制造紧张氛围，紧张值几乎总会下降。

Higher exhaustion will make negotiation more possible.
更高的疲劳值会使谈判更有可能实现。

But, it doesn't come cheap.
但这代价不菲。
The higher it gets, the more pressure there will be to make peace.
局势越紧张，达成和解的压力就越大。

Exhaustion doesn't come cheap.
疲惫的代价可不低。

The higher it gets, the more the player will be pressured to make peace.
玩家承受的压力越大，就越倾向于寻求和解。
And further - exhaustion is an antonymic pressure to Tension.
更进一步说——疲惫是与紧张对立的一种压力。
Having a lot of it really isn't a good thing either.
过度疲惫同样不是什么好事。

The player(s), now, has yet more choices.
玩家现在有了更多选择。

They can play to win, still, and try to explicitly defeat their opponent.
他们仍可以全力争胜，试图明确击败对手。

The more people die the more exhaustion will rise.
死亡人数越多，疲惫感就会越强烈。
People may be raring to go at first - but will they be after the 5th offensive?
起初人们可能斗志昂扬——但在第五次进攻后还会如此吗？
You are gambling on how effectively you can fight the war.
你是在赌自己能多有效地打赢这场战争。

While your hands are now free, if you fuck it up it'll be for nothing.
虽然你现在腾出了双手，但如果搞砸了就前功尽弃了。

They can fight until conditions are favorable enough to concede w/o too much harm.
他们可以一直战斗到条件足够有利时再让步，而不会造成太大损失。

This is the quickest way out - the "oh I fucked up" option.
这是最快的脱身方式——"哦我搞砸了"选项。
But, the higher tension is, the more trouble you'll be in.
但是，紧张程度越高，你遇到的麻烦就越多。

They can really slug it out and try to force negotiations towards more median options.
他们确实能硬碰硬地较量，试图迫使谈判走向更折中的方案。

This may represent a more realistic 'win'.
这可能代表更现实的"胜利"。
But, the higher exhaustion is, the more trouble you'll be in.
但是，疲惫程度越高，你遇到的麻烦就越多。

Materially, there exists an ideal way to avoid consequences.
从现实角度而言，确实存在规避后果的理想方式。

E.g. to peace out roughly when tension & exhaustion are equal.
例如，当紧张和疲惫程度相当时，可以粗略地选择退出。
But - this may mean accepting a worse peace deal.
但——这可能意味着要接受更不利的和平协议。

Phase 3 will not always occur - and it should feel like it matters when it does.
第三阶段并非总会发生——而当它发生时应当让人感受到其重要性。

Angolan & Mozambican Independence Wars
安哥拉与莫桑比克独立战争

Pre-Proxy 前置代理

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1962-1965

Directly Involved 直接参与

Iberia 伊比利亚
FDLA (Short lived revolt tag in Angola at game start)
安哥拉开局短暂叛乱标签（FDLA）

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Brazil 巴西
USA 美国
Japan 日本
Germany 德国
South Africa 南非
Congo 刚果
Tanganyika 坦噶尼喀
Rhodesia 罗得西亚

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

Prepare for the inevitable revolts and invasions of a fading african colonialism by developing the Iberian colonies and attempting to build a lasting social and political order
通过开发伊比利亚殖民地并尝试建立持久的社会政治秩序，为非洲殖民主义衰落时期不可避免的叛乱和入侵做好准备
Build up development and pacification across the Iberian colonies by pursuing different projects and building infrastructure in a map based development mechanic. This will be the basis for the independence war proxies when they begin, with infrastructure development and defenses assisting in holding on.
通过在地图开发机制中推进不同项目和建设基础设施，促进伊比利亚各殖民地的开发与安定。这将成为独立战争代理人行动的基础，基础设施建设和防御工事有助于维持控制。
Adapt to conditions on the ground by managing Governors and Military Commanders with specific strategic focuses.
根据具体战略重点管理总督和军事指挥官，因地制宜地调整策略。
Pursue two potential angles for the future, either integrating the the colonies into existing Portuguese political structures and promoting lusotropicalism or try to create a white minority rule settler state with regional autonomy.
未来可选择两条路径：将殖民地纳入现有葡萄牙政治体系并推行卢索热带主义，或建立白人少数统治的自治定居者政权。
Balance the expenses and effort of the war effort against the greater needs of the Union as a whole.
需权衡战争开支与联邦整体需求之间的平衡。
Other nations will have event chains dealing with economic and political interactions with the Portuguese colonies and the various independence movements.
其他国家将触发与葡属殖民地及各类独立运动相关的经济政治事件链。
As the Congo crisis wraps up and Tanganyika becomes more aggressive the fight will move to the colonies themselves.
随着刚果危机结束与坦噶尼喀局势升级，战火将蔓延至殖民地本土。

Proxy 代理人

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1965-1972

Directly Involved 直接参与

Iberia 伊比利亚
Angolan Rebels (FDLA) 安哥拉叛军（安哥拉民主解放阵线）
Brazil 巴西
USA 美国
Germany 德国
Mozambican Rebels (FRELIMO)
莫桑比克反叛军（FRELIMO）
Guinea-Bissau Rebels (PAIGC)
几内亚比绍叛军（几佛独立党）
Congo 刚果
Tanganyika 坦噶尼喀

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

South Africa 南非
Rhodesia 罗得西亚
Zambia 赞比亚
Katanga 加丹加

Angolan Civil War 安哥拉内战

A mix of conventional and non-conventional conflict, it will, in later releases, be explicitly designed to last well into the 70s.
结合常规与非常规冲突的设定，在后续版本中将被明确设计为可延续至 70 年代。
For an initial release, it may well end up more simple, but it will likely rely on a similar mechanical basis as exists for the Indep. Wars altogether.
在初始版本中，它可能会更加简化，但很可能会沿用与《独立战争》整体相似的机械系统基础。

Zanzibar War 桑给巴尔战争

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

Puerto Plata-style proxy which revolves around outfitting an invasion/defensive force. Due to the small size of Zanzibar, a hoi4 war there is impractical, so the proxy will be decided by who has prepared the most.
普拉塔港式代理人战争，核心在于装备入侵/防御部队。由于桑给巴尔面积狭小，在此展开《钢铁雄心 4》式战争并不现实，因此胜负将取决于哪方准备更为充分。

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1966

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

Britain 英国
Tanganyika 坦噶尼喀
Azad Hind 自由印度临时政府
Japan 日本
Germany 德国
Zanzibar 桑给巴尔
Sweden 瑞典

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Pakistan 巴基斯坦
South Africa 南非
Iberia 伊比利亚

February Offensive (Kenya)
二月攻势（肯尼亚）

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

Quick hoi4 war proxy where the KLFA and allies need to take Nairobi in a short amount of time to collapse the colony in a “lightning war” - guerrilla warfare is not feasible or sustainable for them by the 60s, so war is largely conventional. Proxy runs on a timer, KLFA need to take Nairobi in a certain amount of days, and if they do, the colony capitulates. Also determines the fate of British Uganda, with a collapse in Kenya leading to the same in Uganda.
快速进行的《钢铁雄心 4》式代理人战争，要求肯尼亚土地自由军（KLFA）及其盟友在短时间内攻占内罗毕，通过"闪电战"使殖民地崩溃——到 60 年代，游击战对他们而言既不可行也难以持续，因此战争主要以常规战形式展开。这场代理人战争设有倒计时机制，KLFA 必须在限定天数内夺取内罗毕，若成功则殖民地宣告投降。该战役还将决定英属乌干达的命运——肯尼亚的陷落将导致乌干达同样崩溃。

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1968

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

Britain 英国
Tanganyika 坦噶尼喀
Azad Hind 自由印度临时政府
Kenya 肯尼亚
Pakistan 巴基斯坦
Rhodesia 罗得西亚

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Japan 日本
Pakistan 巴基斯坦
Sweden 瑞典
Uganda 乌干达
Germany 德国
South Africa 南非

Operation Victoria/Vuiswys
维多利亚行动/维伊斯维斯行动

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

HOI4 war proxy where a victorious (in the sense of having done exceedingly well in previous conflicts) collab Britain/South Africa cements their power by launching an invasion of Tanganyika, either leading to a restoration of the protectorate in collab Britain’s case, or a regime change in South Africa’s case should they be victorious.
《钢铁雄心 4》式代理人战争中，取得辉煌战绩的合作派英国/南非将通过入侵坦噶尼喀来巩固权力——若合作派英国获胜将恢复保护国制度，若南非获胜则将推动政权更迭。
Prelude/phase 1 to the proxy in the case of collab Britain (note: this would come only with collab Britain content; in the scenario where DV releases before full collab Britain, this would wait until then) would be a naval blockade, attempting to strangle foreign help to Tanganyika. Blocks the provision of aid to Tanganyika if it succeeds.
合作派英国路线下的代理人战争前奏/第一阶段（注：此内容仅随合作派英国剧情开放；若《赤色黎明》在完整合作派英国内容前发布，则此阶段将延后）将实施海上封锁，试图切断对坦噶尼喀的外援。若封锁成功，将阻断外界对坦噶尼喀的援助。
South Africa’s build-up to Vuiswys would entail them building up a force of mercenaries, exiles and bandits, attempting to create an aligned Tanganyikan rebellion that will shoulder large parts of the fighting for them.
南非为入侵维伊斯威斯所做的准备包括：组建由雇佣兵、流亡者和土匪构成的部队，并试图扶植亲己方的坦噶尼喀叛乱势力来承担主要作战任务。
Phase 2 entails a HOI4 war with a large coalition participating on the side of the settler powers and sending volunteers.
第二阶段将涉及《钢铁雄心 4》式的大规模联盟战争，殖民势力一方将派遣志愿军参战。

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1971

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

Britain 英国
Tanganyika 坦噶尼喀
Azad Hind 自由印度临时政府
Japan 日本
Germany 德国
Kenya 肯尼亚
Uganda 乌干达
Pakistan 巴基斯坦
Rhodesia 罗得西亚
South Africa 南非
Iberia 伊比利亚
Malawi 马拉维
Sweden 瑞典

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

Mozambique 莫桑比克
France 法国
Zanzibar 桑给巴尔
United States 美国

Maquis Invasion 马基游击队入侵

Timeframe: 时间框架：

1973

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

USA 美国
Congo 刚果
CNL 科西嘉民族解放阵线
FLNC 民族解放阵线
Rwanda 卢旺达
Burundi 布隆迪
Uganda 乌干达

Scope: 范围：

The Proxy itself will be very simple for a first release, later releases will likely expand upon it.
代理功能的首个版本将非常简单，后续版本可能会进行扩展。
Largely is a US vs. the world kinda deal, other parties don't get too involved.
这主要是美国与世界其他国家之间的较量，其他各方不会过多参与。
The main crux of it is the skeleton content for the Congo.
其核心在于刚果的骨架内容。

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

A consequence of the Congo Crisis' end and the now-locked-in political system in the Congo.
刚果危机结束以及该国现行政治体制固化带来的后果。

This may involve very messy purges, or political restructurings that leave a lot of angry people outside of the system.
这可能涉及极其混乱的清洗行动，或是导致大批愤怒者被排除在体制之外的政治重组。

The CNL, defeated but more tightly organized, retreats into the Great Lake States & comes to influence politics there.
刚果民族解放委员会虽被击败但组织更严密，撤退至大湖国家并开始影响当地政治。

At this point it may have participated in a coup and essentially be part of the government in one of them.
此时它可能已参与政变，实质上成为其中某个国家政府的组成部分。

The FLNC, if Katanga was eliminated and/or Tshombe left politics on negative terms, will also be present & involved.
如果加丹加被消灭和/或冲伯在负面情况下退出政坛，刚果民族解放阵线也将继续存在并参与其中。
Essentially is a new revolutionary wave, as radical movements leave neighboring states to renew insurgencies in the Congo.
本质上这是一场新的革命浪潮——激进分子离开邻国，在刚果重新发动叛乱。

Largely for reasons similar to the MPLA's support for the FLNC in the Shaba Invasions
很大程度上与安人运在沙巴入侵中支持刚果民族解放阵线的原因相似
Surrounding states, for a large (and varying) set of reasons, will often not have great relations with the Congo.
由于一系列重大（且多变）的原因，周边国家往往与刚果关系不佳。

Worst case, the Congo is weakened right as it was coalescing
最糟糕的情况是，刚果在其凝聚力增强之际被削弱
Best case, they knock out a major rival and put in someone they expect to be able to work with.
最理想的情况是，他们击垮了一个主要竞争对手，并安插了一个他们认为可以合作的人选。

Operation Uhuru 自由行动

Timeframe 时间框架

1975

Directly Involved: 直接参与方：

USA / Germany (whoever SAF is more aligned with)
美国/德国（视新加坡武装部队更倾向哪方）
Japan 日本
South Africa 南非
Tanganyika 坦噶尼喀
Southern Rhodesia 南罗得西亚
Bechuanaland 贝专纳兰
Basutoland 巴苏陀兰
Swaziland 斯威士兰
South West Africa 西南非洲
Angola 安哥拉
Mozambique 莫桑比克
Northern Rhodesia / Zambia
北罗得西亚/赞比亚
Sweden 瑞典

Indirectly Involved: 间接参与方：

USA / Germany (whoever SAF is less aligned with)
美国/德国（视南非与哪方结盟程度较低而定）
Iberia 伊比利亚
Brazil 巴西
Congo 刚果
Azad Hind 自由印度临时政府
Cuba 古巴
Uganda 乌干达

Elevator Pitch: 电梯演讲：

Occurs if South Africa is in a weak position, and its opponents are in strong positions.
当南非处于弱势地位，而其对手处于强势地位时触发。

Is a culmination of South Africa's defeat throughout the rest of content.
这是南非在其他所有内容中战败的最终结果。

Tanganyika/Tanzania will gather a coalition of countries opposed to South Africa, and proceed through Rhodesia to try and knock it out.
坦噶尼喀/坦桑尼亚将集结反对南非的国家联盟，借道罗得西亚试图将其击溃。
As the conflict begins, South Africa will begin to push along its nuclear program - with increasing support from its preferred Superpower.
随着冲突爆发，南非将在其青睐的超级大国日益增长的支持下加速推进核计划。

A stopgap in the conflict may be the use of chemical warfare - CX & Mustard Gas
化学武器——CX 毒剂与芥子气——可能成为冲突中的权宜之计

The US and Germany will support South Africa in this conflict
美国与德国将在本次冲突中支持南非

Only one of the two will take a prominent role, the other much less so.
两国中仅有一方会扮演突出角色，另一方则参与度较低。

Tanganyika's goal is to pressure South Africa into a collapse before it is able to complete its nuclear program.
坦噶尼喀的目标是在南非完成核计划之前迫使其崩溃。

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