作者：Times Media Private Limite： ;Acialemia： Puhishing under the imprint ;Acialemia： 印记下的 Puhishing Fastern lindversltics Press. 以前于 1998 年在 imprini Times Acudemis lress 下 出版。 9958 年由 Journal of the
The Middlemen and the Spices, 618-960 (II) … 107 中间商和香料，618-960 （II） ...107
The Limitations of the Trade … 136 交易的局限性......136
Appendix lambda\lambda Missions from the Nanhai, A.D.1-960 … 143 附录 lambda\lambda 南海传教，公元 1-960 年 ...143
Appendix B The Persian Sea Trade with China before … 151 the Seventh Century 附录 B 之前波斯与中国的海上贸易 151 七世纪
Select Index of Chinese Characters … 156 选择中文字符索引 ...156
List of References … 161 参考文献列表 ...161
Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'ExtrêmeOrient 远东法语学派公报
JMBRAS 公司
皇家亚洲学会马来亚分会杂志
SC Shih Chi
HanS Han Shu
HouHS Hou Han Shu
SKCWu San Kuo Chih (Wu)
ChinS Chin Shu
SShu Sung Shu
NChS Nan Ch'i Shu
LgS Liang Shu
Ch'enS Ch'en Shu
Suis Sui Shu
NanS Nan Shih
T'angS T'ang Shu
ChiuTS Chiu T'ang Shu
TTien T'ung Tien
TCh'en Tzu Chih T'ung Chien
TK'ao Wen Hsien T'ung K'ao
THYao T'ang Hui Yao
Pen Ts'ao Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu
TP Toung Pao
JA Journal Asiatique
BEFEO Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'ExtrêmeOrient
JMBRAS Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society| SC | Shih Chi |
| :--- | :--- |
| HanS | Han Shu |
| HouHS | Hou Han Shu |
| SKCWu | San Kuo Chih (Wu) |
| ChinS | Chin Shu |
| SShu | Sung Shu |
| NChS | Nan Ch'i Shu |
| LgS | Liang Shu |
| Ch'enS | Ch'en Shu |
| Suis | Sui Shu |
| NanS | Nan Shih |
| T'angS | T'ang Shu |
| ChiuTS | Chiu T'ang Shu |
| TTien | T'ung Tien |
| TCh'en | Tzu Chih T'ung Chien |
| TK'ao | Wen Hsien T'ung K'ao |
| THYao | T'ang Hui Yao |
| Pen Ts'ao | Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu |
| TP | Toung Pao |
| JA | Journal Asiatique |
| BEFEO | Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'ExtrêmeOrient |
| JMBRAS | Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society |
Mubin Sheppard, told me of the many inquiries he had had over the years for copies of my study. He was interested in reprinting the work but asked me if I would like to update it and take in all the new research that has been published since the 1950s. I have been following some of the archaeological reports, but too desultorily to be able to revise the study without leaving my present research interests. A revised edition has proved to be not possible. I finally decided that, if there is enough interest in the original study, it should appear without revision. I have taken the opportunity, however, to correct some obvious mistakes. Many of my interpretations reflect the youthful enthusiasm of a neophyte. The main thrust of the story, I believe, remains true to the sources available at the University of Malaya library at the time. 穆宾·谢泼德（Mubin Sheppard）告诉我，这些年来，他曾多次询问我的研究副本。他对重印这项工作很感兴趣，但问我是否愿意更新它并吸收自 1950 年代以来发表的所有新研究。我一直在关注一些考古报告，但太过失职，无法在不离开我目前的研究兴趣的情况下修改研究。事实证明，修订版是不可能的。我最终决定，如果对原始研究有足够的兴趣，它应该不加修改地出现。然而，我借此机会纠正了一些明显的错误。我的许多解释都反映了新手的年轻热情。我相信，这个故事的主旨仍然是忠实于当时马来亚大学图书馆可用的资料。
Wang Gungwu 王赓武
Singapore 新加坡
14 October 1997 14 十月 1997
Preface 前言
The early history of the maritime trade of China has until now been largely studied from the western point of view, that is, as the eastern terminal point of a trade carried and dominated by Indians, Persians and Arabs. This has also been true of the early history of Southeast Asia. Historians both of China and of Southeast Asia have seen the trade mainly as the coming of western merchants in search of gold, silks and various kinds of spices. No study has yet been made of the ancient trade between China and Southeast Asia which was known to the Chinese as the Nanhai trade. The following study introduces this little-known subject. It examines various features of this trade, especially the economic background and the Chinese imperial and regional attitudes towards it. The period covered is the eleven centuries before the founding of the Sung dynasty in 960 - roughly the period from the Han dynasty to the T’ang. 到目前为止，中国海上贸易的早期历史主要从西方的角度进行研究，即作为印度人、波斯人和阿拉伯人从事和主导的贸易的东部终点。东南亚的早期历史也是如此。中国和东南亚的历史学家都认为这种贸易主要是西方商人来寻找黄金、丝绸和各种香料。目前还没有对中国与东南亚之间的古老贸易进行研究，中国人称之为南海贸易。以下研究介绍了这个鲜为人知的主题。它研究了这种贸易的各种特征，特别是经济背景以及中国帝国和地区对它的态度。涵盖的时期是 960 年宋朝建立之前的 11 个世纪——大约是从汉朝到唐朝的时期。
This study was completed in 1954. Professor C.N. Parkinson, then Professor of History at the University of Malaya, asked me to publish it, but as I had become by that time fully engaged in a different piece of research in London, I felt unable to prepare the work for publication. Since my return to this country, I have interested myself in more recent history. Were it not for the encouragement given to me by Dr C. Gibson-Hill, I would not have returned to this early work of mine. And now with the help of my colleague Dr H.A. Lamb and the Director of Museums, Federation of Malaya, Mr Mubin Sheppard, I have dared to bring this out largely as it was written more than five years ago. I also wish to thank Dr Lamb for drawing some of the maps for me. 这项研究于 1954 年完成。时任马来亚大学历史学教授的 C.N. Parkinson 教授要求我出版这本书，但因为那时我已经在伦敦全身心投入到另一项研究中，我觉得无法为出版这本书做准备。自从我回到这个国家后，我对最近的历史产生了兴趣。如果不是 C. Gibson-Hill 博士对我的鼓励，我就不会回到我的早期工作中。现在，在我的同事 H.A. Lamb 博士和马来亚联邦博物馆馆长 Mubin Sheppard 先生的帮助下，我敢于将它大部分地公布出来，因为它是五年多前写的。我还要感谢 Lamb 博士为我绘制了一些地图。
Introduction 介绍
The Chinese civilisation rose from the land, from the Huang Ho Plain far from the mouth of the river. When it began, its world consisted of the fields in which the people tilled and for which they often fought, the rivers they feared and tried to control and the towns and fortresses where they hid from their enemies. The sea was only known as a peaceful boundary to the east, that yielded salt and fish, and as a deep and limitless boundary that divided prince, sage and common man from the saints and immortals. 中华文明从大地上崛起，从远离河口的黄河平原升起。当它开始时，它的世界包括人们耕种和他们经常为之战斗的田地、他们害怕并试图控制的河流以及他们躲避敌人的城镇和堡垒。大海只被称为东方的和平边界，出产盐和鱼，是一条深邃而无限的边界，将王子、圣人和平民与圣人和神仙分开。
The first Chinese people had known of the sea from very early times. In fact, a section of the Yin tribes who founded the Shang dynasty (c.1523-1027 B.C.) inhabited the coastal areas of Shantung and Hopei and, on the basis of their use of cowrie shells, it has been suggested that these tribes had come from the south or that they had had an early coastal trade with Southeast Asia. But there is insufficient evidence for either view. As far as we know, to the civilisation that rose from the fusion of the Yin tribes with the pre-Yin peoples of the Central Plains and then with the tribal groups from the west, which established the Chou dynasty (1027-256 B.C.), the sea was not important. There is no evidence of any commercial interest in the products of the sea till the middle of the Chou dynasty. 第一批中国人从很早就知道大海。事实上，建立商朝（约公元前 1523-1027 年）的一部分殷部落居住在山东和河西沿海地区，根据他们对贝壳的使用，有人认为这些部落来自南方，或者他们很早就与东南亚进行了沿海贸易。但这两种观点都没有足够的证据。据我们所知，对于由殷部落与中原的前氱人融合，然后与来自西方的部落融合而形成的文明，建立了周朝（公元前 1027-256 年），海洋并不重要。直到周朝中期，没有证据表明海产品有任何商业利益。
This was in the sixth century B.C. when the state of Ch’i, occupying most of the Shantung peninsula and southern Hopei, showed the efficacy of a developed trade and industry to the other states. Its famous minister Kuan Chung had encouraged not only the growth of the river trade in bronze and iron with South China and the growth of a silk industry, but also the development of large-scale fishing and salt production (including possibly a trade in salted fish). ^(1){ }^{1} Its capital Lin-tzu, a city on the Tzu River about fifty miles from Lai-chou Bay (in the Gulf of Chihli), became one of the greatest trading centres of China for the next two centuries. Its fishing fleets must have been considerable, but there is no evidence that the people of the state used the sea as a trade route. 那是在公元前 6 世纪，占据山东半岛大部分地区和霍伊南部的槁国向其他国家展示了发达贸易和工业的功效。其著名的大臣关中不仅鼓励了与华南地区青铜和铁的内河贸易的发展和丝绸业的发展，还鼓励了大规模渔业和盐生产的发展（可能包括咸鱼贸易）。 ^(1){ }^{1} 其首府临子是一座位于子江上的城市，距离赖洲湾（位于赤里湾）约 50 英里，在接下来的两个世纪里成为中国最大的贸易中心之一。它的捕鱼船队一定相当多，但没有证据表明该州人民将海洋作为贸易路线。
The next century, the fifth century B.C., provides the first evidence of a sea trade between the Shantung peninsula and the mouth of the Yangtse. This followed the rise of the non-Chinese kingdoms of Wu and Yüeh (modern Kiangsu and Chekiang provinces respectively), two kingdoms which became wealthy and powerful partly through increased trade with the Chinese cities to their north and north-west. It is significant that their success was largely due to their employing Chinese ministers and to their developed shipping. ^(2){ }^{2} 下一个世纪，即公元前 5 世纪，提供了山东半岛和长江口之间海上贸易的第一个证据。在此之前，非中国的吴国和悦国（分别为江苏省和浙江省）崛起，这两个王国变得富裕和强大，部分原因是与中国北部和西北部城市的贸易增加。重要的是，他们的成功很大程度上归功于他们雇用中国部长和发达的航运。 ^(2){ }^{2}
The evidence of a coastal trade is found in the Kuo Yü (Record of states), in a statement concerning the Yüch naval expedition to the Shantung coast in the middle of the filth century B.C. The statement describes the route as starting from a port near the mouth of the Yangtse, probably near modern Su Chou, and then following the coast of Kiangsu up to Chiao-chou Bay and indicates that the Yüch people knew that route well and probably dominated its trade. ^(3){ }^{3} It also shows the naval superiority of these people. But it does not appear that the trade was an important one for the Chinese. 沿海贸易的证据可以在 Kuo Yuü（《国家记录》）中找到，其中一篇关于公元前中叶肮脏世纪中叶尤克海军远征山东海岸的声明。该声明将这条路线描述为从长江口附近的一个港口开始，可能在今天的苏州附近，然后沿着江水海岸一直到桥洲湾，并表明于赫人非常了解这条路线，并可能主导了这条路线的贸易。 ^(3){ }^{3} 这也显示了这些人的海军优势。但对中国人来说，这项贸易似乎并不重要。
From the point of view of later history, the more important development was the use of Chinese ministers in the states of Wu and Yüeh. This was the first step in the gradual “simicisation” of the northern branch of that group of peoples the Chinese called Yüch. These Yüeh people may not have been “non-Chinese” but probably were what Professor Owen Lattimore calls “not yet Chinese”. “Sinicisation” then, covers “all the processes of assimilation and elaboration” that Professor Lattimore finds in the growth of the Chinese society "which was accomplished by the acculturation and incorporation of homogeneous or kindred peoples who were not yet Chinese socially but became Chinese as soon as they acquired those cultural characteristics which made them Chinese. ^(-4){ }^{-4} 从后来的历史来看，更重要的发展是在吴国和悦国使用中国大臣。这是中国人称为 Yüch 的那群民族的北方分支逐渐“西化”的第一步。这些 Yüeh 人可能不是“非中国人”，但可能是 Owen Lattimore 教授所说的“还不是中国人”。因此，“汉化”涵盖了拉铁摩尔教授在华人社会发展中发现的“所有同化和阐述的过程”，“这是通过同质或同类民族的文化适应和融合来实现的，这些民族在社会上还不是中国人，但一旦获得了使他们成为中国人的文化特征，他们就成为了中国人。 ^(-4){ }^{-4}
The sinicisation was stimulated by long trading contacts and was intensified when the Yüeh people expanded northwards into the Huang Ho plains. The Wu and Yüch rulers adopted Chinese institutions and paid respect to Chinese thinkers and politicians, but the assimilation of the people by the Chinese in the north was not rapid until after the great Yüeh kingdom had fallen to the armies of the state of Ch’u in 334 B.C. This was largely because the people of Ch’u (its capital in modern Hupei province), whose own culture had enriched Chinese culture, had themselves eventually become sinicised. From the fourth 汉化受到长期贸易接触的刺激，并在岳人向北扩张到黄河平原时得到加强。吴和于赫统治者采用了中国的制度，并尊重中国的思想家和政治家，但直到公元前 334 年伟大的越王国落入楚国的军队之后，北方的中国人才迅速地同化了中国人民。这主要是因为楚（位于今湖北省的首府）的人民，他们自己的文化丰富了中国文化，但最终他们自己也变得汉化了。从第四个
century B.C., they contributed greatly to the spreading of Chinese culture and influence to the south and east. Thus about the third century B.C., when the Yüeh people of the Yangtse area became assimilated, the first seafaring group became part of the Chincse people. The “Chinese” now included men who “used boats as their carriages and oars as their horses.” ^(55){ }^{55} 公元前世纪，他们为中国文化和影响力向南部和东部的传播做出了巨大贡献。因此，大约在公元前 3 世纪，当长江地区的岳人被同化时，第一个航海群体成为钦色人的一部分。“中国人”现在包括“以船为车，以桨为马”的人。 ^(55){ }^{55}
It is well known that trade long preceded the political and cultural conquest of South China by the Chinese. The Chinese exchanged their silks and other manufactured goods for luxury goods like ivory, pearls, tortoise shells, kingfisher and peacock feathers, thinoceros horns and cinnamon and scented woods. With growing prosperity in the Huang Ho plains, the demand for these goods increased and this demand may have been the strongest single motive for the southward expansion of Chinese political power. By the end of the fourth century B.C., the Chinese had extended some control over the areas south of the Yangtse River. The final drive to the Nanhai, the Southern Sea, was only a matter of time. 众所周知，贸易早在中国人对南华地区的政治和文化征服之前就已经存在。中国人用他们的丝绸和其他制成品换取奢侈品，如象牙、珍珠、龟壳、翠鸟和孔雀羽毛、细长的角和肉桂以及香味的木材。随着黄河平原的日益繁荣，对这些商品的需求增加，这种需求可能是中国政权南扩的最强大动力。到公元前 4 世纪末，中国已经将部分控制权扩展到长江以南地区。最后驱车前往南海南海只是时间问题。
This southward movement was delayed by the arduous struggle for power among the Seven Warring States. It was not until 221 B.C. that the lone victor of that struggle, the new empire of Ch’in, held the entire coast from the Liaotung peninsula in modern Manchuria to the modern port of Ningpo in Chekiang province. That year, Ch’in Shih-Huang-ti was ready to march into the land of the Yüehs. And by 214 B.C., he was ruler of a considerable section of the coasts of southern Chekiang, Fukien, Kuangtung and Tongking. The Chinese had reached the South China Sea. 这种南迁被战国七国之间的艰苦权力斗争所推迟。直到公元前 221 年，这场斗争的唯一胜利者，新的秦帝国，才控制了从现代满洲里的辽东半岛到今天的浙江省宁波港的整个沿海地区。那一年，秦始皇帝准备进军于氏的土地。到公元前 214 年，他统治了浙江南部、福建、宽东和东京沿海的大部分地区。中国人已经到达南中国海。
The South China Sea is the pivot of this study of Chinese trade. It extends, in the west, from the port of Fu-chou to that of Palembang and, in the east, from the island of Formosa to the west coast of Borneo. The area is roughly equivalent to that of the Nanhai or Southern Sea mentioned in ancient Chinese records. 南中国海是这项研究中国贸易的枢纽。它向西从福州港延伸到巨港，向东从福尔摩沙岛延伸到婆罗洲西海岸。该面积大致相当于中国古代记载中提到的南海或南海的面积。
The South China Sea has a number of good ports between Fuchou and Saigon and is remarkable for its near-Mediterranean nature. Its main trade route from one end in the north-east to the other in the south-west lies in the path of the two monsoons and is, therefore, eminently suited for monsoon sailing. 南中国海在富州和西贡之间有许多良好的港口，并以其靠近地中海的性质而著称。它的主要贸易路线从东北的一端到西南的另一端位于两个季风的路径上，因此非常适合季风航行。
Map 1 地图 1
Southeast Asia and Ancient “Southeastern Asia” 东南亚和古代“东南亚”
The sea has an important place in “south-eastern Lambda\Lambda sia” which is considered here as a regional unit in the study of ancient history. It is proposed to distinguish this carlier unit from Southeast Asia which does not emerge as a unit until the tenth century A.D., that is, after Annam had gained its political independence from China and after the rise of the new synthetic culture of the Indianised states of IndoChina and Indonesia. This regional unit of south-eastern Asia roughly comprises the areas of land and sea south of 30^(@)N30^{\circ} \mathrm{N} latitude and east of 95^(@)E95^{\circ} \mathrm{E} longitude. It is distinguished by its cultural and racial similatity before the entry of the Chinese and the Indians and by the fact that these two great civilisations began to advance into the area from 海洋在“东南亚 Lambda\Lambda ”中占有重要地位，这里被认为是古代历史研究的一个区域单位。有人提议将这个 carlier 单位与东南亚区分开来，东南亚直到公元 10 世纪才作为一个单位出现，也就是说，在安南从中国获得政治独立之后，在印度支那和印度尼西亚的印度支那国家的新合成文化兴起之后。这个东南亚区域单位大致包括 30^(@)N30^{\circ} \mathrm{N} 纬度以南和 95^(@)E95^{\circ} \mathrm{E} 经度以东的陆地和海洋区域。它的特点在于在中国人和印度人进入之前其文化和种族的相似性，以及这两个伟大的文明开始进入该地区的事实
different directions at about the same time. ^(6){ }^{6} It became more important when a part of the people turned to the Chinese and another part to the Indians for their commercial, cultural and political growth. A significant feature is that almost halfway down the western coast of this area, at 15^(@)N15^{\circ} \mathrm{N} latitude about the region of modern Tourane, a line may be drawn inland towards the north-west marking the division of the very different cultural influences of China and India. This line also indicates their different methods of cultural conquest: that of China almost wholly by land and that of India chiefly by sea (see Map 1). 差不多在同一时间出现不同的方向。 ^(6){ }^{6} 当一部分人转向中国人，另一部分人转向印度人以促进他们的商业、文化和政治发展时，这一点就变得更加重要。一个显着的特点是，在这个地区的西海岸几乎一半的地方，大约在 15^(@)N15^{\circ} \mathrm{N} 现代图拉内地区的纬度上，可以向西北方向在内陆画一条线，标志着中国和印度截然不同的文化影响的划分。这条线也表明了他们不同的文化征服方式：中国几乎完全通过陆地，而印度则主要通过海上（见地图 1）。
The South China Sea was the main route of what may be called the Asian east-west trade in commodities and ideas. It was the second Silk Route. Its waters and its island straits were as the sands and mountain passes of Central Asia; its ports were like the caravanserais. It became to the southern Chinese what the land outside Jade Gate was to the northern Chinese. It is chiefly this aspect of the trade route that has prompted this short survey of Chinese expansion towards the southern coast. 南中国海是可以称为亚洲东西方商品和思想贸易的主要路线。这是第二次丝绸之路。它的水域和岛屿海峡就像中亚的沙子和山口;它的港口就像商队一样。它对南方人来说，就像玉门外的土地对北方人来说一样。主要是贸易路线的这一方面促使了对中国向南部海岸扩张的简短调查。
Very little is known of the economic life of the early peoples of South China. ^(7){ }^{7} The few prehistoric sites along the coast which have so far been examined merely suggest that the people were quite different from the Chinese and had a different cultural base. As for the surviving Chinese records, they describe sketchily the peoples with a less developed culture inhabiting the area south of the Yangtse. Of these peoples, most of the “hundred Yüehs” seem to have lived along the coast from southern Kiangsu to Tongking. They were excellent boatmen and sailors and carried on much trade with the Chinese, sometimes by sea up the Kiangsu coast. There are no records of sea trade southwards from the coast of Chekiang but the difficult land communications between Chekiang and Fukien, within Fukien itself, between Fukien and Kwangtung, all point to the sea as the easiest and perhaps safest means of communication. The later history of this area confirms the importance of coastal trading in the lives of the people. We may infer that if there was any trade among the related Yüeh peoples of ancient times, most of it was carried in ships sailing along the coast of the South China Sea. But it seems certain that the Chinese had no part in this trade till the era of the First Empire which began in 221 B.C. 人们对华南早期人民的经济生活知之甚少。 ^(7){ }^{7} 迄今为止，沿海为数不多的史前遗址被检查过，这仅仅表明那里的人与中国人完全不同，具有不同的文化基础。至于现存的中国记录，它们粗略地描述了居住在长江以南地区文化欠发达的民族。在这些民族中，“百岳”中的大多数似乎生活在从江南到东京的沿海地区。他们是出色的船夫和水手，与中国人进行大量贸易，有时通过海上到江苏海岸。没有从浙江海岸向南进行海上贸易的记录，但浙江和福建之间、福建内部、福建和广东之间艰难的陆路交通都表明海上是最简单、也许是最安全的交通方式。该地区后来的历史证实了沿海贸易在人们生活中的重要性。我们可以推断，如果古代相关的 Yüeh 民族之间有任何贸易，其中大部分是通过沿着南中国海沿岸航行的船只进行的。但似乎可以肯定的是，直到公元前 221 年开始的第一帝国时代，中国才参与这种贸易。
Endnotes 尾注
Tung Sha-veh, Ch’un-chiu Shit (History of the Spring and Autumn Period, 722-481 B.C.) Ch’i-lu University publications no. 5, 1946, pp. 150-2. Tung Sha-veh， Ch'un-chiu Shit（春秋史，公元前 722-481 年）Ch'i-lu University 出版物第 5 期，1946 年，第 150-2 页。
The state of Wu expanded northwards from the middle of the sixth century B.C. This was checked by the state of Yüeh in 473 B.C. From 473-334 B.C., Yüch was a great power in the south-eastern coasts of China. ShihChi, 41, 3a-5a and Wu Yüeh Ch’urt-chiu, Ch. 6, p. 232. cf. K.S. Latourctte, The Chinese, New York, 1950 (3rd ed.), p. 50. 吴国从公元前 6 世纪中叶开始向北扩张。这在公元前 473 年被 Yüeh 国家检查。从公元前 473 年到 334 年，尤克是中国东南沿海的一个大国。ShihChi， 41， 3a-5a 和 Wu Yüeh Ch'urt-chiu， Ch. 6， p. 232.参见 K.S. Latourctte，《中国人》，纽约，1950 年（第 3 版），第 50 页。
Kuo Yü, Ch. 19, p. 219. See also Wei Chü-hsien, Ku-tai Chung-hsi te Chioo-tung (Relations between ancient China and the West) in Ku-shih Yen-chiu, Shanghai, 1934, Vol. 11, Pt. 2, p. 762. Kuo Yü，第 19 章，第 219 页。另见魏秋贤，《古代中国与西方的关系》，载于《古氏燕秋》，上海，1934 年，第 11 卷，第 2 部分，第 762 页。
Owen Lattimore, “An Inner Asian Approach to the Historical Geography of China,” Geographical Yournal, Vol. CX, July-December 1947, p. 184. 欧文·拉铁摩尔（Owen Lattimore），“中国历史地理学的内亚方法”，《地理学》杂志，CX 卷，1947 年 7-12 月，第 184 页。
The Chinese first moved south in the third century B.C. but it was not until the middle of the first century A.D. that northern Annam was effectively taken. By this time, the Indians, more peaceably, had brought their culture as far east as Fu-nan and possibly also Lin-yi. And near the end of the third century A.D., the Chinese amies had met the armies of the Indianised Chams of southem Annam in battle. 中国人在公元前 3 世纪首次南下，但直到公元 1 世纪中叶，安南北部才被有效地占领。到这个时候，印度人更加和平地将他们的文化带到了东方的福南，可能还有临沂。在公元 3 世纪末，中国的阿美人在战斗中遇到了南安南的印度占婆军队。
For the modern controversies about the early peoples of South China, see Li Chi, The Formation of the Chinese People. Cambridge, 1928; W. Eberhard, A History of China, London, 1950, and Harold J. Wiens, China’s March towards the Tropics, Yale University, 1954, passim. 关于华南早期民族的现代争议，见李驰，《中国人民的形成》。剑桥，1928 年;W. Eberhard，《中国史》，伦敦，1950 年，以及 Harold J. Wiens，《中国走向热带》，耶鲁大学，1954 年，passim。
CHAPTER 章
South to Nan Yüeh, 221-111 B.C. 南至南悦，公元前 221-111 年
All records and studies of the rise of the Ch’in dynasty speak of the complete unification of China in 221 B.C. when the last two of the warring states, Ch^(')u\mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} \mathrm{u} and Ch ', were conquered. They all agree that after 221 B.C., the Ch’in campaigns south of the “Five Passes”, were imperialist wars which extended Chinese power and influence into foreign territories. The foreign territories were those of the Yüeh peoples who had not been assimilated by the Chinese. They consisted of four known kingdoms. The first, later known as Tung Ou, was based on the southern coast of Chekiang province with its capital near the modern port of Wen Chou. Another was a little furtier south along the coast in Fukien province with its capital at Fu-chou. This was later known as the kingdom of Min Yüch or Tung Yüch. The third was roughly the extent of Kwangtung province. It was known as Nan Yüch and its capital at P’an-yü was near the modern city of Canton. The fourth was based on Tongking with its capital probably near the city of Hanoi. It was called Lo Yüeh but was also known later on as Hsi Ou-io. ^(1){ }^{1} 所有关于秦朝崛起的记录和研究都提到，中国在公元前 221 年完全统一，当时战国 Ch^(')u\mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} \mathrm{u} 和侯朝被征服。他们都同意，公元前 221 年之后，“五关”以南的秦人战役是帝国主义战争，将中国的权力和影响力扩展到外国领土。外国领土是未被中国同化的 Yüeh 民族的领土。他们由四个已知的王国组成。第一个，后来被称为东欧，位于浙江省南部海岸，首都靠近现代的温州港口。另一个位于福建省沿海以南，首府福州。这后来被称为 Min Yüch 或 Tung Yüch 王国。第三个大致是广东省的范围。它被称为南莘，其首都潘玉靠近现代的广州市。第四个以东京为基地，其首都可能在河内市附近。它被称为 Lo Yüeh，但后来也被称为 Hsi Ou-io。 ^(1){ }^{1}
The chief motive for Chinese expansion towards the south was an economic one. The value of the deltas of West River around modern Canton and of the Red River around Hanoi had long been recognised. 中国向南扩张的主要动机是经济动机。现代广州周围的西河三角洲和河内周围的红河三角洲的价值早已得到认可。
In the earliest surviving account of the campaigns against the Yüehs, the Huai-nan Tzu (dated second century), it is said that Shih Huangti sent five armies totalling some 500,000 men because of the expected gains from the lands of the Yüeh with their rhinoceros horns, elephant tusks, kingfisher feathers and pearls. ^(2){ }^{2} 在现存最早的讨伐越家的战役《淮南子》（2 世纪）中，据说西皇帝派出了五支军队，共计约 500,000 人，因为期望从越家的土地上获得犀牛角、象牙、翠鸟羽毛和珍珠。 ^(2){ }^{2}
The first-century B.C. historian, Ssu-ma Ch’ien, specifically says that the land was rich and populous and describes the Nan Yüeh capital of P’an-yü (near modern Canton) as “the collecting-centre of thinoceros horns, elephant tusks, tortoise-shells, pearls, fruits and cloth (of hemp and other fibrous plants).” In the following century, the historian Pan Ku adds silver and copper to the list of goods found at P’an-yü and says that “most of the Chinese merchants who go to trade there have become very wealthy.” ^(**){ }^{*} 公元前一世纪的历史学家 Ssu-马 Ch'ien 特别指出，这片土地富饶且人口众多，并将南越首府盘鱼（靠近现代广州）描述为“薄稚角、象牙、龟壳、珍珠、水果和布料（大麻和其他纤维植物）的聚集中心”。在接下来的一个世纪里，历史学家盘古将银和铜添加到盘鱼发现的商品清单中，并说“大多数去那里交易的中国商人都变得非常富有”。 ^(**){ }^{*}
P’an-yü was already a mart for the goods of South China and northern Indo-China and the Chinese were already obtaining their supplies of metals and luxury goods from this mart. The merchants who crossed into Kwangtung to trade, via the mountain passes and rivers of Kiangsi, Hunan and Kwangsi, brought back reports of its wealth and may have also urged political intervention there. 盘鸠已经是南中国和印度支那北部商品的集市，中国人已经从这个集市获得金属和奢侈品的供应。商人越境进入广东进行贸易，途经江西、湖南和广西的山口和河流，带回了广东财富的报告，也可能敦促那里进行政治干预。
Thus, after 221 B.C., the Ch’in emperor sent five armies against the Yüehs. Each army was sent along a different route. The first marched into Kwangsi through south-western Hunan and then turned east down the Kwei River towards P’an-yü. The second also went through south-western Hunan but down another river, the Ho, to P’an-yü. The third and fourth armies went by more direct routes, the former through southern Hunan and down the Pei River and the latter through southern Kiangsi across the Ta-yü Mountains and then down the Pei River to P’an-yü. As for the fifth army, it did not head directly for Kwangtung but first set forth from eastern Kiangsi across the Wu-i Mountains (sometimes better known as the Bohea) of Fukien, one section going down the Min River to Fu-chou and the other down the Ou River of southern Chekiang to the port of Wen Chou. The army at Fu-chou then went down the coast entering Kwangtung via the Chieh-yang hills (north of the modern port of Swatow) and then eastwards to P’an-yü. 因此，在公元前 221 年之后，秦皇帝派出五支军队对抗岳氏。每支军队都沿着不同的路线被派遣。第一支部队通过湖南西南部进入广西，然后向东沿贵河向盘邱进发。第二条也穿过湖南西南部，但顺着另一条河 Ho 河到达 P'an-yü。第三和第四军走更直接的路线，前者穿过湖南南部，顺着沛河而下，后者穿过江南，穿过大鸝山，然后顺着沛河到达盘邑。至于第五军，它并没有直接前往广东，而是首先从江西东部出发，穿过福建的武义山（有时更广为人知的是渤河），一部分顺着闽江到福州，另一部分顺着浙江南部的瓯江到温洲港。然后，福州的军队沿海岸向下，经介阳山（今汕头港以北）进入广东，然后向东到达潘邑。
After taking P’an-yü, an army was sent up the West River and up one of its tributaries leading to the Tongking border from where it 占领盘邑后，一支军队被派往西河逆流而上，沿着一条支流向上，通往东京边境
descended on the Red River basin and captured the Lo Yüeh capital (see Map 2). ^(5){ }^{5} Two significant facts emerge from this. The Chinese were well informed about the best routes into the Yüeh country and lost no time in sending large forces by these routes against the “barbarians.” They were also well informed about the resources and manpower of the Yüchs and sent one army to take the two kingdoms in southern Chekiang and Fukien and four armies against the Yüehs of Kwangtung alone. This is evident in the routes taken by these armies which uitimately converged on P’an-yü, the stronghold of a powerful kingdom. 降落到红河流域并占领了 Lo Yüeh 首都（见地图 2）。 ^(5){ }^{5} 由此得出两个重要的事实。中国人对进入 Yüeh 国家的最佳路线了如指掌，并立即通过这些路线派遣大部队对抗“野蛮人”。他们也对玉氏国的资源和人力了如指掌，并派出一支军队占领了浙江南部和福建的两个王国，并派出四支军队单独对抗广东的越氏。这从这些军队所采取的路线中可以明显看出，这些军队最终汇聚在一个强大王国的大本营 P'an-yü 上。
Map 2 地图 2
The Chinese armies met with great resistance from the Yüehs, particularly from the western Yüehs of Tongking. This is clear from the time and resources needed to conquer their country. The wars were fought over a period of eight years, during which time the Yüchs were often victorious and also constantly harassed the Chinese. ^(@){ }^{\circ} The Chinese took the capitals of Nan Yüeh and Lo Yüeh early in the course of war. But it was not until 214 B.C. when new roads and canals had been built and the tired and hungry troops were supplied with fresh provisions and reinforced in numbers by “criminals, banished men, social parasites and merchants” that they finally pacified the Yüch territories. 中国军队遇到了来自越氏的强烈抵抗，尤其是来自东京西部越氏的抵抗。从征服他们的国家所需的时间和资源中可以清楚地看出这一点。战争持续了八年，在此期间，尤赫人经常取得胜利，并且还不断骚扰中国人。 ^(@){ }^{\circ} 中国人在战争进程的早期就占领了 Nan Yüeh 和 Lo Yüeh 的首都。但直到公元前 214 年，新的道路和运河建成，疲惫和饥饿的军队获得了新的补给，并得到了“罪犯、被放逐的人、社会寄生虫和商人”的增援，他们才最终平定了尤赫地区的领土。
The losses were heavy, whether by fighting, starvation or disease, and more men were continually needed. Among these men recruited later were merchants who must have been in sufficient numbers to deserve separate mention. Who these “merchants” were and where they came from is not made clear but it is likely that they were the merchants who had traded or were trading in the south. Some of then were recruited in the Ch’in empire itself because of their knowledge of the routes, the people and the language and others recruited on the spot because they were already settled in trading conmunities in the Yüeh towns, especially at P’an-yu. This clearly suggests that there had been considerable trade between the Chinese and the Yüchs before the end of the third eentury B.C. 无论是战斗、饥饿还是疾病，损失都很惨重，而且不断需要更多的人。在后来招募的这些人中，有一些商人的数量肯定足够多，值得单独提及。这些“商人”是谁以及他们来自哪里尚不清楚，但他们很可能是曾经或正在南方交易的商人。然后，一些人在秦帝国本身被招募，因为他们了解路线、人民和语言，而另一些人则是当场招募的，因为他们已经在悦城镇的贸易社区定居，尤其是在盘鱼。这清楚地表明，在公元前 3 世纪末之前，中国人和 Yüchs 之间已经有相当大的贸易。
The eventual success of this war brought Chinese military and civil administration to the coastal region. Altogether four commanderies were set up in the conquered territories. The first was Min-chung at the present Fu-chouset up in 221 B.C. The other three were set up later in 214 B.C. They were Nan-hai at Canton, Kwei-lin at the present town of that name and Hsiang which was probably somewhere near Hanoi in Tongking (see Map 2). Very little is known of these commanderies except that they each had a governor and a garrison commander and both these functionaries had secretarial staff. Presumably their staff included experts in accounts to organise the tax-collection. In addition, there were the soldiers protecting the towns where the merchanis gathered to trade. The Chinese population was small, but rose quickly when it was increased by the transportation of criminals and exiles to the various barbarian areas. Six years after the conquest in 208 B.C., a Chinese settler serving as 这场战争的最终成功将中国的军事和民政部门带到了沿海地区。在被征服的领土上总共设立了四个指挥部。第一个是公元前 221 年在现在的福城的 Min-chung。其他三个是在公元前 214 年晚些时候建立的。他们是广州的南海、现在的桂林镇和湘，可能在河内的东京附近（见地图 2）。人们对这些指挥官知之甚少，只知道它们各有一名总督和一名驻军指挥官，而且这两个官员都有秘书人员。据推测，他们的员工包括会计专家来组织税收。此外，还有士兵保护着商品聚集进行交易的城镇。中国人口很少，但随着罪犯和流放者被运送到各个野蛮地区而增加，中国人口迅速增加。公元前 208 年，征服六年后，一位中国定居者担任
a county magistrate for the empire was encouraged to carve out a kingdom of his own because he received “the help of the many Chinese residing there.” ^("){ }^{"} 帝国的一位县长受到鼓励去建立一个自己的王国，因为他得到了“许多居住在那里的中国人的帮助”。 ^("){ }^{"}
The Yüch peoples were still ruled by their own tribal chiefs. Some were captured and used as slaves and others driven into the hills. But most of them were left alone to cultivate their wet padi fields in the delta areas, to practise shifting agriculture in the valleys or to continue with their trading and fishing along the coast. The last group of Yüch people were specially important to the Chinese traders for they were the ones to keep up the supply of sea products, like pearls and tortoise-shells. But as far as we know the coastal trade was not extensive. Most of the products known to have been in great demand could have been found not much further south than Annam. The Yüeh peoples, and for that matter even the Chinese, might have known of the peoples and products of the Malay Peninsula and beyond, but there was little incentive for them to develop a regular trade. Yüch 人仍然由他们自己的部落首领统治。一些人被俘虏并用作奴隶，另一些人被赶到山上。但他们中的大多数人独自一人在三角洲地区耕种潮湿的稻田，在山谷中实行轮作农业，或者继续在沿海地区进行贸易和捕鱼。最后一批 Yüch 人对中国商人特别重要，因为他们是维持珍珠和龟甲等海产品供应的人。但据我们所知，沿海贸易并不广泛。大多数已知需求量很大的产品都可以在安南以南不远的地方找到。岳族人，甚至华人，可能都知道马来半岛及其他地区的人民和产品，但他们几乎没有动力发展正规贸易。
The Chincse control of the Yüeh territories was very brief. In 210 B.C., the Ch’in First Emperor died and with his death at least four states on the southern coast declared their independence from the Ch’in Empire. They were Tung Ou in southern Chekiang and Min Yüeh in Fukien, both ruled by the Yüeh chiefs; the Nanhai Commandery in Kwangtung under the Chinese garrison commander, Jen Ao; and the Hsiang Commandery of Tongking, northern Annam, southern Kwangsi and western Kwangtung which became a native state ruled by the Shu dynasty. Of these, the Nanhai Commandery was the most important. It became a miniature empire after 208 B.C. This was the empire of Nan Yüeh which ruled the hinterland of the coast from southern Fukien to northern Annam and remained independent for nearly a hundred years till 111B.C^(10)111 \mathrm{~B} . \mathrm{C}^{10} 钦塞对 Yüeh 领土的控制非常短暂。公元前 210 年，秦始皇去世，随着他的去世，南部沿海至少有四个国家宣布脱离秦帝国独立。他们是浙江南部的东瓯和福建的闵悦，均由悦族酋长统治;中国驻军司令 Jen Ao 领导的广东南海郡;以及戤京、安南北部、广西南部和广东西部的湘郡，成为蜀朝统治的本土国家。其中，南海郡是最重要的。它在公元前 208 年后成为一个微型帝国。这就是南悦帝国，统治着从福建南部到安南北部的沿海腹地，并在近一百年的时间里一直保持独立，直到 111B.C^(10)111 \mathrm{~B} . \mathrm{C}^{10}
When Ien Ao the garrison commander died in 208 B.C., his successor Chao T’o, the county magistrate who was probably a second generation Chinese, took advantage of the civil war in the north to attack the two neighbouring commanderies to his west, first Kwei-lin and then Hsiang. In 207 B.C., he declared himself king of Nan Yüeh, He sent his armies to guard all the routes from the north and there were no official relations with the new dynasty of Han set up by Liu Pang until more than ten years later in 196 B.C. Since there is cridence 当守军司令官一教于公元前 208 年去世时，他的继任者曹涛，可能是中国第二代县长，利用北方内战攻击了他西边的两个相邻郡，首先是贵林，然后是湘。公元前 207 年，他宣布自己为南越王，他派遣军队守卫北上的所有路线，直到十多年后的公元前 196 年，他才与刘庞建立的新汉朝建立正式关系。既然有 cridence
that the policy on both sides was to deliberately curtail all relations, it can be assumed that trade between the two empires was limited. ^(11){ }^{11} 双方的政策都是故意切断所有关系，可以假设两个帝国之间的贸易是有限的。 ^(11){ }^{11}
In 196 B.C., the Han emperor gave Chao T’o the titular status of a feudal noble with the task of maintaining order among the “hundred Yüehs”. This Chao T’o accepted. It did not reduce his own powers nor did it affect the independence of Nan Yüch. It mercly meant that the Han emperor claimed that he was a superior ruler of a superior land and that Chao T’o had acknowledged this. This was the beginning of more friendly relations. A regular trade was renewed, especially the trade in iron articles from the Han empire which were exchanged for the pearls, tortoise-shells, ivory and rhinoceros horns of Nan Yüeh. 公元前 196 年，汉朝皇帝授予朝涛封建贵族的名义地位，其任务是维护“百年岳”的秩序。这个朝涛接受了。它并没有削弱他自己的权力，也没有影响南玉赫的独立。仁慈的意思是汉朝皇帝声称他是上位之地的上位统治者，而超陀已经承认了这一点。这是更友好关系的开始。定期贸易得以恢复，尤其是汉帝国的铁器贸易，这些铁器用南悦的珍珠、龟甲、象牙和犀牛角交换。
The trade was important enough to cause considerable friction and when Han officials tried to interfere with this trade, Chao To declared war and advanced into Chinese territory. ^(12){ }^{12} This was in 183 B.C., after only a dozen years of regular trading. Chao T’o’s attack was so successful that he decided to declare himself “emperor” and further expanded his territory. As a result, the rulers of Min Yüeh in Fukien and of Lo Yüeh in Tongking paid tribute to him. This second phase of Nan Yüeh expansion lasted four years. It was not as effective as the first and came to an end when Chao T’o was once again persuaded that the Han emperor was a superior ruler. This time he accepted the status of vassal and sent a tribute mission that year (179 B.C.). 这项贸易的重要性足以引起相当大的摩擦，当汉朝官员试图干预这项贸易时，潮渡宣战并进入中国领土。 ^(12){ }^{12} 这是在公元前 183 年，在仅仅十几年的常规交易之后。朝涛的进攻非常成功，以至于他决定宣布自己为“皇帝”，并进一步扩大自己的领土。因此，福建的闵妃和东京的罗妃的统治者都向他进贡。Nan Yüeh 的第二阶段扩建持续了四年。它不如第一次有效，当 Chao T'o 再次被说服汉皇帝是一位卓越的统治者时，它就结束了。这一次，他接受了附庸的地位，并在那一年（公元前 179 年）派遣了朝贡使团。
The tribute gifts were probably the best things that the Nan Yüch areas could produce and the list below shows us what were some of the luxury items at the time: 贡品可能是 Nan Yüch 地区可以生产的最好的东西，下面的列表向我们展示了当时的一些奢侈品：
a pair of while jades, 1,000 kingfishers’ feathers, ten rhinoceros homs, 500 purple-stripped cowries, a vessel of cinnamon-insects [a delicacy eaten after being soaked in honey], forty pairs of live kingfishers and two pairs of peacocks. ^(13){ }^{13} 一对玉石、1000 根翠鸟羽毛、10 头犀牛、500 个紫条贝壳、一瓶肉桂昆虫 [一种浸泡蜂蜜后食用的美味佳肴]、40 对活翠鸟和两对孔雀。 ^(13){ }^{13}
It is interesting to note what was omitted - the frequently mentioned ivory, pearls and tortoise-shells of the regular trade. Pcrhaps these had become common enough not to have been worthy for imperial tribute. If so, this was quite remarkable considering that the trade had been disrupted so many times in the forty years between the first Ch’in attacks and Chao T’o’s tribute in 179 B.C. 有趣的是，注意到遗漏了什么 - 经常被提及的常规贸易中的象牙、珍珠和龟甲。这些已经变得足够普遍，以至于不值得向皇室致敬。如果是这样，考虑到从第一次秦人进攻到公元前 179 年朝涛进贡之间的四十年里，贸易已经中断了如此多次，这是相当了不起的。
It is claimed that Chao T’o ruled for seventy years and died only in 137 B.C. The last forty years were uneventful and seem to have been years of peace and prosperity for the state of Nan Yüeh. Regular trade with the Han empire was once again resumed. This was the era of mutual respect made possible partly by the humane and careful rule of emperors Han Wen-ti and Ching-ti. But a few years before Chao T"o died, Emperor Wu-ti came to the throne. He was the man who was to make the territories of Nan Yüeh forever part of the Chinese empire. And the year before Chao T’o’s death, the first ominous sign appeared. Han Wu-ti intervened in a war between the Yüeh states of Tung Ou (southern Chekiang) and Min Yüeh and had the people of Tung Ou wholly transported north of the Yangtse. ^(14){ }^{14} 据称，昭涛在位 70 年，仅在公元前 137 年去世。过去的四十年是平淡无奇的，似乎是南悦州和平与繁荣的岁月。与汉帝国的正常贸易再次恢复。这是一个相互尊重的时代，部分原因是汉温帝和清帝的人道和谨慎统治。但在 Chao T'o 去世前几年，武帝登基。他就是那个让南悦的领土永远成为中华帝国一部分的人。而在昭涛去世的前一年，第一个不祥的征兆出现了。韩武帝干预了东瓯（浙江南部）和闽悦之间的战争，将东瓯人民完全运送到长江以北。 ^(14){ }^{14}
Chao T’o’s successors continued to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Han empire. When Nan Yüeh was attacked by Min Yüeh to its east, one of them even sought the help of the Han army to drive the enemy out. ^(15){ }^{15} But in 113 B.C., at the peak of Han expansion, the ambitious Emperor Wu-ti began to intrigue for the subjection of Nan Yüeh. When that failed, he sent a strong army of 100,000 men to take the Yüeh capital of P’an-yü (Canton). The Yüeh resistance might have been more successful if several of their commanders and officials had not supported the Chinese and fought on the Han side. Even then, it was after more than a year of fighting before the Yüehs were defeated and the state of Nan Yüeh incorporated within the Chinese empire. ^(16){ }^{16} 朝涛的继任者继续承认汉帝国的主权。当南悦被东边的闵悦攻打时，其中一人甚至寻求汉军的帮助，将敌人赶出去。 ^(15){ }^{15} 但在公元前 113 年，正值汉朝扩张的高峰期，雄心勃勃的武帝开始阴谋让南悦臣服。失败后，他派出 100,000 人的强大军队占领了越府 P'an-yü（广州）。如果他们的几位指挥官和官员不支持中国并在汉朝一侧作战，越军的抵抗可能会更加成功。即便如此，经过一年多的战斗，岳氏才被击败，南岳国并入中华帝国。 ^(16){ }^{16}
Our records refer to Nan Yüeh and the other states as foreign countries and it was enough for the Chinese historians to consider only their relations with China. Also, the Chinese historians had already developed the tradition of ignoring matters which had nothing to do with the imperial government - like the subject of commercial development. So far, our knowledge of Chinese trade with the Yüeh territories has come from indirect references, for example the description of the role of merchants in the account of the Ch’in conquest. It is, therefore, very difficult to make any kind of estimate concerning the extent of maritime trade, even of coastal trade. Again, indirect references have to be considered for a picture of Chinese seafaring and its potentialities. 我们的记录将南悦和其他国家称为外国，中国历史学家只考虑他们与中国的关系就足够了。此外，中国历史学家已经形成了忽视与帝国政府无关的事情的传统——比如商业开发的主题。到目前为止，我们对中国与越国领土贸易的了解来自间接的引用，例如对商人在秦国征服中的作用的描述。因此，要对海上贸易的范围，甚至沿海贸易的范围，做出任何估计是非常困难的。同样，必须考虑间接引用来描述中国航海及其潜力。
Our sources refer to naval warfare and the shipment of troops by sea. In 138 B.C., a Chinese fleet was sent out from the mouth of the Yangtse to Wen Chou, on the coast of southern Chekiang, to 我们的来源提到了海战和海上部队运输。公元前 138 年，一支中国舰队从长江口被派往浙江南部沿海的温州，以
fight off the Min Yüch attackers from Fukien and also to help evacuate the Tung Ou people to the Yangtse area. ^(17){ }^{17} Later, during the Han campaigns against Nan Yüeh, the ruler of Min Yüeh (Fukien) was persuaded to help the Han and he sent his flect from Fu Chou, the capital, to the coast near the modern port of Swatow. ^(14){ }^{14} And a year after that, a Chinese fleet sailed from Hang Chou Bay to attack and capture the capital of Min Yüeh. ^(10){ }^{10} Even more spectacular was the naval pursuit of the ruler of Nan Yüeh. After the fall of his capital (Canton), the king and his chief ministers escaped by sea with a few hundred men and sailed westwards along the coast. The Chinese then put together a fleet at Canton and pursued them to the Gulf of Tongking where they were all captured. ^(20){ }^{20} This makes it clear that the Yüeh people had a fleet to sail between Canton and Hainan Island and between Hainan and Annam. The Chinese “storeyed ships” (louch’uan)": built for use on the many Chinese rivers could also sail along the coast. 击退来自福建的 Min Yüch 袭击者，并帮助将同瓯人疏散到长江地区。 ^(17){ }^{17} 后来，在汉朝讨伐南越的战役中，闽越（福建）的统治者被说服帮助汉朝，他将他的部队从首都福州送到现代汕头港附近的海岸。 ^(14){ }^{14} 一年后，一支中国舰队从杭洲湾出发，袭击并占领了首都闽悦。 ^(10){ }^{10} 更壮观的是海军对南悦统治者的追击。首都（广州）沦陷后，国王和他的首席大臣带着几百人从海路逃脱，沿着海岸向西航行。中国人随后在广州集结了一支舰队，追击他们到东京湾，在那里他们都被俘虏了。 ^(20){ }^{20} 这清楚地表明，岳人拥有一支船队，可以在广州和海南岛之间以及海南和安南之间航行。中国的“层船”（louch'uan）“：为在中国的许多河流上使用而建造，也可以沿着海岸航行。
By the second century B.C., the Yüeh and the Chinese sailors scem to have been well equipped to sail along the coast as far as Annam and were probably doing so regularly. They must have been to brave the frequently stormy seas of the Gulf of Tongking. Although there is no evidence that they knew anything of the monsoons, they could have followed the Indo-Chinese coast further south into the Gulf of Siam and down to the Malay Peninsula. This is a reasonable conclusion when it is borne in mind that it was possible to have largescale naval manouvres along the coast between the mouth of the Yangtse and that of the Red River. 到公元前 2 世纪，岳氏人和中国水手似乎已经装备精良，可以沿着海岸航行到安南，而且可能经常这样做。他们一定是为了勇敢面对东京湾频繁的暴风雨。虽然没有证据表明他们对季风一无所知，但他们可能沿着印度支那海岸进一步向南进入暹罗湾，一直到马来半岛。当记住有可能在长江口和红河口之间的海岸进行大规模的海军演习时，这是一个合理的结论。
The problem that arises is whether there was any incentive to do so. Nan Yüch produced nothing that the kingdoms of the Nanhai did not have in plenty. The export goods, “gold and fine silks”, mentioned in the first definite reference to a sca trade, came from Han territory in the north. ^(22){ }^{22} Neither did Nan Yüch need any of the products of the Malay archipelago. With its growing prosperity, its rulers traded more intensively for the manufactured goods of Han China. In fact, the high level of trade was maintained chiefly because of the Chinese demand for southern products, especially for metals and luxury goods. ^(23){ }^{23} It was also this demand that encouraged Chinese expansion to the southern coasts, first in Ch’in times and then again in Han Wuti’s time a hundred years later. 出现的问题是是否有任何动机这样做。Nan Yüch 没有生产南海王国所没有的东西。在第一次明确提到 sca 贸易时提到的出口商品“黄金和精品丝绸”来自北方的汉人领土。 ^(22){ }^{22} Nan Yüch 也不需要马来群岛的任何产品。随着中国的日益繁荣，其统治者对汉朝中国的制成品进行了更密集的贸易。事实上，之所以能保持高水平的贸易，主要是因为中国对南方产品的需求，尤其是金属和奢侈品。 ^(23){ }^{23} 也正是这种需求鼓励了中国向南部沿海扩张，首先是在秦朝时期，然后在一百年后的汉武提时代再次扩张。
Trade had brought the Chinese merchants to South China. Trade could have sent them down the South China Sea for they had the ships that could carry a coastal trade. But there is no evidence that they did so; and there are reasons why they might not have wanted to do so. It is obvious that there was nothing in the region they wanted badly enough; it could be that the risks were too great; it is also possible that they did not know of a sea-route to India and that when they did, Indian goods were already being carried in foreign ships in sufficient quantities to satisfy the demand for them in China. Whatever the reason, the Chinese did not tradc south of Annam either in their own or in Yüch ships at this time. 贸易将中国商人带到了南华。贸易可能会把他们送到南中国海，因为他们有可以进行沿海贸易的船只。但没有证据表明他们这样做了;他们可能不想这样做是有原因的。很明显，该地区没有任何东西是他们非常想要的;可能是风险太大了;也有可能是他们不知道通往印度的海路，而当他们知道时，印度货物已经由外国船只运载，数量足以满足中国对它们的需求。不管是什么原因，中国人此时并没有乘坐自己的船只或于赫船只前往安南以南。
At the fall of Nan Yüeh, coastal trading south of Hang Chou Bay and north of Swatow had ceased as the natives of Fukien and southern Chekiang had been moved north of the Yangtse and “the Tung Yüeh lands were therefore desolate,” ^(2+4){ }^{2+4} and very little trading existed between Canton and Swalow where the coast was relatively undeveloped. However, an intensive trade continued between Canton and the ports of the Tongking Gulf bringing great wealth to Canton, the mart for sub-tropical products, while some trade was still taking place between Hanoi and southern Annam. But the momentum of the Chinese invasion of Nan Yüch was to change this picture. Within a few decades, there was trade with India. ^(25){ }^{25} This might not have been a regular trade, but it marked the peak of Han Wu-ti’s imperialist expansion to the south. It also pointed to the beginning of a Nanhai trade with great potentialities. But even as the trade first appeared, the vainglorious emperor died and there were repercussions at the Han capital which were to upset the new-born enterprise. 南越沦陷时，由于福建和浙江南部的土著迁往长江以北，杭洲湾以南和汕头以北的沿海贸易已经停止，“东越土地因此荒凉”， ^(2+4){ }^{2+4} 广州和汕头之间的贸易很少，因为那里的海岸相对不发达。然而，广州和东京湾港口之间的密集贸易继续为广州带来了巨大的财富，广州是亚热带产品的市场，而河内和安南南部之间仍在进行一些贸易。但中国入侵南莺的势头改变了这一局面。几十年内，与印度进行了贸易。 ^(25){ }^{25} 这可能不是一次常规交易，但它标志着韩武帝帝国主义南下的巅峰。它还指向了具有巨大潜力的南海贸易的开始。但就在贸易刚出现的时候，这位虚荣的皇帝就去世了，汉都产生了影响，使这个新生的企业感到不安。
Han Shu, 28B, 31b. It is possible that there were large numbers of secondgeneration Chinese at P’an-yü at the end of the third century B.C. The 韩书，28B，31b。在公元前 3 世纪末，盘邑可能有大量的第二代中国人。这
founder of the kingdom of Nan Yüeh, Chao T’o, was probably born of a Chincse father and a native mother. In 179 B.C. he claimed to have lived in Yueh lands for forty-nine years, that is, since 228 B.C. As he died in 137 B.C., it is quite unlikely that he had been born in China. See Han Shu, 95, 96. 南悦王国的创始人 Chao T'o 可能是由中国人的父亲和土生土长的母亲所生。公元前 179 年，他声称在越家居住了 49 年，即自公元前 228 年以来。由于他死于公元前 137 年，因此他不太可能出生在中国。见韩书，95,96。
Huai-nan Tzu, 18, p. 27. L. Aurousscau, “La première conquête chinoise des pays annamites (IIIe siècle avant notre èrc)”, BEFEO, 1923, pp.173264 , is an excellent study of these routes. 《淮南子》，第 18 卷，第 27 页。L. Aurousscau，“La première conquête chinoise des pays annamites （IIIe siècle avant notre èrc）”，BEFEO，1923 年，第 173264 页，是对这些路线的出色研究。
In Huai-nan Tzu, 18, pp. 27-28, there is mentioned the success of the Yüchs of Tongking in a battle in which the Ch’in general, T’u Sui, was killed and a few hundred thousand men were wounded or died. Huai-nan Wang, the Han prince Liu An, was putting forth a case against Han intervention in Yüeh affairs about eighty years later (c. 138 B.C.) and might have, therefore, exaggerated the success of the Yüchs. But his memorial shows at least the nature of the resistance that faced the Ch 'in armies. See also Han Shu, 64A, 2a-6b. 在《淮南子》第 18 期，第 27-28 页中，提到了东京裕氏在一场战役中的胜利，秦军将军德穗被杀，数十万人受伤或死亡。大约八十年后（约公元前 138 年），汉王怀南王提出了反对汉干预越氏事务的案例，因此可能夸大了越氏的成功。但他的纪念碑至少显示了 Ch 'in 军队所面临的抵抗的性质。另见 Han Shu， 64A， 2a-6b.
Shih Chi, 6, 17a. 西施，6,17a。
Min-chung, Nanhai and Kwei-lin were roughly equivalent to the modern provinces of Fukien, Kwangtung and Kwangsi respectively. There is, however, considerable difficulty about locating the commandery capital of Hsiang. This was the largest and least subdued area and included Tongking, southern Kwangsi and western Kwangtung and the northern half of the Annam coast. The capital has been variously located in southern Kwangsi, western Kwangtung and Tongking and among those who have joined in the controversy are great scholars like Ku Chieh-kang and Shih Nien-hai, Maspero and Aurousseau. There is more or less agreement now that Tongking was the likely place for the capital and the most recent historical atlas published in Chinese puts Hisiang near Hanoi. See, Ch’eng Kuang-yü and Hsü Sheng-mo, Chung-kuo Li-shih Ti-l’u Chi, Vol. I, p.13. 民中省、南海省和贵林省分别大致相当于现代的福建省、广东省和广西省。然而，确定郡都湘的选址存在相当大的困难。这是最大和最不受控制的地区，包括东京、广西南部和广东西部以及安南海岸的北半部。首都位于广西南部、广东西部和东京，加入争议的人包括古杰康和施念海、马斯佩罗和奥鲁索等伟大学者。现在或多或少地同意，东京可能是首都的所在地，最近出版的中文历史地图集将日香放在河内附近。见郑光玉、许胜模，《忠国李世帝律志》，第一卷，第13页。
Shith Chi, 113, la. Shith Chi，113 岁，洛杉矶。
L. Aurousscau, op, cit., pp, 239-41, analyses the rise of the native dynasty of Shu in Tongking and then the expansion of Nan Yüeh towards the west and south-west. As for Tung Ou and Min Yüeh, neither seems to have had great trading importance. L. Aurousscau， op， cit.， pp， 239-41， 分析了蜀国在东京的崛起，然后是南悦朝向西和西南的扩张。至于 Tung Ou 和 Min Yüeh，他们似乎都没有很大的贸易重要性。
The trend was not to be easily reversed. By Han Wu-ti’s reign, the rise of trade and industry had begun to effect changes in the administration. Several successful businessmen and salt and iron industrialists were appointed to direct the national economy, and particularly to increase the imperial revenues to pay for the wars in the north, west and south. It was hoped that the new lands of the empire would justify their conquest and add to the revenues. And in the case of the coastal areas of Kwangtung and Tongking, the natives were made to deliver some of their products to the local authorities who in turn arranged to sell the goods under the supervision of a department of the central government. In this way, the government gained some of the profits previously accruing to “the travelling traders and resident merchants”. ^(3){ }^{3} 这种趋势并不容易逆转。到韩武帝统治时期，贸易和工业的兴起已经开始影响政府的变化。几位成功的商人和盐铁工业家被任命指导国民经济，特别是增加帝国收入以支付北部、西部和南部的战争费用。人们希望帝国的新土地能够证明他们的征服是合理的，并增加收入。在广东和东京沿海地区，当地人被要求将他们的一些产品运送到地方当局，地方当局反过来安排在中央政府的一个部门的监督下销售这些货物。通过这种方式，政府获得了以前属于“旅行商人和居民商人”的部分利润。 ^(3){ }^{3}
Han Wu-ti died in 87 B.C. For more than twenty years before his death the southern coastal areas had had their trade supervised by officials of the central government and contributed to the imperial revenues. After the death of this energetic emperor, however, there was a strong reaction against all kinds of trading, certainly against any extension of commercial activity. The climax of several years of controversy about the value of state trading came in 81 B.C. when most of the measures of Sang-hung Yang, the ablest of Han Wu-ti’s finance experts, were discontinued. ^(4){ }^{4} The controversy was so important that a collection of contemporary essays on the subject was preserved and this remained a vital factor in Chinese economic thought for centuries afterwards. ^(3){ }^{3} 韩武帝于公元前 87 年去世。在他去世前的二十多年里，南部沿海地区的贸易一直受到中央政府官员的监督，并为帝国的收入做出了贡献。然而，在这位精力充沛的皇帝去世后，人们强烈反对各种贸易，当然反对任何商业活动的扩展。关于国家贸易价值的几年争论达到高潮，发生在公元前 81 年，当时韩武帝最能干的金融专家杨尚鸿的大部分措施都停止了。 ^(4){ }^{4} 这场争论是如此重要，以至于保存了一本关于该主题的当代论文集，这在之后的几个世纪里仍然是中国经济思想的一个重要因素。 ^(3){ }^{3}
None of these essays actually touch upon the problem of the exploitation of the resources of the newly-conquered territories like Nan Yüeh, so we cannot say how the economy of the coastal areas was affected. What we do know is that the whole area was much neglected and the seven main commanderies created there were never placed in the hands of powerful court officials. When Nan Yüeh was conquered, the chiel Yüeh officials who had supported the Chinese were given hereditary titles of marquis of various grades and made to remain at the Han capital. Others might have stayed in the south to help the Chinese rule over the Yüehs but none of them rose above the 这些文章都没有真正涉及像南悦这样新征服的领土的资源开发问题，因此我们不能说沿海地区的经济受到了怎样的影响。我们所知道的是，整个地区被严重忽视，在那里建立的七个主要指挥官从未掌握在有权势的朝廷官员手中。南悦被征服后，支持中国的首官悦官被授予各等级侯爵的世袭头衔，并被要求留在汉都。其他人可能留在南方帮助中国统治 Yuehs 人，但他们都没有超越
level of the local office. The one native of Nan Yüeh who rose to the position of head of a commandery was a son of one of the surrendered Yüeh marquis and he was executed in 77 B.C. for having dealt in the slave trade and having earned illegally more than one million in cash. ^(@){ }^{\circ} 当地办事处的级别。南悦本地人升任郡长，是投降的悦侯的儿子之一，他于公元前 77 年因从事奴隶贸易并非法赚取超过 100 万现金而被处决。 ^(@){ }^{\circ}
It seems clear that in the first century of Chinese rule over the Yüch territories, the new southern commanderies were not fully integrated with the rest of the imperial administration but treated rather like colonies in which a small Chinese population had to live in the midst of various tribes of natives. Officials who were appointed to these remote places were usually those who had failed to get a better office and some of them might have remained in the area all their lives. These officials were protected by sections of the imperial armies recruited in commanderies immediately to the north in addition to their own troops of private retainers. Local levies of men were also raised but they were unreliable when there were large-scale local revolts. The local Chinese population could be depended upon for some financial help if their lives and property were involved but many were likely to have supported the natives against avaricious and oppressive officials. 很明显，在中国统治于赫领土的第一世纪，新的南方郡并未与其他帝国行政机构完全融合，而是被视为殖民地，其中一小群中国人口不得不生活在不同的土著部落中。被任命到这些偏远地区的官员通常是那些未能获得更好的办公室的人，他们中的一些人可能一辈子都留在该地区。这些官员除了他们自己的私人家臣部队外，还受到在北方各领地招募的帝国军队的保护。当地也提高了征兵率，但在发生大规模的地方起义时，这些征兵并不可靠。如果涉及到他们的生命和财产，当地的华人可以依靠一些经济帮助，但许多人很可能支持当地人反对贪婪和压迫性的官员。
In addition to the heads of commanderies, there was a sort of Inspector-General. ^(7){ }^{7} His office was at Lui-lou, the capital of the Chiaochil commandery in Tongking - to the west of the modem city of Hanoi - but he was expected to supervise the work of all the commanderies. Why he was stationed at Lui-lou (Hanoi) and not at P’an-yü (Canton), the capital of the Nan Yüeh kingdom, has been the subject of some speculation. One of the reasons may have been that the Tongking delta area was much more heavily populated as may be seen in the following table of the registered households and persons in the year A.D. 2, that is, after 113 years of Chinese administration. ^(3){ }^{3} 除了各司令部的首长之外，还有一种监察长。 ^(7){ }^{7} 他的办公室设在东京嘉池贼郡的首府雷楼，位于现代城市河内的西面，但他需要监督所有郡的工作。为什么他驻扎在河内雷楼而不是南悦王国的首都潘玉（广州），这一直是一些猜测的主题。其中一个原因可能是东京三角洲地区的人口要密集得多，如下表所示，即公元 2 年，即中国统治 113 年之后的登记住户和人口。 ^(3){ }^{3}
But these figures are misleading since they represent only the population that had been registered and that was, therefore, taxable. The explanation for the high figures in Chiao-chih commandery is probably the simple one that the presence of the Inspector-General produced greater efficiency in the commandery staff. Or what was likely, the greater density of agricultural population in the Red River delta also made registration easier. All the same, it remains possible that Chiao-chih was chosen as the capital of the Inspector-General’s circuit for economic and strategic reasons. 但这些数字具有误导性，因为它们仅代表已登记的人口，因此应纳税。对 Chiao-chih 郡高数字的解释可能很简单，即监察长的存在提高了郡部工作人员的效率。或者，红河三角洲农业人口密度的提高也可能使登记更容易。尽管如此，巧智仍有可能出于经济和战略原因而被选为总检察长巡回赛的首都。
Strategically, the wealthy coasts of Annam could hardly be defended from Canton. Economically, the luxury products of Tongking and Annam were probably more abundant, that is, the articles of trade deriving from rare birds, strange animals and tropical plants. Certainly, the trade in the much desired pearls of Ho-p’u, on the eastern shores of the Gulf of Tongking, could be more easily controlled from Chiaochil, on the opposite shore, than from Canton far to the east. All this is confirmed by the well-developed western route between Hanoi and the Yanglse via the modern provinces of Kwangsi and Hunan and by the fact that our first references to the Nanhai trade show that the ports of embarkation for the Nanhai were all on the shores of the Gulf of Tongking. ^(9){ }^{9} 从战略上讲，安南富裕的海岸几乎无法抵御广州的防御。从经济上讲，东京和安南的奢侈品可能更丰富，即来自珍稀鸟类、奇异动物和热带植物的贸易物品。当然，位于东京湾东岸的河埔（Ho-p'u）的珍珠贸易，比从远在东边的广州更容易控制。河内和扬色之间发达的西线，途经现代的广西省和湖南省，以及我们第一次提到南海贸易的事实都证实了南海的登船港口都在东京湾沿岸。 ^(9){ }^{9}
In the previous chapter, it was pointed out that the Chinese historians were not interested in the relations between the kingdom of Nan Yüch and the other countries to its south. It is necessary to say now that the sources we have for the century after the conquest of Nan Yüch are also silent, not only about Chinese relations with the countrics to the south, but also about Chinese activity in the seven new commanderies added to the empire in 111 B.C. This has made it very difficult for us to picture the economic development of the coasts and the nature of commercial activity there. Therefore, the only piece of information about the seaborne trade which has survived has caused considerable speculation and analysis. This is the well-known passage from the Han Shu (the history of the Han dynasty), by Pan Ku, completed about A.D. 80, a work based largely on the actual records of the Han dynasty. Before this passage is examined here, a note of warning should be made. There has been some doubt about the 在前一章中，指出中国历史学家对南玉王国与其南部其他国家之间的关系不感兴趣。现在有必要说，我们所拥有的关于征服南榉赫后一个世纪的资料也是沉默的，不仅关于中国与南方各郡的关系，而且关于中国在公元前 111 年加入帝国的七个新郡中的活动。这使得我们很难想象沿海地区的经济发展和那里商业活动的性质。因此，唯一幸存下来的关于海上贸易的信息引起了相当大的猜测和分析。这是潘酷 （Pan Ku） 创作的《汉书》（Han Shu Shi of Han Dynasty） 中著名的一段话，完成于公元 80 年左右，主要基于汉朝的实际记录。在这里审查这段经文之前，应该做一个警告。人们对
authenticity of the passage and there are suspicions that the passage was interpolated in the Han Shu and was not the work of Pan Ku himself. ^(10){ }^{10} I have not been able to dispute or confirm this and will not burden this text with the reasons why. From a close examination of the passage itself, there is cvery reason to believe that the passage correctly describes the conditions and developments on the southern coasts even if it might not have been originally in the Han Shu. As the passage is a very important one, it has been included here in full as follows. ^(11){ }^{11} 这段话的真实性，有人怀疑这段话是在《汉书》中插入的，而不是潘古本人的作品。 ^(10){ }^{10} 我无法对此提出异议或确认，也不会向本文说明原因。从对这段话本身的仔细研究来看，我们有理由相信这段话正确地描述了南方沿海的情况和发展，即使它最初可能不在汉书中。由于这段话是一段非常重要的文章，因此它被完整地包括在这里，如下所示。 ^(11){ }^{11}
From the barriers of lin-nan [that is, from] Hsü-wen and Ho-p’u, going by boat for about five months, there is the kingdom of Tuyüan. 从林南的障碍[即从]徐温和河埔出发，乘船大约五个月，就是土鸠安王国。
Again, going by boat for about four months, there is the kingdom of I-Iu-mno. 同样，乘船大约四个月，那里是 I-Iu-mno 王国。
Again, going by boat for over twenly days, there is the kingdom of Shen-li. 同样，乘船走了二十多天，那里是神礼王国。
Travelling on foot for over ten days, there is the kingdom of Fu-kan-tu-lu. 步行十多天，有福坎图鲁王国。
From Fu-kan-tu-lu, going by boat for over two months, there is the kingdom of Huang-chih. The customs of the people there resemble those of Chu-yai [Hainan Island]. 从福坎土路出发，乘船两个多月，就是黄池王国。那里的人们的习俗类似于 Chu-yai [海南岛]。
These countries are very large and populous and are full of strange things. They have all come with tribute ever since the time of the emperor Wu-ti. 这些国家非常大，人口众多，到处都是奇怪的东西。自武帝时代以来，他们都带着贡品来了。
There are chief interpreters attached to the Yellow Gate [eunuchs serving in the palace] who go to sea with the men who answer their appeal [for a crewl’z to buy bright pearls, pi-liu-li [opaque glassi, ^(13){ }^{13} rare stones and strange things, taking with them gold and various fine silks to offer in exchange for [the foreign products]. In ail the countries they reach, the people supply them with food and keep them company. 黄门有首席翻译[在宫中服务的太监]，他们与响应他们请求的人一起出海[要求船员购买明亮的珍珠、pi-liu-li[不透明的玻璃[不透明的玻璃][ ^(13){ }^{13} 稀有宝石和奇特的东西]，并带上黄金和各种精美的丝绸来交换[外国产品]。在他们到达的国家，人们为他们提供食物并陪伴他们。
The merchant ships of the barbarians are used to transfert * them Ithe Chinesel to their destination. The barbarians also profit by the trade and by plundering and killing people. 野蛮人的商船被用来将他们运送到目的地。野蛮人还通过贸易和掠夺和杀戮来获利。
Moreover [the Chinese travellers] must face the hazards of wind and wave, and may die by drowning. Those who do not die take many years to go and come back. 而且，[中国旅行者]必须面对风浪的危险，可能会溺水而死。那些没有死的人需要很多年才能去和回来。
The circumference of large pearls are about two ts’un la Chinese inchl or less. 大珍珠的周长约为 2 ts'un la 中国英升或更小。
On the basis of this passage, it has been suggested in the last chapter that within a few decades of the conquest of Nan Yüeh there was tradc with India. The important phrase is “ever since the time of the emperor Wu-ti”, that is, at the latest, since the time of the death of the emperor in 87 B.C. But this is part of the very sentence which has led scholars to wonder if the whole passage had been interpolated in the Hon Shu. For the full sentence says that the five countries of Tuyüan, I-lu-mo, Shen-li, Fu-kan-tu-lu and Yuang-chih had all come with tribute. As tributes from foreign countries are important state events, it is surprising that nowhere else in the IIan Shu can there be found any reference to them. The one and only mission which is recorded is that from Huang-chih in the reign of the emperor Ping-ti, that is, in A.D. 2, nearly ninety years after Emperor Wu-ti’s death. ^(15){ }^{15} The passage then is probably wrong about the information that all these countries had sent tribute since Wu-ti’s reign. The lact that Huang-chih, the furthest of the five kingdoms mentioned, had sent a mission might have prompled the author of this passage, whether it was Pan Ku or not, to conclude that the others must have also done so. And the fact that the kingdoms were known to the Chinese since the time of Emperor Wu-ti made the author think that the tributes had come as early as during his reign. If the error of logic lay there, then it is probable that because of the early trading contacts, the kingdoms became known to the Chinese from the beginning of the first century B.C. 根据这段话，上一章已经提出，在征服南悦的几十年内，与印度发生了贸易往来。重要的短语是“自武帝时代以来”，即最迟从公元前 87 年皇帝去世以来。但这句话的一部分，让学者们怀疑整段话是否入了《本书》中。因为整句话说，土鹦、一鲁墨、神里、福坎土鲁和元池五国都带着贡品而来。由于外国的贡品是重要的国家事件，令人惊讶的是，在《二安书》的其他地方找不到任何关于它们的参考资料。唯一被记录下来的任务是从平帝在位的黄池开始，即公元 2 年，武帝去世近九十年后。 ^(15){ }^{15} 那么这段话可能关于所有这些国家自乌帝统治以来都送贡的信息是错误的。黄池是上述五个王国中最遥远的王国，他派出使团，这可能使这段话的作者，无论是否是潘库，都得出结论，其他人一定也这样做了。而这些王国从武帝时代就为中国人所知的事实使作者认为，这些贡品早在他统治期间就已经出现了。如果逻辑错误在于此，那么很可能由于早期的贸易接触，这些王国从公元前 1 世纪初就为中国所熟知。
It is possible to confirm this by considering the tribute mission from Huang-chilh in A.D. 2. Most historians place Huang-chith in South India (probably Kanci) and there is very little reason to doubt this. ^(16){ }^{16} For official relations to have been established with such a distant country, there must have been at least commercial contact with some of the areas nearer the Chinese coast and between China and South India. On this basis, it may be claimed that there was trade between Han China and the countrics of the Nanhai in the years following the fall of Nan Yüeh at the beginning of the first century B.C. and that this trade had been gradually extended to include the areas to the west in India. This would fit in with our picture of Han Wu-ti’s reign as one of commercial expansion and perhaps suggest that, if not for the rejection of his policies after his death, this trade would have 通过考虑公元 2 年黄志的进贡任务，可以证实这一点。大多数历史学家将 Huang-chith 放在南印度（可能是 Kanci），几乎没有理由怀疑这一点。 ^(16){ }^{16} 要与这样一个遥远的国家建立正式关系，至少必须与一些靠近中国海岸以及中国与南印度之间的地区有商业联系。在此基础上，可以说，在公元前 1 世纪初南悦灭亡后的几年里，汉朝中国与南海各郡之间存在贸易，并且这种贸易已逐渐扩展到印度西部地区。这与我们对韩武帝的统治是商业扩张的描述相吻合，也许可以表明，如果不是他死后拒绝了他的政策，这种贸易就会
advanced more rapidly. Certainly, by the second half of the first century B.C., the trade had reached the Indian Ocean. 进展更快。当然，到公元前 1 世纪下半叶，贸易已经到达印度洋。
A point which has been observed before is that the ports of disembarkation were not in the delta area around modern Hanoi nor around modern Canton, but on the northern and eastern coasts of the Gulf of Tongking. These ports, Hsü-wen and Ho-p’u, both in western Kwangtung, ^(17){ }^{17} were never important again after the Han dynasty and, from the accounts of various and other Yüeh risings against the Han administration of the prefecture of Ho-p’u, it is clear that this was a barbarian centre with very few Chinese inhabitants. ^(18){ }^{18} Why these ports were used has been a little puzzling. It could be that western Kwangtung produced the best Yüeh sailors or that the forcsts of the area were already producing the best woods for shipbuilding. ^(19){ }^{19} But the most likely explanation is that the two ports, having been the centres of pearl-fishing since the Chou dynasty, had become established pearl markcts. ^(20){ }^{20} When it was found that their pearis were inferior to those found in India, which were always described as perfectly round and much larger than the commoner local product, the Chinese had an incentive to develop a sea trade with the countries of the west. This is shown by the special mention in the Han Shu passage of large pearls two ts’un in circumference. It suggests that the initial drive to extend the Nanhai trade had come from the demand for pearls and it was obviously convenient to use the two great pearl markets as the ports of disembarkation. The fact that the ports were never mentioned again as centres of overseas trade ^(21){ }^{21} secms to confirm this argument. Once the sea trade started and new and perhaps more valuable goods were introduced, there was no need to use the pearl markets as trading centres. 以前观察到的一点是，下船港口不在现代河内周围的三角洲地区，也不在现代广州周围，而是在东京湾的北部和东部海岸。这些港口，徐温和河埔，都在广东西部， ^(17){ }^{17} 在汉朝之后就再也没有重要过，而且，从河埔府反对汉政府的各种和其他悦氏起义的描述来看，很明显这是一个中国居民很少的野蛮中心。 ^(18){ }^{18} 为什么使用这些端口有点令人费解。可能是广东西部培养出了最好的 Yueh 水手，或者该地区的军队已经生产了最好的造船木材。 ^(19){ }^{19} 但最可能的解释是，这两个港口自周朝以来一直是采珠中心，现已成为成熟的珍珠市场。 ^(20){ }^{20} 当发现他们的 pearis 不如印度发现的 pearis 时，印度总是被描述为完美的圆形，比普通的当地产品大得多，中国人有动力与西方国家发展海上贸易。汉书中特别提到的周长为 2 ts'un 的大珍珠就证明了这一点。这表明，扩大南海贸易的最初驱动力来自对珍珠的需求，使用两大珍珠市场作为下船港口显然很方便。这些港口从未再次被提及为海外贸易 ^(21){ }^{21} 教派中心的事实证实了这一论点。一旦海上贸易开始，新的、也许是更有价值的商品被引入，就没有必要将珍珠市场用作贸易中心。
The Hon Shu passage gives a list of places visited and the time taken to reach them but very little else. The identification of these places has been extremely difficult and there is no unamimity about their location. Only the suggestion that Huang-chih is Kanci in South India, near Conjeeveram, has received the support of most scholars. As for the other places, the identifications have been ingenious but unconvincing and there is little point in burdening this text with the controversies. ^(22){ }^{22} Until archaeologists have done more work in the Malay Peninsula and the archipclago, there is little possibility of charting these places on maps. Shen-li and Fu-kan-tu-lu, however, are interesting. Hon Shu 段落列出了访问过的地方以及到达这些地方所花费的时间，但除此之外几乎没有其他内容。确定这些地方非常困难，而且关于它们的位置并没有达成一致。只有 Huang-chih 是南印度 Conjeeveram 附近的 Kanci 的说法得到了大多数学者的支持。至于其他地方，这些鉴定很巧妙，但没有说服力，让这篇文章背负争议没有什么意义。 ^(22){ }^{22} 在考古学家在马来半岛和群岛进行更多工作之前，在地图上绘制这些地方的可能性很小。然而，Shen-li 和 Fu-kan-tu-lu 很有趣。
They were ten days’ journey from each other by land; Shen-li was about nine months and twenty days from the Chinese ports and Fu-kan-tu-Iu over two months from South India. Such a short land-route en route between China and India brings to mind the narrow neck of the Malay Peninsula, with Shen-li on the east coast and Fu-kan-tu-lu on the west coast. The sea trade of this period then could have been carried slowly along the coast, and an overland trip of ten days must have appeared more attractive than a long voyage down the east coast of the Malay Peninsula and then up the Straits of Malacca. This did not mean that the straits was not used; in fact, the Han cnvoys to Huang-chin in A.D. 1-51-5 returned to China via P’i-tsung, an island probably situated somewhere in the straits. ^(3){ }^{3} The directions given in the Han Shu passage, however, suggest that the regular route at this time was overland via the neck of the Malay Peninsula. 他们从陆地相距十天;神里距离中国港口大约九个月零二十天，而福坎图瑶距离南印度两个多月。中国和印度之间如此短的陆路路线让人想起马来半岛的狭窄颈部，东海岸是神里，西海岸是福坎土路。当时的海上贸易可以沿着海岸缓慢进行，十天的陆路旅行肯定比沿着马来半岛东海岸然后沿着马六甲海峡的长途航行更具吸引力。这并不意味着海峡没有被使用;事实上，公元 1-51-5 1 年前往黄钦的汉人通过 P'i-tsung 返回中国，P'ti-tsung 是一个可能位于海峡某处的岛屿。 ^(3){ }^{3} 然而，汉书航道中给出的指示表明，当时的常规路线是经陆路，经马来半岛的颈部。
No traders are mentioned in the passage, only the eunuchs appointed by the emperor to purchase luxury goods for the court. These eunuchs might have been slaves taken from among the conquered Yüeh peoples for there is evidence that slaves were taken from the southern provinces and that the practice of castrating such slaves persisted late into the T’ang dynasty. ^(24){ }^{24} Such slaves, if they were among the eunuchs chosen to be imperial agents overseas, would have had the advantage of being familiar with the languages of the “barbarians” and would have served well as “chief interpreters”. They recruited men to help them in their task; these mon were presumably soldiers and sailors as well as some of the southern merchants who knew the Nanhai trade. 文章中没有提到商人，只提到了皇帝任命的为宫廷购买奢侈品的宦官。这些太监可能是从被征服的越民族中掳来的奴隶，因为有证据表明奴隶是从南方省份被掳走的，而且阉割这些奴隶的做法一直持续到唐朝后期。 ^(24){ }^{24} 这些奴隶，如果他们是被选为海外帝国代理人的太监之一，就会有熟悉“野蛮人”语言的优势，可以很好地担任“首席翻译”。他们招募人手来帮助他们完成任务;这些孟人可能是士兵和水手，以及一些了解南海贸易的南方商人。
What ships these imperial agents boarded at Hsü-wen or Hop’u is not clear. The statement that the barbarian ships “transferred” them to their destination implies that Chinese ships rook them out on the first leg of the long journey. Some translators have omitted the idea of a “transfer” and suggested that barbarian ships carried them right from the start of the journey. Neither is accurate. Chinese shipping on the South China coast was insignificant at the time; and the passage makes it clear that some transfer must have taken place. The fact is that the chief ships sailing along the China coast were those of the Yüeh. Since the majority of the people of the southern coasts were not sinicised till much later on, in some cases not until the T’ang dynasty, it would be wrong to call the Yüeh sailors and shipbuilders 这些帝国特工在 Hsü-温 或 Hop'u 登上的是什么船尚不清楚。野蛮船只将他们“转移”到目的地的说法暗示中国船只在长途旅行的第一段就把他们赶走了。一些译者省略了“转移”的概念，并认为野蛮人的船只从旅程开始就载着他们。两者都不准确。当时，中国在南中国海岸的航运微不足道;这段话清楚地表明，一定发生了某种转移。事实是，沿着中国海岸航行的主要船只是 Yüeh 的船只。由于南部沿海的大多数人直到很久以后才被汉化，在某些情况下直到唐朝才被汉化，因此称 YÜEH 水手和造船师是错误的
of this early period “Chinese” just because their territories were under Chinese rule. Theirs could well have been the ships which first took the imperial agents out to some Nanhai mart where a transfer was made to barbarian vessels for the rest of the journey. But as the Yüchs had now become the subjects of the Han Empire, the author of the passage might have thought of them as Chinese. In this text, however, it is still necessary to make the distinction between the Yüehs and the Chinese. As for the transfer, it could have taken place after the merchants and their goods had gone overland from Shen-li to Fu-kan-tu-lu. There on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula they were put in foreign ships, very likely those of the South Indians which sailed in the Bay of Bengal. ^(25){ }^{25} Perhaps proto-Cham, Fu-nan or Malay ships were also involved, but there is no reason to suppose that they were supcrior to Yüeh shipping which could certainly have followed the coast as far down as the Gulf of Siam. This route for the imperial agents was probably the nomal route of the ordinary traders. 这个早期时期的“中国人”仅仅因为他们的领土处于中国的统治之下。他们的船只很可能是那些首先将帝国代理人带到南海市场的船只，在那里转移到野蛮人的船只以完成剩下的旅程。但是，由于尤赫人现在已经成为汉帝国的臣民，这段话的作者可能认为他们是中国人。然而，在这篇文章中，仍然有必要区分 Yüehs 和中国人。至于转移，它可能发生在商人和他们的货物从神里经陆路到福坎土路之后。在马来半岛的西海岸，他们被安置在外国船只上，很可能是在孟加拉湾航行的南印度人的船只。 ^(25){ }^{25} 也许原始占族、福南或马来船只也参与其中，但没有理由假设它们是 Yüeh 航运的后盾，Yueh 航运肯定可以沿着海岸一直延伸到暹罗湾。这条帝国代理人的路线可能是普通商人的普通路线。
It has so far been suggested that the trade with South India was an extension of an earlier Nanhai trade. The first important events of the newly extended trade were the despatch of an official mission to Huang-chih with “generous gifts” and a return mission from Huangchin “to offer as tribute a live rhinoceros”. ^(26){ }^{26} This was in the first five years of the Christian era. The record mentioning these missions also refers to a kingdom south of Huang-chih which the Han envoys visited. It has been suggested that this was the first Chinese visit to the island of precious stones, Ceylon, or to another part of South India, possibly Kitthipura (Kitur) up the Cauvery River. ^(27){ }^{27} 到目前为止，有人认为与南印度的贸易是早期南海贸易的延伸。新扩展的贸易的第一个重要事件是派遣官方使团前往黄池，带来“慷慨的礼物”，以及从黄沁返回的使团，“献上一头活犀牛作为贡品”。 ^(26){ }^{26} 那是在基督教时代的头五年。提到这些使团的记录也提到了汉朝使节访问过的黄池以南的一个王国。有人认为，这是中国人第一次访问宝石岛锡兰，或者南印度的另一部分，可能是高韦里河上游的基提普拉 （Kitur）。 ^(27){ }^{27}
The Chinese trade with South India developed when the Han Empire was well past its peak. The Huang-chih mission was the work of Wang Mang, during the years just before he usurped the throne and set up the short-lived and highly controversial H5in dynasty (A.D. 923). From the very start, the new dynasty was unstable. Wang Mang had only a tenuous control over the southern provinces and the southern officials seem to have been left very much to their own devices. Just before he died, the first rebellions against his “reformed” regime had already broken out. Almost immediately, the empire disintegrated into a number of mutually hostile regions. The seven commanderies of the southern coasts were relatively peaceful and the officers waited for the new empire to emerge. Eventually, Liu Hsiu, the founder of the Later 中国与南印度的贸易是在汉帝国早已过了巅峰时期时发展起来的。黄池使团是王莽的工作，在他篡夺皇位并建立短命且极具争议的 H5in 王朝（公元 923 年）之前的几年里。从一开始，新王朝就不稳定。王莽对南方各省的控制微乎其微，南方官员似乎在很大程度上只能自生自灭。就在他去世之前，反对他的“改革”政权的第一次叛乱已经爆发。几乎在一瞬间，帝国就瓦解为许多相互敌对的地区。南部海岸的七个郡相对和平，军官们等待着新帝国的出现。最终，后者的创始人刘秀
Han dynasty (Kuang Wu-ti), clearly established his supremacy over the other regional leaders. He was the brother-in-law of the InspectorGeneral of the seven commanderies and they were both natives of the same commandery. Partly because of this, the southern territories fell easily into his hands in A.D. 29.^(28)29 .^{28} By this time, there had grown the policy of appointing able officials to the south and, since the turn of the century, men like Hsi Kuang had been teaching the Yüeh peoples the rudiments of Chinese civilisation. The founder of the new dynasty appointed the famous Jen Yen to continue with the work of sinicising the people of the Tongking-Annam region. ^(29){ }^{29} 汉朝 （Kuang Wu-ti） 显然确立了他对其他地区领导人的至高无上的地位。他是七郡监察长的姐夫，他们都是同一个郡的本地人。部分正因为如此，南部领土在公元很容易落入他的手中。 29.^(28)29 .^{28} 到这个时候，南方任命有能力的官员的政策已经发展起来，自世纪之交以来，像西光这样的人一直在向岳人民传授中华文明的基本知识。新王朝的创始人任命著名的仁严继续从事东京-安南地区人民的汉化工作。 ^(29){ }^{29}
But the new policy of making the native people more Chinese was not very successful. A few years after Jen Yen was withdrawn from the area, there occurred the great rebellion of Cheng-ts’ c , the extraordinary woman who was the daughter of a native garrison officer. ^(30){ }^{30} This rebellion lasted for nearly three years, lost the empire sixty-five forts in four of the seven commanderies and forced Emperor Kuang-Wu-ti to send one of his foremost generais with a large force to crush it. This general, the famous Ma Yüan, who remained a legendary figure among the native tribes of the south and south-west for centuries, was very successful indeed. At the end of the campaign, he was able to transport more than 300 tribal chieftains out of the region. In the four years he governed the area (A.D. 41-44), he was regarded with such awe by the Yüeh people that there was peace in the area for almost sixty years afterwards. ^(31){ }^{31} 但是，让当地人更加中国化的新政策并不是很成功。在 Jen Yen 从该地区撤离几年后，发生了 Cheng-ts' c 的大叛乱，这位非凡的女性是一位当地驻军军官的女儿。 ^(30){ }^{30} 这场叛乱持续了近三年，帝国失去了七个郡中的四个的 65 个堡垒，并迫使光武帝派遣他最重要的一个宗族率领大军镇压它。这位将军，著名的马元安，几个世纪以来一直是南部和西南部土著部落的传奇人物，确实非常成功。在战役结束时，他能够将 300 多名部落酋长运出该地区。在他统治该地区的四年里（公元 41-44 年），他受到 Yüeh 人的敬畏，以至于该地区在之后的近 60 年里一直保持着和平。 ^(31){ }^{31}
After A.D. 100, the sporadic risings against Chinese authority were easily crushed. It was not until A.D. 136 that the first real threat to imperial authority in about a hundred years came from the southernmost part of the empire. ^(32){ }^{32} During this period, there was no clear policy about the southern commanderies and the administration scems to have been left largely to the discretion of the officials sent there. These officials, usually members of leading northern Chinese familics, were never there for long and were quite content to make their personal fortunes in the trade in native products and foreign goods while they waited for their eventual return to the north. This is clear from the references in Hou Hon Shu which says. 公元 100 年之后，反对中国权威的零星起义很容易被镇压。直到公元 136 年，大约一百年来对帝国权威的第一次真正威胁才来自帝国的最南端。 ^(32){ }^{32} 在此期间，没有关于南方郡和行政场所的明确政策，主要由派往那里的官员自行决定。这些官员通常是中国北方主要家族的成员，他们在那里的时间不长，他们非常满足于在等待最终返回北方的同时，通过本地产品和外国商品的贸易赚取个人财富。这从侯汉树的参考资料中可以清楚地看出。
[As of] old, Chiao-chich has many valuable products like pearls, kingfisher feathers, rhinoceros [homs], elephant [tusks], tortoise- [截至] 古代，Chiao-chich 有许多有价值的产品，如珍珠、翠鸟羽毛、犀牛 [homs]、大象 [象牙]、
shells, various scented woods and beautiful timbers. Most of the governors, one after another, have been corrupt. While on the one hand they presented gifts to the noble and the influential, on the other they accumulated wealth by accepling bribes. [And when] they find their wealth sufficient, they quickly seek to be replaced and transferred elsewhere. For this reason, the junior officials and the people [merchants] are very angry and [often] rebel in protest. ^(33){ }^{33} 贝壳、各种芬芳的木材和美丽的木材。大多数州长，一个接一个，都是腐败的。他们一方面向贵族和有影响力的人赠送礼物，另一方面他们通过收受贿赂来积累财富。当他们发现自己的财富足够时，他们很快就会寻求被取代并转移到其他地方。因此，初级官员和人民 [商人] 非常愤怒，并 [经常] 反抗以抗议。 ^(33){ }^{33}
The policy of sinicisation was abandoned and the administration concerned itself mainly with tax registration and commercial supervision. This administration scems to have been efficient and in A.D. 140, nearly 140 years after the first census of taxable population, the census records the following figures: ^(3-4){ }^{3-4} 放弃了汉化政策，政府主要关注税务登记和商业监管。这种管理方式非常有效，在公元 140 年，即第一次应税人口普查近 140 年后，人口普查记录了以下数字： ^(3-4){ }^{3-4}
If the two commanderies Chiao-chich and Yü-lin had the same average increase in census returns, there would have been the total of more than 400,000 households and well over two million individuals, nearly double the figures quoted earlier for A.D. 2. The very small increases in the two southernmost commanderies of Chiu-chen and Jih-nan are easily explained. Four years earlier, in A.D. 136, the Cham rebellion had lost the empire a great part of the territories of these commanderies and the figures here probably represent urban inhabitants alone. 如果乔赤和玉林两个郡的人口普查申报表平均增加相同，那么总数将超过 400,000 户，远远超过 200 万人，几乎是前面引用的公元 2 年数字的两倍。最南端的邱琛和济南两个郡的涨幅非常小，这很容易解释。四年前，即公元 136 年，占婆叛乱使帝国失去了这些领地的大部分领土，这里的数字可能仅代表城市居民。
The Cham rebellion of A.D. 136 was a landmark in the history of the southern commanderies. The rebels scized most of Jih-nan and parts of Chiu-chen (the Annam area) and their success caused a very serious mutiny in Chiao-chih (Tongking). It caused such alarm at the court that a conference of ministers and northern generals was called to discuss it. In the long debate, it became clear that the empire could 公元 136 年的占婆叛乱是南方各郡历史上的一个里程碑。叛军摧毁了济南的大部分地区和邱镇（安南地区）的部分地区，他们的成功导致了巧池（东京）非常严重的兵变。这在宫廷中引起了如此大的恐慌，以至于召开了一次部长和北方将军会议来讨论它。在漫长的辩论中，很明显，帝国可以
not resort to the old solution of sending a massive force of imperial troops to crush the rebellion. It had enough troubles in both north and central China and could neither afford the men nor the cost. The conference concluded with a decision to send abler senior officials to settle the issue locally. Two men, both with previous experience of rebellions in north and west China, were appointed and a settlement was reached by conceding the Chams most of the lands they had taken. In this way, the revolt was prevented from spreading too far north and a recovery in administration was achieved. ^(35){ }^{35} 而不是采用派遣大量帝国军队镇压叛乱的旧方案。它在华北和华中都遇到了足够多的麻烦，既负担不起人手，也负担不起费用。会议结束时决定派遣更有能力的高级官员在当地解决这一问题。任命了两个人，他们都有在中国北部和西部的叛乱经验，并通过让占婆人获得他们所占领的大部分土地而达成了和解。通过这种方式，防止了起义向北蔓延得太远，并实现了行政管理的恢复。 ^(35){ }^{35}
The importance of this decision to this study lies in the fact that it represented the breakdown of about 250 years’ of Han central control. From this time on, the affairs of the southem commanderies were left more and more to local officials, including Chinese settlers. ^(36){ }^{36} The court sent senior officials from time to time to deal with serious risings when it was clear that the local men were unable to cope with them, for example, Hsia Fang was sent in A.D. 144 and again in 160, Chu Sui in 178 and Chia Tsung in 184.^(37)184 .{ }^{37} When Chu Sui was sent, it is interesting to note that the local head of the commandery had joined the native tebels. 这一决定对本研究的重要性在于，它代表了大约 250 年的汉朝中央控制的崩溃。从那时起，南森郡的事务越来越多地交给地方官员，包括中国定居者。 ^(36){ }^{36} 当当地男子显然无法应付时，朝廷不时派出高级官员来处理严重的起义，例如，夏芳在公元 144 年和公元 160 年被派遣，朱穗在 178 年被派遣，贾宗在 184.^(37)184 .{ }^{37} 朱穗被派遣时，有趣的是，当地的郡长已经加入了当地的特贝尔。
The breakdown in central authority took a turn for the worse in A.D. 184 when the famous rebellion of the Yellow Turbans convulsed the whole of North China. Various court nobles and imperial generals also began to fight one another for the control of the government and eventually the government meant less and less to the remoter provinces of the empire. This was specially significant for the southern commanderies. In the years before A.D. 200, one imperial appointee was forcibly recalled and two killed by either rebels or mutinous officers. ^(38){ }^{38} The whole of the Tongking-Annam region was in the hands of the Shih family who were Chinese settled in the south for nearly two hundred years. This family had, from about A.D. 150, soon after the Han court had decided against military action in the south, spread its influence and authority over the whole area. Shih Hsich, for example, controlled the commandery of Chiao-chih for forty years until his death in A.D. 226. ^(39){ }^{39} During this period, the empire was cut up by ambitious men and there was no question of replacing him. After 210, however, one of these men, Sun Ch’üan, emerged as the most powerful in South China and sent one of his officers to be Inspector-General at Canton. ^(+0){ }^{+0} Still, there was no possibility of 中央权威的崩溃在公元 184 年恶化，当时著名的黄巾叛乱震惊了整个华北地区。各种宫廷贵族和帝国将领也开始为争夺政府的控制权而相互争斗，最终政府对帝国较偏远省份的意义越来越小。这对南方的领地来说尤其重要。在公元 200 年之前的几年里，一名帝国任命的人被强行召回，两人被叛乱或叛乱的军官杀害。 ^(38){ }^{38} 整个东京-安南地区都在石氏家族手中，石氏家族是定居在南方的中国人，已有近 200 年的历史。大约从公元 150 年开始，在汉朝廷决定反对在南方采取军事行动后不久，这个家族就将其影响力和权威扩展到整个地区。例如，施西控制了乔池郡四十年，直到他于公元 226 年去世。 ^(39){ }^{39} 在此期间，帝国被野心勃勃的人瓜分，没有取代他的问题。然而，在 210 年之后，其中一位孙楚成为华南地区最有权势的人，并派遣他的一名官员担任广州总督察。 ^(+0){ }^{+0} 尽管如此，还是不可能
interfering in Tongking-Annam. Instead, Chiao-chih had become one of the best governed commanderies in the empire and a place of refuge for many distinguished northern families. With these refugee families, the area had a new source of official recruitment and also became a new centre of learning. ^(41){ }^{41} Presumably the area also became more prosperous and this prosperity made it possible for great strides in overseas trade to be made in the period of the Three Kingdoms when the southern ports came under the control of the Kingdom of Wu (220-280). 干预 Tongking-Annam。相反，巧池已成为帝国治理最好的郡之一，也是许多显赫的北方家族的避难所。有了这些难民家庭，该地区就有了新的官方招募来源，也成为了一个新的学习中心。 ^(41){ }^{41} 据推测，该地区也变得更加繁荣，这种繁荣使得在三国时期，当南方港口被吴国（220-280 年）控制时，海外贸易取得了长足的进步。
The brief summary of the developments in the southern commanderies after the fall of the former Han Empire in A.D. 9 is made here mainly in anticipation of the later growth of the Nanhai trade. For in the history of both the Hsin dynasty (A.D. 9-23) and the Later Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220), there is no direct reference to the sea trade. Only in the brief reference to various tribute missions from the kingdoms of Shan, Yeh-t’iao, T’ien-chu and Ta-ch’in ^(42){ }^{42} is it clear that trading relations continued between China and the countries to the south and the west. These references tell us nothing about the nature and extent of the overseas trade. The places mentioned cannot even be located exactly. All that a number of scholars have been able to say is that T’ien-chu was in northern India and Ta-ch’in in the Eastern Roman Empire while the kingdom of Shan might have been in Burma. ^(43){ }^{43} There is strong disagreement, however, over the kingdom of Yeh-t’iao. Some schoiars think that it could have been Ceylon (Sihadvipa) and others Java-Sumatra (Yavadvipa). ^(44){ }^{44} 这里简要总结了公元 9 年前汉帝国灭亡后南方郡地的发展，主要是为了预测南海贸易后来的增长。因为在兴朝（公元 9-23 年）和后汉（公元 25-220 年）的历史中，都没有直接提到海上贸易。只有在简要提及来自掸国、叶台尧、天初和大钦王国的各种贡品使团时，才能清楚地看出中国与南方和西方国家之间的贸易关系仍在继续。 ^(42){ }^{42} 这些参考资料并没有告诉我们海外贸易的性质和范围。提到的地方甚至无法准确定位。许多学者所能说的只是，天初在印度北部，大钦在东罗马帝国，而掸王国可能在缅甸。 ^(43){ }^{43} 然而，对于 Yeh-t'iao 王国存在强烈分歧。一些学者认为可能是锡兰 （Sihadvipa） 和其他人是爪哇-苏门答腊 （Yavadvipa）。 ^(44){ }^{44}
The trade with the Shan kingdom was chiefly by land, over the Burma border into Yünnan, but one mission appears to have come by sea in A.D. 132. ^(45){ }^{45} Trade with T’icn-chu and Ta-ch’in was also mostly by land through Central Asia, but two missions came by sea from T’ien-chu in 159 and 161. One, professedly from Ta-ch’in, came in 166^(.48)166^{.48} In all the brief references to the four missions, there is no mention of either the routes taken or the ships used to carry the envoys and their goods. If sailing conditions were similar to those a century and a half carlier, they might have been brought to the neck of the Malay Peninsula by Indian ships and then transferred to Funan, Cham or even Yüeh ships. On the other hand, when it is borne in mind to what extent Indian influence was reaching Funan and Lin-yi, the kingdoms just beyond the Han frontier, it must have been 与掸邦的贸易主要是通过陆路，越过缅甸边境进入云南，但公元 132 年有一个任务似乎是通过海路来的。 ^(45){ }^{45} 与天钦和大钦的贸易也主要通过中亚的陆路进行，但在 159 年和 161 年有两次使团从天初通过海路抵达。一个，自称来自大钦，在所有 166^(.48)166^{.48} 对这四个使团的简短提及中，既没有提到所走的路线，也没有提到用来运送使节和他们的货物的船只。如果航行条件与一个半世纪的航行条件相似，它们可能已经被印度船只带到马来半岛的颈部，然后转移到扶南、占婆甚至 Yüeh 船只上。另一方面，当考虑到印度的影响在多大程度上到达了汉朝边境以外的扶南和临沂这两个王国时，它一定是
possible for the missions to go directly to the Gulf of Tongking in Indian ships. 任务可能乘坐印度船只直接前往东京湾。
As for the cargo brought in these ships, nothing is mentioned except the tribute brought from Ta-ch’in. The tribute is described by the records to consist of “elephant tusks, thinoccros horns and tortoiseshells”. These were goods which could easily be found in the IndoChinese peninsula and in the southern Han commanderics, and the envoys who offered them to the Han emperor could have purchased them on the way to the court. The author of the Hou Hon Shu himself queried the authenticity of the mission because the tribute consisted of common goods and it is indeed doubtful whether there were envoys from An-tun, the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antonius. ^(17){ }^{17} 至于这些船运来的货物，除了从大钦带来的贡品外，什么都没有提到。记录描述贡品包括“象牙、薄角和玳瑁”。这些货物在印度支那半岛和南汉的诅区很容易找到，向汉朝皇帝供奉这些货物的使者可以在前往朝廷的路上购买。《侯本书》的作者本人质疑使团的真实性，因为贡品包括普通物品，确实值得怀疑是否有来自安屯的使者，即罗马皇帝马库斯·奥勒留·安东尼乌斯 （Marcus Aurelius Antonius）。 ^(17){ }^{17}
There is also little information about Yeh-t’iao. There are merely the three mentions of the mission of 132.^(48)132 .{ }^{48} It has been suggested that Yeh-t’iao was Java-Sumatra. If this were so, it would have been the first kingdom south of the Malay Peninsula to have official relations with China. ^(**9){ }^{* 9} On the other hand, since Chinese official relations with India had been opened long before this, the mission could also have come from Sihadvipa (Ceylon), an identification made by Fujita Toyohachi, who suggested that Yeh-t’iao was a copyist’s error for Ssut’iao or Ssu-ho-t’iao, both names for Sihadvipa in later records. ^(30){ }^{30} 关于 Yeh-t'iao 的信息也很少。只有三次提到 132.^(48)132 .{ }^{48} Mission 有人认为 Yeh-t'iao 是爪哇-苏门答腊。如果是这样，它将成为马来半岛以南第一个与中国建立正式关系的王国。 ^(**9){ }^{* 9} 另一方面，由于中国与印度的官方关系在此之前很久就已经开放，因此任务也可能来自 Sihadvipa（锡兰），这是藤田丰八 （Fujita Toyohachi） 的鉴定，他认为 Yeh-t'iao 是 Ssut'iao 或 Ssu-ho-t'iao 的抄写错误，这两个名字在后来的记录中都是 Sihadvipa 的名字。 ^(30){ }^{30}
Such references to tribute missions are indirect evidence of an extensive if not intensive trade during the Later Han period. This trade was presumably in luxury goods and probably carried on largely at some mart in the Malay Peninsula (Ptolemy’s Takkola) or at another in either the Guif of Siam or the Gulf of Tongking (Kattigara). ^(51){ }^{51} On the Chinese end of the trade, the main port was definitely in the Chiaochih commandery near modern Hanoi. It is cicar that the early Han ports of Ho-p’u and Hsü-wen had lost their importance by this time. As for Canton, the foreign ships did not appear to have visited it they might have found it inconvenient and unnecessary to travel beyond Chiao-chilh where the merchants could already trade easily, There was Yüeh coastal shipping and some of the goods could have been brought to Canton on the local ships and it is known that there was even a coastal route via Chckiang to the north. ^(52){ }^{52} The main route to the Han capital of Lo-yang was, of course, overland via Kwei-lin and south-western Hunan or via Canton and south-western Kiangsi. 这种对贡品使团的提及间接证明了后汉时期的广泛贸易，如果不是密集的话。这种贸易可能是奢侈品，可能主要在马来半岛的某个市场（托勒密的 Takkola）或暹罗的吉夫或东京湾（Kattigara）的某个市场进行。 ^(51){ }^{51} 在贸易的中国端，主要港口肯定在现代河内附近的 Chiaochih 指挥部。据说，早期汉朝的 Ho-p'you 和 Hsü-温 港口此时已经失去了重要性。至于广州，外国船只似乎没有访问过它，他们可能觉得离开 Chiao-chilh 很不方便，也没有必要去那里，那里的商人已经可以很容易地进行贸易，那里有 Yüeh 沿海航运，一些货物可以用当地的船只运到广州，众所周知，甚至有一条经 Chckiang 向北的沿海路线。 ^(52){ }^{52} 当然，前往汉都洛阳的主要路线是经桂林和湖南西南部的陆路，或者经广州和江西南。
The overseas trade was not one of much importance for the Chinese or else the Hou Han Shu and other Later Han sources would have made some reference to it. Much more important was the older trade of the Chinese coasts between Annam and the mouth of the Yangtse. This trade was so much a part of the Chinese economy that there was rarcly any need to refer to it. The focus of this trade was Chiao-chih. Chiao-chih had two sources of wealth: its own products and the products of the Nanhai trade. While the distant sea trade with the Indian Ocean became increasingly important for the areas and peoples by the Gulf of Siam and the Straits of Malacca, it was still very small indeed for the Chinese, especially when compared with the trade on the coasts of the South China Sea. It was not until the following period when China was largely cut off from overland contact with the West and South China became part of an independent kingdom that steps were taken to extend the Nanhai trade. 海外贸易对中国人来说并不重要，否则《后汉书》和其他后汉资料会有所提及。更重要的是安南和长江口之间中国沿海的古老贸易。这种贸易是中国经济的一部分，因此几乎不需要提及它。这项贸易的重点是 Chiao-chih。侨志有两个财富来源：自己的产品和南海贸易的产品。虽然与印度洋的远洋贸易对暹罗湾和马六甲海峡沿岸的地区和人民来说变得越来越重要，但对中国人来说，它确实仍然非常小，尤其是与南中国海沿岸的贸易相比。直到接下来的时期，中国与西方的陆路接触基本中断，华南成为独立王国的一部分，才采取措施扩大南海贸易。
Endnotes 尾注
Han Shu, 24A, 9a; translation N.L. Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, pp. 161-2. 韩澍，24A，9a;N.L. Swann 翻译，《古代中国的食物与金钱》，第 161-2 页。
Han Shu, 24A, 8a; see also N.L. Swann, op. cit. p. 246 and n. 432. 韩澍，24A，8a;另见 N.L. Swann，见上，第 246 页和第 432 页。
Hon Shu, 2413, 14b-15a; also 24B, 9a. See N.L. Swann, op. cit. pp. 2523 and n. 453; pp. 271-2 and 314-6. Cf. the chapter on Han social and economic revolution in C.F. Fitzgerald, China, Lendon, 1935, pp. 15971. Hon Shu， 2413， 14b-15a;另见 24B， 9a。参见 N.L. Swann，见上引，第 2523 页和第 453 页;第 271-2 页和第 314-6 页。参见 C.F. Fitzgerald in China， Lendon， 1935， pp. 15971 中关于汉族社会和经济革命的章节。
Yen-tieh Lun (Discourses on salt and iron). There is a translation of this by E.M. Gale published at Leiden in 1931. Yen-tieh Lun（盐与铁论述）。1931 年，E.M. Gale 在莱顿出版了这本报告的译本。
Han Shu, 17, Table 5 on the marquisates. Han Shu， 17， 表 5 关于侯爵。
The normal translation of the office of ch’ih-shih is “Prefect”, but that is more suitable for later periods like the T’ang. In Han times, the functions of the chin-shih were more like that of an Inspector-General. “智师”的正常翻译是“知府”，但这更适合于后期，如唐朝。在汉代，镇师的职能更像是监察长。
Han Shu, 28B, section from Nanhai to Jih-nan. The date A.D. 2 is given in the section on the Metropolis. Chang-an, in Han Shu 28B. Han Shu，28B，从南海到吉南的路段。公元 2 年的日期在大都会一节中给出。长安，《汉书》28B。
Han Shu, 28B, 32a; translated in full later in this chapter. 韩澍，28B，32a;在本章后面进行了完整翻译。
From discussions with Dr Denis Twitchett of the University of Cambridge. 来自与剑桥大学的 Denis Twitchett 博士的讨论。
Han Shu, 28B, 32a-b. Other translations of this passage may be found in the review of Hirth and Rockhill’s Chau Ju-kua by Paul Pelliot in Toung Pao, XIII. 1912, pp. 457-9; in Journal Asiatique, May-June 1919, pp. 451-5 by G. Ferrand; and in the Journal of the Burmese Research Society, Vol. XIV (1924), Part II, pp. 97-9 by G.H. Luce. 韩书，28B，32a-b。这段话的其他译本可以在保罗·佩利奥特 （Paul Pelliot） 在《东报》第十三章中对赫斯和罗克希尔的《周菊夸》的评论中找到。1912 年，第 457-9 页;1919 年 5 月至 6 月的《亚洲杂志》，第 451-5 页，作者 G. Ferrand;以及 G.H. Luce 的《缅甸研究学会杂志》，第 XIV 卷（1924 年），第二部分，第 97-9 页。
I agree with G.H. Luce’s rendering of this, though the phrase “for a crew” is really implied and not stated; G.H. Luce, op. cit., p. 98. 我同意 G.H. Luce 对此的翻译，尽管“for a crew”这句话实际上是暗示的，并没有说明;G.H. Luce，同上，第 98 页。
Both in TTien, 1007 B and TK’ao 2600A, in the section on Huang-chih, there is mention of jade, but this was a later addition in the TTien which was then copied into the TK’oo. 在 TTien， 1007 B 和 TK'ao 2600A 中，在关于黄池的部分都提到了玉，但这是后来在 TTien 中加入的，然后被复制到 TK'oo 中。
This is based on the paraphrase made by Chinese scholars, especially by Feng Ch’eng-chün in his Chung-kuo Nan-yang Chiao-t’ung Shih (History of Chinese relations with the Nanyang), Shanghai, 1937, p. 2. The translations of Pelliot, Ferrand and Luce omit this important point. They explain it either as foreign ships conveying the Chinese merchants from point to point or as relays of such ships taking the merchants to their destinations. 这是基于中国学者的转述，特别是冯正群在他的《中国与南洋关系史》中的释义，上海，1937 年，第 2 页。Pelliot、Ferrand 和 Luce 的翻译省略了这个重要点。他们将其解释为外国船只将中国商人从一个点运送到另一个点，或者是此类船只将商人带到目的地的中继。
G. Ferrand, “Le k’ouen-louen”, Joumai Asiatique, July-August 1919, pp. 45-6, was the first to propose this. All other studies since have not been able to improve on his work; many of them finally accept his identification, a few with the reservation that Huang-chih was in South India, anyway, if not at Kanci. Among other places suggested were Abyssinia, the Malay Peninsula and Johore. G. Ferrand，“Le k'ouen-louen”，Joumai Asiatique，1919 年 7 月至 8 月，第 45-6 页，是第一个提出这一观点的人。此后的所有其他研究都无法改进他的工作;他们中的许多人最终接受了他的身份证明，少数人保留认为黄智在南印度，无论如何，如果不是在坎慈的话。建议的其他地方包括阿比西尼亚、马来半岛和柔佛州。
Both in the commandery of Ho-p’u, one of the smaller commanderies as may be seen in the table of registered population above. 两者都在 Ho-p'u 的领地，这是较小的领地之一，如上面的登记人口表中所示。
Hou Han Shu, 116, 5a-8b. 后汉书，116,5a-8b。
As late as the Sung dynasty (960-1276), Chou Ch’ü-fei discusses in 1178 the valuable woods for shipbuilding available from this area and their high value in Canton; Ling-wai Tai-fa, p. 63. 直到宋朝（960-1276 年），周楚飞在 1178 年讨论了该地区可用于造船的宝贵木材及其在广州的高价值;《灵外泰法》，第 63 页。
In Chou times, see reference in Shang Shu, 3B, 1a-3a. The ports were still the pearl centres in the Sung dynasty. See Chou Ch’ü-fei, op. cit. pp. 75-6. 在周时代，见《尚书》3B，1a-3a。这些港口仍然是宋朝的珍珠中心。见周秋飞，见上，第 75-6 页。
In the T’ang dynasty, a few Buddhist pilgrims boarded ships to the Nanhai from a port in Western Kwangtung, but that was certainly not a centre of the Nanhai trade; see Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., p. 52. 在唐朝，一些佛教朝圣者从广东西部的一个港口登船前往南海，但那肯定不是南海贸易的中心;见 Feng Ch'eng-chün，同上，第 52 页。
Many scholars have placed Tu-yüan in Sumatra and the other kingdoms in Lower Burma. Fujita Toyohachi’s analysis is the most ingenious; 许多学者将 Tu-yüan 放在苏门答腊和下缅甸的其他王国。藤田丰八的分析是最巧妙的;
translated by Ho Chien-min in Chung-kuo Nan-hai Ku-tai Chiao-tung Ts^(')ung-k^(')a0T s^{\prime} u n g-k^{\prime} a 0 (Studies on ancient Chinese relations with the Nanhai), Shanghai, 1936, pp. 83-117. 何建民翻译于《 Ts^(')ung-k^(')a0T s^{\prime} u n g-k^{\prime} a 0 中国古代与南海关系研究》，上海，1936 年，第 83-117 页。
Han Shu, 2813, 32B. P’i-tsung is possibly the Malay word pisang, so frequently used to name islands in the Malay archipelago. Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit, p. 87 notes that the best known of these was an island just west of the Straits of Singapore. 韩书，2813,32B。P'i-tsung 可能是马来语单词 pisang，因此经常用于命名马来群岛中的岛屿。藤田丰八，见上，第 87 页指出，其中最著名的是新加坡海峡以西的一个岛屿。
I have not been able to consult C. Martin Wilbur’s Slavery in China during the Former Han Dynasty, Field Museum of Natural History, 1943. In Shih Chi, 116, 2a, there is mentioned a trade in barbarian slaves in south-west China in early Han times (also in Han Sha, 28B, 18b), and in Shih Chi, 113,5b, the Nan Yüch Chief Minister, Lü Chia, spoke of Yüeh people who were tricked into going to the Chinese capital where they were sold as slaves. Further, in Han Shu, 17, Table 5 on the marquisates, there is a reference to a head of the Chiu-chen commandery in TongkingAnnam who dcalt in the slave trade. 我没能查阅 C. Martin Wilbur 的《前汉时期中国的奴隶制》，菲尔德自然历史博物馆，1943 年。在《西施》116,2a 中，提到了汉初期中国西南部的野蛮奴隶贸易（也见《汉沙》，28B，18b），在《西施》113,5b 中，南玉赫首席大臣吕家谈到了被骗到中国首都的蛮族人，在那里他们被卖为奴隶。此外，在《汉书》第 17 卷第 5 表关于侯爵的文章中，提到了同景安南的一位邱禅郡长，他从事奴隶贸易。
In I.G. Rideout’s study of eunuchs in the T’ang dynasty (Part I), Ásio Major, 1949, pp. 54-5, there is an account of how barbatians were still captured in Fukien and Kwangtung and sold as eunuchs at the palace. 在 I.G. Rideout 对唐朝太监的研究（第一部分），Ásio Major，1949 年，第 54-5 页中，记述了蛮族如何在福建和广东被俘虏，并在皇宫中作为太监出售。
25. The Chinese might have called these South Indians man-i (southern barbarians) because they did not accept that they were related to the peoples of T’ien-chu or Shen-tu (both names for India) usually known as hu (western peoples). 25. 中国人可能称这些南印度人为 man-i（南方野蛮人），因为他们不接受他们与通常被称为 胡（西方人）的天初或神土（两个印度名称）的人民有关。
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, “The Beginning of Intercourse between India and China”, Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV, 1938, pp. 286-7, mentions a Chinese coin of the second century B.C. found at the Candravalli site at Mysore in 1909 and quotes Taw Sein Ko’s opinion of it from the Mysore Archaeological Report, 1910. The reasons for dating it in the second century B.C. are unconvincing. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri，“印度与中国交往的开端”，《印度历史季刊》，第十四卷，1938 年，第 286-7 页，提到了 1909 年在迈索尔的 Candravalli 遗址发现的一枚公元前 2 世纪的中国硬币，并引用了 Taw Sein Ko 在 1910 年迈索尔考古报告中对它的看法。将其定在公元前 2 世纪的原因并不令人信服。
26. Han Shu, 28B, 32b. As the rhinoceros was highly valued, it must have been of a different species from, if not better than, those easily found near China. This supports the argument that Huang-chil was somewhere in South India, where the large rhinoceros unicornis was once found. 26. 韩书，28B，32b。由于犀牛受到高度重视，它一定与中国附近容易找到的犀牛不同，如果不是更好的话。这支持了黄赤在南印度某个地方的论点，那里曾经发现了大型犀牛独角兽。
27. The identification of Sse-ch’en-pu (I-ch’en-pu or Chi-ch’en-pu) with Sihadvipa (Ceyion) is based on the location of Huang-chich in South India. Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (in Chinese translation), pp. 240 and 27. Sse-ch'en-pu （I-ch'en-pu 或 Chi-ch'en-pu） 与 Sihadvipa （Ceyion） 的鉴定是基于 Huang-chich 在南印度的位置。藤田丰八，见上引，第 240 页和335,n.2335, \mathrm{n} .2, argues for the identification of I-ch’en-pu or Chi-ch’en-pu (and not Sse-ch’en-pu) as Kittipura (Kitur) or Kirtipura, on the banks of the Kabanni tributary of the Cauvery River. ，主张将 I-ch'en-pu 或 Chi-ch'en-pu（而不是 Sse-ch'en-pu）确定为 Kittipura （Kitur） 或 Kirtipura，位于高韦里河的 Kabanni 支流岸边。
28. Hou Han Shu, 47, biography of Ts’en P’eng, where there is also a short note from Tung-kuan Chi, one of the sourcebooks of Later Han history, that the Inspector-General Teng Jang’s wife was the sister of Liu Hsiu’s wife. 28. 侯汉书，47 岁，曾平传，其中还有一篇来自后汉历史资料之一的东宽记的简短说明，指巡察长滕章的妻子是刘秀妻子的妹妹。
29. Hou Han Shu, 106, biography of Jen Yen and 116, section on the Nan Man (southern barbarians). 29. 《侯汉书》，106，仁燕传和 116，关于南蛮（南蛮）的部分。
30. TChien, 43, Chien-wu 15-19 (A.D. 39-43); also Hou Han Shu, 116, passim. 30. TChien， 43， Chien-wu 15-19 （公元 39-43）;又见 Hou Han Shu， 116， passim.
31. Hou Han Shu, 24 and 116 , passim. 31. 后汉书，24 和 116 ，passim。
32. The rebellion of Ch’ü-lin which led to the setting up of the Cham kingdom of Lin-yi. The rebellion began in the southernmost county of Jihn-nan, the county of Hsiang-lin, in Central Annam; Hou Han Shu, 116. 32. 楚林的叛乱导致了临沂占婆王国的建立。叛乱始于安南中部最南端的济南县，即湘林县;侯汉书，116。
33. Hou Han Shu, 61, 14a. This description follows the news of an uprising in A.D. 184 at Ho-p’u and Chiao-chil because of local resentment and the appointment of the incorruptible Chia Tsung as Inspector-General. 33. 《后汉书》，61,14a。这段描述是在公元 184 年河戊和乔齐起义的消息之后发生的，因为当地人的不满和清廉的贾宗被任命为监察长。
34. Hou Han Shu. 33, section on Chiao Chou. 34. 侯汉书。33，关于乔周的章节。
35. Hou Han Shu, 116, passin. 35. 侯汉书，116，passin。
36. In SKCWu, 4, biography of Shih Hsieh; SKCWu, 8, biographics of Hsüeh Tsung and Ch’eng Ping. Also Hou Hon Shu, 116. 36. 在 SKCWu，4 中，Shih Hsieh 的传记;SKCWu， 8， Hsüeh Tsung 和 Ch'eng Ping 的传记。还有侯汉树，116。
37. Hou Han Shu, 116, section on Nan Man: 101, biography of Chu Sui and 61, biography of Chia Tsung. 37. 《侯汉书》，116 页，《南蛮》部分：101，《朱穗传》和 61 页，《贾宗传》。
38. SKCWu, 4, biography of Shih Hsieh; also SKCWu, 8, biography of Hsüeh Tsung. 38. SKCWu，4，施谢传记;还有 SKCWu， 8， Hsüeh Tsung 的传记。
39. SKCWu, 4, biography of Shih Hsieh. 39. SKCWu， 4， Shih Hsieh 传记。
40. SKCWu, 7, biography of Pu Chih. 40. SKCWu，7，Pu Chih 传记。
41. SKCWu, S, biographies of Ch’eng Ping and Hsüeh Tsung. 41. SKCWu， S， Ch'eng Ping 和 Hsüeh Tsung 的传记。
42. Hou Han Shu, 116, 5a-8b, mentions other tribute missions from barbarians south of Jih-nan (south Annam) but these are not named and might have been hill-peoples whose envoy came overland. 42. 《后汉书》，116,5a-8b，提到了济南（南安南）以南的野蛮人的其他贡品使团，但这些人没有命名，可能是使者从陆路来到的山地民族。
43. Hou Han Shu, 116, 16b, says that travelling south-west from the kingdom of Shan one could reach Ta-ch’in, but two other passages group the kingdom with the south-western barbarians of Yüman; Hou Ilan Shu, 4, 9 b and 5, 14a. 43. 《侯汉书》116,16b 说，从掸国向西南行进可以到达大钦，但另外两条通道将王国与西南蛮夷的蛮夷归为一类;侯一兰书，4,9 b 和 5,14a。
44. Yeh-t’iao is thought to be Java or Java-Sumatra by Paul Pelliot, “Deux Itinéraires”, BEFEO, IV, 1904, pp. 226-9; and “Review of Chau /u-kua”, Toung Pco, 1912, pp. 462-3. Others who agree are G. Ferrand (“Yetiao, Sseu tiao et Java”, Journal Asiatique, November-December, 1916, pp. 523-4), B. Laufer (“Asbestos and Salamander”, Toung Pao, 1915, 44. Paul Pelliot 认为 Yeh-t'iao 是 Java 或 Java-Sumatra，“Deux Itinéraires”，BEFEO，IV，1904 年，第 226-9 页;以及“周/u-kua 评论”，Toung Pco，1912 年，第 462-3 页。其他同意的人包括 G. Ferrand（“Yetiao， Sseu tiao et Java”，《亚洲杂志》，1916 年 11-12 月，第 523-4 页）、B. Laufer（“石棉和蝾螈”，同报，1915 年，
30. The Nanhal Trade: Early Chincse Trade in the South China Sea 30. 南哈尔贸易：南中国海的早期中国贸易
p. 351, 373, and “Sc-tiao”. Toung Pao, 1916, p. 390) and Chinese scholars like Feng Ch’eng-chün, op, cit. pp. 6-7. 第 351 页、第 373 页和“Sc-tiao”。Toung Pao， 1916， p. 390）和中国学者，如冯正春，同上，第 6-7 页。
The Japanese scholars led by Fujita Toyohachi think that Yeh-tiao might have been Ceylon, op. cit. (Chinese translation), “Essay on Yeht’ino, Sse-t’iao and Sse-ho-t’iao”, pp. 541-78. 以藤田丰八为首的日本学者认为叶条可能是锡兰，见上，〈Essay on Yeht'ino， Sse-t'iao and Sse-ho-t'iao》，第 541-78 页。
45. Hou Han Shu. 6, 6a; claborated in a nole quoting Tung-kuan Han Chi, the lost sourcebook of Later Han history. 45. 侯汉书.6、6a;在一篇引述 Tung-kuan Han Chi 的 nole 中精心编写，Tung-kuan Han Chi 是失传的后汉历史资料书。
46. How Hon Shu, 118, 10a and 8b-9a. 46. 《汉书》第 118 页，第 10a 页和第 8b-9a 页。
47. Tbid. 47. 同上。
48. Hou Han Shu, 6, 6a and note quoting Tung-kuan Man Chi; and also 116, 6b. 48. 侯汉书，6,6a 和引用 Tung-kuan Man Chi 的注释;还有 116， 6b.
49. This seems to be supported by the finds of Chinese sepulchral vessels in Sumatra, Java and Borneo; and bronze axes and a bronze bowl in Sumatra; H.G. Quaritch Wales, The Making of Greuter India, London, 1951, pp. 79-80. 49. 在苏门答腊岛、爪哇岛和婆罗洲发现的中国墓葬器皿似乎支持了这一点;苏门答腊的铜斧头和铜碗;H.G. Quaritch Wales，《Greuter India 的形成》，伦敦，1951 年，第 79-80 页。
50. Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (Chinese translation), pp. 541-78. 50. 藤田丰八，见上（中文翻译），第 541-78 页。
51. Neither Takkola nor Kattigara has been satisfactorily identified, but it is likely that the first was in the Malay Peninsula and the second in IndoChina. 51. Takkola 和 Kattigara 都没有得到令人满意的确定，但很可能第一个在马来半岛，第二个在印度支那。
52. Hou Han Shu, 33, 12b. 52. 侯汉书，33,12b。
CHAPTER 章
A Mission to Fu-Nan, 220-420 福南传教，220-420
From the ruins of the Later Han dynasty there emerged three kingdoms. One of them was Wu. It occupied almost all of China south of the Yangtse, the “barbarian” lands, and held them for sixty years against the attacks of Wei and Shu (220-265) and of Chin (265-280). And thus, for sixty years, the southern coasts of China were cut off from the centres of wealth in the north. 从后汉的废墟中，出现了三个王国。其中一位是吴。它几乎占领了长江以南的整个中国，即“蛮夷”之地，并抵御了魏蜀（220-265 年）和钦（265-280 年）的攻击。因此，在六十年的时间里，中国南部沿海与北方的财富中心隔绝了。
The merchants of Wu had no way of reaching the countries of the west by land. The Central Asian route was so precarious at that time that the trickle of western goods could barely meet the needs of Wei. The Yünnan-Burma route could only be maintained with great difficulty, and in any case could only be used by Shu merchants. ^(1){ }^{1} There was some trade between Wu and Shu, and perhaps some between Wu and Wei, but the volume of this trade was very small, and certainly not in western luxury goods. This is illustrated by the Wei ruler’s request in 236 to exchange horses for the luxuries of South China. 吴国的商人无法通过陆路到达西方国家。当时的中亚路线非常不稳定，以至于西方货物的涓涓细流几乎无法满足魏国的需求。云南-缅甸路线只能非常困难地维持，无论如何只能由蜀商人使用。 ^(1){ }^{1} 吴和蜀之间有一些贸易，也许吴和魏之间也有一些贸易，但这种贸易量非常小，当然不是西方奢侈品。魏国统治者在 236 年要求用马匹换取南中国的奢侈品就说明了这一点。
The Wei envoys came with horses to exchange for pearls, kingfisher feathers and toroise-shells. [Sun] Ch’üan said, “These [the luxury 魏国使节带着马来换取珍珠、翠鸟的羽毛和鸟壳。[周日]Ch'üan 说：“这些 [奢侈品
articles] I have no use for; if we can get horses for them, why should we not let them [the Wei cnvoys] trade as they like.” ^(2){ }^{2} articles] 我没用;如果我们能为他们买到马匹，为什么不让他们[魏人]随心所欲地交易呢？ ^(2){ }^{2}
It may be said that as far as the trade with Central and Western Lambda\Lambda sia was concerned, Wu was left out. 可以说，就与中西部 Lambda\Lambda 西亚的贸易而言 ，吴被排除在外。
The Nanhai trade had chiefly been a coastal trade in the products of South China and Indo-China. With the decline of the Later Han dynasty and the consequent loss of control of the overland routes of the north-west in the second half of the second century A.D. and the first twenty years of the third century, a small regular trade via the Nanhai was established with India and the Roman Orient. The division of China into three kingdoms, especially the rise of a kingdom in South China, directly affected both the Nanhai trade and the extension of this trade to the west. It meant that the traditional consumer markets at the capital (whether it was Ch’ang-an or Lo-yang) were lost, and new markets had to be found in the new capital at Chien-ych (at modern Nanking). On the other hand, the markets were closer to the southern ports, and the initial years of setting up a new court must have created a great demand for luxuries that expanded the Nanhai trade considerably. Furthemore, this kingdom was prevented from obtaining western products through Central Asia, and thus was forced to encourage the sea trade beyond the Nanhai. 南海贸易主要是南中国和印度支那产品的沿海贸易。随着后汉王朝的衰落以及随之而来的在公元 2 世纪下半叶和 3 世纪前 20 年对西北陆路路线的控制丧失，通过南海与印度和罗马东方建立了小型定期贸易。中国分裂为三个王国，尤其是南华王国的崛起，直接影响了南海贸易和这种贸易向西的延伸。这意味着首都的传统消费市场（无论是长安还是罗阳）消失了，必须在新首都建市（位于现代南京）找到新的市场。另一方面，市场更靠近南部港口，建立新朝廷的最初几年一定创造了对奢侈品的巨大需求，从而大大扩大了南海贸易。此外，这个王国无法通过中亚获得西方产品，因此被迫鼓励南海以外的海上贸易。
Chiao Chou, the name of the circuit comprising Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Tongking-Annam, was the terminus of the sea trade. Though its administrative centre in Wu times was inland at Ts’ang-wu in eastern Kwangsi, its chief cities were the ports of Hanoi and Canton. The main value of Chiao Chou, in fact, was commercial, and its governor would be expected to see that pciceful trading was possible and that there was an casy flow of goods. His special concern was the sea trade; and it was in his interest to encourage it as much as he could. Most of all he was to assure the merchants, whether Chinese or not, of some measure of protection on Chinese as well as on Nanhai soil. 侨州，由广东、广西和东京-安南组成的环线的名称，是海上贸易的终点站。虽然它在吴时代的行政中心位于广西东部的 Ts'ang-wu 内陆，但其主要城市是河内和广州的港口。事实上，侨州的主要价值是商业价值，人们期望其总督看到 pciceful 贸易是可能的，并且货物流动频繁。他特别关心海上贸易;尽可能多地鼓励它符合他的利益。最重要的是，他要向商人保证，无论他们是中国人还是中国人，在中国人和南海的土地上都会受到某种程度的保护。
Lü Tai, the governor from 220 to 231, was an alert man who saw this importance not iong after he took up the post. ^(3){ }^{3} In 226 , 220 年至 231 年担任总督的吕泰是一个机敏的人，他在上任后并没有立即看到这种重要性。 ^(3){ }^{3} 在 226 年 ，
A merchant of Ta-chin, whose name was Chin Lun, came to the prefecture of Chiao-chib [in the Hanoi area]; the prefect of the place, Ta-chin 的一位名叫 Chin Lun 的商人来到 Chiao-chib 县 [在河内地区];地方长官，
Wu Miao, sent him to Sun Chtüan, who obtained from him some information about his native country.* 吴淼派他去见孙秋端，孙秋端从他那里得到了一些关于他祖国的信息。
This was about the time when Lü Tai came personally to Tongking to put down a rising, and his subsequent action may have been due to what he had learnt from Ch’in Lun of the nature of the Nanhai trade. ^(5){ }^{5} For, sometime after 226, he “sent a ts’ung-shih to spread to the south the civilisation of the kingdom” and soon afterwards, he received embassics with tribute from the kings of Fu-nan, Lin-yi and T’angming; all these before his transfer in 231.^(7)231 .{ }^{7} 这大约是吕泰亲自来到东京镇压起义的时候，他随后的行动可能是由于他从秦伦那里了解到南海贸易的性质。 ^(5){ }^{5} 因为，在 226 年之后的某个时候，他“派遣了一位宗师将王国的文明传播到南方”，不久之后，他接待了福南、临沂和唐明国王的使节;所有这些都是在他调职 231.^(7)231 .{ }^{7} 之前
It was, therefore, between the years 226 and 231 that he established contact with the barbarian kingdoms. He did this not only to extend Chinese civilization, but also because he realised that there was an urgent need to protect a trade essential to the prosperity of Chiao Chou, and sponsor one in goods no longer obtainable from the north-west. Fu-nan and Lin-yi, both in southern Indo-China, were areas which had contact with the West. From these countries, western goods could be re-exported to China. Diplomatic relations were therefore essential. 因此，在 226 年至 231 年之间，他与野蛮王国建立了联系。他这样做不仅是为了扩展中国文明，还因为他意识到迫切需要保护对侨州繁荣至关重要的贸易，并赞助一种无法再从西北获得的商品。福南和临义都位于印度支那南部，是与西方接触的地区。西方商品可以从这些国家再出口到中国。因此，外交关系是必不可少的。
It is known that Chu Ying, a ts’ung-shih, was sent with K’ang T’ai to Fu-nan sometime in the reign of Sun Ch’üan, the first ruler of Wu (222-252). ^(8){ }^{8} He may not have been the ts’ung-shih that Lü Tai had sent in 226-231, but was perhaps the head of a later mission sent by another governor of Chiao Chou. This may have been after 240, in the reign of Fan Hsun in Fu-nan. ^(9){ }^{9} It was this (second) mission that is better known. It provided the Chinese, for the first time, with some ral knowledge of the people and the lands far to the south. Both Chu Ying and KK 'ang T’ai returned and wrote books on the many kingdoms they visited; these were probably the first books devoted wholly to this area. ^(10){ }^{10} The mission was a success. It ensured the merchants of Wu of some profitable trading and sale conduct. It also helped the Wu ruler determine whether he could expand his power south of Annam and whether it was worthwhile to protect the increasingly valuable trade by actual conquest. 众所周知，楚英，一位崇世，在吴氏第一任统治者孙楚安（222-252 年）统治时期的某个时候，与康泰一起被派往福南。 ^(8){ }^{8} 他可能不是吕泰在 226-231 年派遣的 ts'ung-shih，而可能是后来另一位侨州总督派来的使团团长。这可能是在 240 年之后，在福南范勋统治时期。 ^(9){ }^{9} 正是这个（第二个）任务更广为人知。它第一次为中国人提供了一些关于遥远南方的人民和土地的全面知识。朱英和 KK 昂泰都回来了，写了关于他们访问过的许多王国的书籍;这些可能是第一本专门讨论这一领域的书籍。 ^(10){ }^{10} 任务很成功。它保证了吴商人进行一些有利可图的交易和销售行为。它还帮助吴国统治者确定他是否可以将权力扩展到安南以南，以及是否值得通过实际征服来保护日益有价值的贸易。
Relations once opened remained friendly for some lime, especially with Funan. But the imperialism of Wu was abandoned. The first phase, against the island of Hainan in 242, had been difficult; 30,000 men were needed to capture it. And now that the countries 一旦建立关系，对一些人来说仍然友好，尤其是与扶南的关系。但吴的帝国主义被抛弃了。第一阶段，即 242 年对海南岛的攻击，一直很困难;需要 30,000 人才能占领它。现在，这些国家
further south were known to be more developed than Hainan and certainly stronger, Sun Ch’üan was dissuaded from aggression. ^(11){ }^{11} In this way, the merchants were deprived of the privilege of trading in imperial territory and of being actually protected by Chinese troops. 再往南是众所周知的比海南更发达，当然也更强大，孙钧被劝阻不要侵略。 ^(11){ }^{11} 这样，商人就被剥夺了在帝国领土上进行贸易的特权，实际上也受到了中国军队的保护。
After the death of Sun Ch’üan in 252, the kingdom of Wu had no time for the coastal areas. Constant wars against Wei and Shu along the Yangtse, and against the Yüeh and other barbarians in Kiangsi and Hunar occupied the ruler of Wu for a dozen years. During this time, the areas of Kwangtung and Tongking-Annam seem to have been peaceful enough, but communications with the capital were often difficult. There was possibly a decrease in the trade which was carried through the main routes of Hunan and Kiangsi. ^(12){ }^{12} 孙酩于 252 年去世后，吴国无暇顾及沿海地区。与长江沿岸的魏国和蜀国，以及江西和浑纳尔的岳氏和其他蛮族的不断战争，占据了吴国的统治者十几年。在此期间，广东和东京安南地区似乎足够和平，但与首都的沟通往往很困难。通过湖南和江西主要路线进行的贸易可能有所减少。 ^(12){ }^{12}
But in 263, when the Wu ruler was still engaged in war with the north, a rebellion broke out in Tongking-Annam which could not be checked. And in 265, these rebels turned the area over to the emperor of Chin, ^(13){ }^{13} who had, by this time, conquered both Wei and Shu, established a new dynasty in the Huang Ho plains and sought to unify China again. This fighting in Tongking disrupted the sea trade and after the territory changed hands, new tribute missions from Funan and Lin-yi came in 268 to negotiate with the Chin emperor. ^(14){ }^{14} But the Wu ruler did not give up Tongking and continued to attack it until his generals recaptured the ports and the main towns in 271.^(15)271 .{ }^{15} But the victory was not final and the struggle went on till 280 when the kingdom of Wu at last fell before the armies of Chin. During the seventeen years from 263 to 280, there was much fighting in Tongking and Annam, and little profitable trading on their coasts could have been possible. It was then that the foreign traders who still came to China sailed to Canton where conditions were comparatively settled and where many of the Chinese merchants had taken refuge. 但在 263 年，当吴国统治者仍在与北方交战时，东景安南爆发了一场无法遏制的叛乱。265 年，这些叛乱者将该地区交给了钦帝， ^(13){ }^{13} 此时钦帝已经征服了魏国和蜀国，在黄河平原建立了新王朝，并寻求再次统一中国。东京的这场战斗扰乱了海上贸易，领土易手后，268 年来自扶南和临沂的新贡团来到秦朝皇帝与秦皇谈判。 ^(14){ }^{14} 但吴朝统治者并没有放弃东京，继续进攻它，直到他的将军们重新夺回了港口和主要城镇 271.^(15)271 .{ }^{15} 。但胜利并不是最终的，斗争一直持续到 280 年，吴国最终在钦军面前沦陷。从 263 年到 280 年的 17 年间，东京和安南发生了许多战斗，在他们的海岸上几乎没有有利可图的贸易。就在那时，仍然来到中国的外国商人航行到广州，那里的情况相对稳定，许多中国商人都在那里避难。
The sea trade was important in the years immediately following 280. The capital and northern cities of the new empire were hungy for the luxury goods of the Nanhai, having been deprived of them for more than twenty years. There was a groat demand at the court for “kingfisher feathers, tortoise-shells and corals”, and men were sent specially to “sail the great ocean and bring back various qualities of pearls.” ^(16){ }^{16} And from 284-287, the countries of Fu-nan and Lin-yi, and some twenty others came with tribute in order to resume normal trading relations with China. ^(17){ }^{17} But it must be noted that it was the Nanhai 在 280 年之后的几年里，海上贸易很重要。新帝国的首都和北方城市渴望获得南海的奢侈品，这些奢侈品已经被剥夺了二十多年。宫廷对“翠鸟羽毛、龟甲和珊瑚”有粗粮需求，人们被专门派去“在大洋上航行，带回各种品质的珍珠”。 ^(16){ }^{16} 从 284 年到 287 年，福南和临沂等国家，以及其他 20 多个国家带着贡品前来，以恢复与中国的正常贸易关系。 ^(17){ }^{17} 但必须指出的是，那是南海号
trade which gained from the new demands. Most of the western goods could reach the Chin capital via Central Asia. 从新需求中获益的贸易。大多数西方商品可以通过中亚到达钦邦首都。
It was at about this time that Shih Ch’ung amassed the fortune that made him one of the most powerful men of the early Chin dynasty. As Governor of Ching Chou (which comprised most of Hupei and Hunan) on the main route of the Canton-Loyang or Hanoi-Loyang trade, he not only taxed the merchants and trading envoys who passed through heavily, but also sent his men to take part in the trade. ^(18){ }^{18} The Chin Shu illustrates his wealth in a description of the “six or seven coral trees, some of which were three to four feet tall” which he owned and flaunted before the imperial favourites of the time: "the stems and branches were most unusual and their colours were brilliant. ^(19)He{ }^{19} \mathrm{He} was also famed for his fabulous collection of ivory and pearls, perfumes and scented woods. Considering that he was governor for only a short while, the trade in southern luxury goods must have been really lucrative. ^(20){ }^{20} 大约在这个时候，施雄积累了财富，使他成为秦朝早期最有权势的人之一。作为广东-洛阳或河内-洛阳贸易主要路线上的清州（包括湖北和湖南的大部分地区）的总督，他不仅向经过的商人和贸易使节征收重税，还派他的手下参加贸易。 ^(18){ }^{18} 《钦书》描述了他的财富，描述了他拥有的“六七棵珊瑚树，其中一些有三到四英尺高”，并在当时的皇室宠儿面前炫耀：“茎和枝最不寻常，颜色鲜艳。 ^(19)He{ }^{19} \mathrm{He} 还以其精美的象牙和珍珠、香水和香味木头收藏而闻名。考虑到他担任州长的时间很短，南方奢侈品的贸易一定非常有利可图。 ^(20){ }^{20}
This boom in the trade continued till about 300. After this date, the empire lost its northern territories and its trade-routes in Central Asia. This should have led to the re-extension of the sea trade in the Indian Ocean, but with the loss of the Huang Ho plains the Chinese lost their wealthiest cities. Furthermore, the conditions in South China were also deteriorating. The rebellion led by Wang Chi, who took Canton in 312, started a chain of risings in the provinces of Kwang Chou and Chiao Chou that continued even after the establishment of the Eastern Chin at the new capital of Chien *k\cdot \mathrm{k} 'ang (this is the Chienyeh of Wu, that is, Nanking) in 318. And after Wang Tun’s rebellion of 322-324, the whole of South China became a battlefield in which the Chin generals struggled for power. ^(21){ }^{21} Kwangtung and TongkingAnnam were fought over with great ferocity; by the end of the century, no profitable trade was possible along their coasts. At Tongking, the Chams of Lin-yi added to the confusion by invading it several times from 347 till the end of the dynasty in 419.^(22)419 .^{22} Finally, in 403 , the rebels of Chekiang, led by Lu Hsün, sailed south to terrorise the coasts of Fukien and Kwangtung. They held Canton and later, Hanoi, till 411. And even after Lu Hsün’s death, his followers continued to harass Canton tili 417.^(23)417 .{ }^{23} 这种贸易繁荣一直持续到大约 300 年。在此之后，帝国失去了其北部领土和在中亚的贸易路线。这本应导致印度洋海上贸易的重新扩展，但随着黄河平原的丧失，中国人失去了他们最富有的城市。此外，华南地区的状况也在恶化。312 年占领广州的王炽领导的叛乱在广州和介州省开始了一连串的起义，即使在 318 年新都建 *k\cdot \mathrm{k} 昂（这是吴的建业，即南京）建立东钦之后，这种起义仍在继续。而在 322-324 年王敦叛乱之后，整个南华成为钦朝将领争夺权力的战场。 ^(21){ }^{21} 广东和东京安南被激烈争夺;到本世纪末，他们的沿海地区不可能进行有利可图的贸易。在东京，临沂占婆从 347 年到朝末期多次入侵，加剧了混乱 。最后，在 403 年，以鲁臻为首的浙江叛军南下，恐吓福建和广东沿海。 419.^(22)419 .^{22} 他们占领了广州，后来又控制了河内，直到 411 年。即使在吕臻去世后，他的追随者仍然继续骚扰 Canton tili 417.^(23)417 .{ }^{23}
It is significant that between the years 300 and 400 , there were only three tribute missions to China and all were from Lin-yi. ^(24){ }^{24} These came at a time when Lin-yi was coveting the lands of Tongking-Annam, 值得注意的是，在 300 年至 400 年之间，只有三个朝贡中国的使团，而且都来自临沂。 ^(24){ }^{24} 这些是在林逸觊觊觎东京安南土地的时候发生的。
and were perhaps diplomatic missions negotiating for the transfer of these lands rather than trade missions. They must be distinguished from the missions received from various countries during the period of the Southern Dynasties (420-589), which were clearly missions sent to ensure safe and profitable trading for the foreign merchants and trading envoys. 也许是外交使团为转让这些土地进行谈判，而不是贸易使团。它们必须与南朝时期（420-589 年）从各国收到的使团区分开来，南朝时期显然是为了确保外国商人和贸易使节的安全和有利可图的贸易而派来的使团。
As for the last years of the Chin dynasty, 400-419, there was only one mission, and that was from Ceylon. ^(23){ }^{23} It was the first mission from Ceylon, and a beautiful ivory statue of Buddha, four feet two inches (Chinese measure) high, was presented to the emperor. How much significance this gift of a religious object had in the trading relations between China and Ceylon is difficult to tell, but it is important to note that Ceylon followed this tribute with two others in the next dynasty, the Liu Sung and, much later, one in the Liang, both dynasties in which there was great foreign trading by sea. ^(26){ }^{26} 至于秦朝的最后几年，即 400-419 年，只有一个任务，那就是从锡兰传来的。 ^(23){ }^{23} 这是来自锡兰的第一次任务，向皇帝呈献了一尊美丽的象牙佛像，高 4 英尺 2 英寸（中国度量）。很难说这种宗教物品的礼物在中国和锡兰之间的贸易关系中有多大意义，但重要的是要注意，锡兰在下一个王朝与另外两个王朝一起进贡，刘宋王朝和梁王朝，这两个王朝都有大量的海上对外贸易。 ^(26){ }^{26}
Our knowledge of the sea trade of Wu and Chin is mainly based on the few passages that remain of the Fu Nan Chi, by K’ang T’ai, who accompanied Chu Ying to Fu-nan. Among the most interesting of these passages are those on the countries the mission either visited or inquired about, and those describing the ships of that time. 我们对吴秦海上贸易的了解主要基于康泰陪同朱英前往福南的《福南记》中仅存的几段话。在这些段落中，最有趣的是关于使团访问或询问的国家的段落，以及描述当时船只的段落。
None of the passages speak of Yüeh or of Chinese ships. It might have been that the sailing of these ships to Fu-nan was common, therefore, meriting no comments, and that the mission had gone there in one of them. Nor do they speak of Indian ships, though it may be inferred that the ship which took Su Wu, the envoy of Fan Chan, king of Fu-nan, to Bengal and up the Ganges was Indian. One of the passages describes Fu-nan ships. 这些段落都没有提到 Yüeh 或中国船只。这些船只开往福南的航程可能很常见，因此，不值得评论，而且使团曾乘坐其中一艘船前往那里。他们也没有提到印度船只，尽管可以推断出载抚南王范蝉的使者苏武前往孟加拉并沿恒河而上的船是印度的。其中一段描述了福南船。
[They were] twelve hsin [eight Chinese fect] iong and six feet broad, with their bows and stems like fishes … the large ones carry a hundred men, each man currying a long or short oar, or a boat-pole … ^(27){ }^{27} 他们是十二个汉生 [八汉] 翁，宽 6 英尺，弓和茎像鱼......大号载着一百个人，每个人都划着长桨或短桨，或一根船杆...... ^(27){ }^{27}
They might have been mercly river-boats, but this passage makes an interesting comparison with the Liang Shu which says that Fan Shihman of Fu-nan in the third century "had great ships built, and crossing the immense sea [Gulf or Sian] he attacked more than ten kingdoms. ^(23){ }^{23} It may be that Fu-nan ships were just beginning to appear on the sca. 他们可能是仁慈的河船，但这段话与《梁书》作了一个有趣的比较，梁书说，三世纪扶南的范世满“造了大船，渡过浩瀚的海洋[海湾或四川]，攻打了十多个王国。 ^(23){ }^{23} 也许扶南船才刚刚开始出现在 sca 上。
The two passages on ships may also be compared with two other passages from a book written at the end of the third century, the Nan Chou I Wu Chi ^(20){ }^{20} (Record of strange things of the south). 这两段关于船只的段落也可以与三世纪末写成的一本书《南丑无记》（Nan Chou I Wu Chi ^(20){ }^{20} ）中的另外两段话进行比较 。
The men from foreign lands call their boats p’o. The large ones are over 200 feet long, and are twenty to thirty feet high labove the water-level], … they can hold 600 to 700 men, and a cargo of over 10,000 ho (a Chinese corn measure about ten pecks). ^(30){ }^{30} 来自异国他乡的男人称他们的船为 p'o。大的有 200 多英尺长，高出水面 20 到 30 英尺]，......它们可以容纳 600 到 700 人，以及超过 10,000 ho（中国玉米约为 10 啄）的货物。 ^(30){ }^{30}
The men from beyond our frontiers use four sails for their ships, varying with the size of the ships. These sails are connected with each other from bow to stem. There is a kind of lu t’ou tree, whose leaves are like lattice [-windows]. These leaves are more than ten feet long, and are woven into sails. The four sails do not face directly forwards, but are made to move together to one side or the other with the direction of the breeze … when they [the ships] sail, they do not avoid strong winds and violent waves, and therefore can travel very swiftly. ^(31){ }^{31} 来自我们边境以外的人为他们的船只使用四个帆，这些帆随着船只的大小而变化。这些帆从船头到船干都彼此相连。有一种 lu t'ou 树，它的叶子像格子 [-windows]。这些叶子有十多英尺长，被编织成帆。四个帆不是直接面向前方，而是随着微风的方向一起向一侧或另一侧移动......当他们 [船只] 航行时，他们不会避开强风和猛烈的海浪，因此可以非常迅速地行驶。 ^(31){ }^{31}
The ships sailed the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. They were probably Indian ships sailing directly between China and India, or Indian-built ships of the archipelago trading with China. Their performance was contrasted with the slower and smaller Yüeh and Chinese ships: hence the reference to strong winds and currents, which indicated sailing in the open sca, a feat still beyond the Yüeh and Chinese ships of the time. There is also mention of “the seasonal wind” in K’ang T’ai’s book which suggests that the Chinese had by this time heard of the monsoons of the Indian Ocean. ^(32){ }^{32} There is no evidence that they realised that there were similar monsoons in the South China Sea, but it is probable that they knew of it by that time. 这些船只在南中国海和印度洋航行。它们可能是直接在中国和印度之间航行的印度船只，或者是印度制造的与中国贸易的群岛船只。他们的表现与速度较慢、体型较小的 Yüeh 和中国船只形成鲜明对比：因此提到了强风和水流，这表明在开阔的 sca 中航行，这一壮举仍然超越了当时的 Yüeh 和中国船只。康泰的书中还提到了“季节性风”，这表明中国人此时已经听说过印度洋的季风。 ^(32){ }^{32} 没有证据表明他们意识到南中国海也有类似的季风，但很可能他们在那个时候就知道了。
Other surviving passages of K’ang T’ai’s book, speak of the many countries of the south and west. Apart from Ta-ch’in and T’ien-chu (and, possibly, Sse-tiao) these countries were on the Indo-Chincse peninsula and in the Malay archipelago. But the names are found in isolated passages, so that it is impossible to know what kind of relationship these countries had with one another. One of them, Chupo, was probably in Java-Sumatra. ^(33){ }^{33} The two envoys visited it and established official trading relations with it. This is the first definite reference to trading with the archipelago. 康泰书中其他幸存下来的段落谈到了南部和西部的许多国家。除了 Ta-ch'in 和 T'ien-chu（可能还有 Sse-tiao）之外，这些国家都位于印度-钦塞半岛和马来群岛。但是这些名字都是在孤立的段落中找到的，因此不可能知道这些国家彼此之间有什么样的关系。其中一位 Chupo 可能在爪哇-苏门答腊岛。 ^(33){ }^{33} 两位使节访问了它并与它建立了正式的贸易关系。这是第一次明确提到与群岛进行贸易。
The mainland countries identified as Siam, Burma and on the Malay Peninsula, and the islands identified as the islands of Borneo, Banka, Billiton, and Java-Sumatra, need not be mentioned here. ^(34){ }^{34} Little clse is known of them except their names. The identifications are not accurate nor can they be improved on. It is enough for the present to know that Chu Ying and K’ang T’ai established contact with most of these kingdoms and that this contact was maintained till early Chin times. 被确定为暹罗、缅甸和马来半岛的大陆国家，以及被确定为婆罗洲岛、班卡岛、比利顿岛和爪哇-苏门答腊岛的岛屿，这里无需提及。 ^(34){ }^{34} 除了他们的名字外，人们对他们知之甚少。这些识别不准确，也无法改进。现在只要知道朱英和康泰与这些王国中的大多数建立了联系就足够了，而且这种联系一直保持到钦朝早期。
From K’ang T’ai’s meeting with, and inquiries from Ch’en Sung, the envoy from North India to Fu-nan, it is clear that there was no direct contact and trade with North India, that is, via the Ganges. ^(35){ }^{35} But there was a regular trade with Ta-ch’in through South India, Ceylon, the Malay Peninsula and Fu-nan. It is significant that the two missions from Ta-ch’in in the third century came in 226 and 284, ^(36){ }^{36} the first date being four years after the establishment of the kingdom of Wu by Sun Ch’üan, and the second being also four years after the defeat of Wu and the re-unification of China by the Chin emperor. The coincidence suggests that the envoys were being sent to the new dynastics to seek assurance that trade would be resumed and that adequate protection would be given to Ta-ch’in merchants trading at Chinese ports. ^(37){ }^{37} 从康泰与北印度驻福南使者陈成的会面和询问中，可以清楚地看出，与北印度没有直接的接触和贸易，即通过恒河。 ^(35){ }^{35} 但与大钦的贸易经常通过南印度、锡兰、马来半岛和福南进行。值得注意的是，公元 3 世纪大钦的两次使团分别于 226 年和 284 年到来， ^(36){ }^{36} 第一次是孙楚建立吴国四年后，第二次也是吴国战败和秦朝皇帝统一中国四年后。巧合表明，这些使节被派往新朝代，以寻求贸易将恢复的保证，以及为在中国港口进行贸易的大钦商人提供足够的保护。 ^(37){ }^{37}
But this regular trade was still small compared with the trade with Fu-nan and Lin-yi (see Map 4). Lin-yi, the closest of the southern barbarian kingdoms, had had considerable trade with China since the beginning of the fourth century. Fan Wen (who usurped the Lin-yi throne, c. 336) had travelled with a band of merchants to China in 313-316 and learnt of Chinese court architecture, fort building, town planning and of the manufacture of tools and weapons. ^(38){ }^{38} About that time, in the early part of the fourth century, trading still continued at Tongking, mainly by Lin-yi merchants who “brought valuable goods by sea to trade.” 但与福南和临沂的贸易相比，这种定期贸易仍然很小（见地图 4）。临沂是南方蛮族王国中距离最近的一个，自 4 世纪初以来就与中国进行了相当大的贸易。范温（篡夺临沂王位，约 336 年）于 313-316 年与一群商人一起前往中国，了解了中国的宫廷建筑、堡垒建设、城市规划以及工具和武器的制造。 ^(38){ }^{38} 大约在那个时候，在 4 世纪初，东京的贸易仍在继续，主要是“通过海路带来贵重货物进行贸易”的临义商人。
The governors of Chiao-chou and the prefects of Jih-nan were very covelous and imposed a tax of twenty to thirty per cent on their goods … But when IIan Chi was prefect of Jih-nan, he assessed their merchandise at less than half its value, and then lintimidated them] with his ships and war-drums. Because of this, the various countries [from which the traders had come] were furious. ^(34){ }^{34} 侨州总督和济南知府非常贪婪，对他们的货物征收百分之二十至三十的税......但是当 IIan Chi 担任智南知府时，他以不到其价值的一半评估他们的商品，然后用他的船只和战鼓来恐吓他们。正因为如此，[商人来自的]各个国家都非常愤怒。 ^(34){ }^{34}
The next two prefects were worse. So after Fan Wen had usurped the throne of Lin-yi and disposed of the rival states to his south and west, he marched on to Jih-nan and conquered it in 347.40 This was the beginning of a war that lasted for almost fourteen years, after which the Tongking sea trade lost some of its importance. Two Lin-yi missions, one in 374 and one after 380 , came to revive the trade, but the bitter wars at the beginning of the fifth century ^(+1){ }^{+1} made peaceful trading at Tongking difficult, and probably many more of the forcign merchants there were diverted to Canton. 接下来的两位级长更糟糕。因此，在范温篡夺临沂王位并处理掉他南部和西部的敌对国家后，他进军济南并于 347.40 年征服了它 这是一场持续了近十四年的战争的开始，之后东京海上贸易失去了一些重要性。临沂使团两次，一次在 374 年，一次在 380 年之后，前来恢复贸易，但 5 世纪 ^(+1){ }^{+1} 初的激烈战争使东京的和平贸易变得困难，可能那里的更多强行商人被转移到广州。
During Wu times, Fu-nan was the largest kingdom between China and India and was master of the Gulf of Siam and of all the lands from Cochin-China to the Malay Peninsula. The marts on the Malay Peninsula, which were its dependencies, became very important. Funan had, at the beginning of the third century, conquered Tien-sun (possibly Tenassserim), ^(42){ }^{42} which was an important stop for the trade with India. Ships (probably Indian) were beginning to sail directly to India via the Straits of Maiacca, stopping at Chü-li, a port at the southern end of the peninsula owing allegiance to Fu-nan, to await the change of monsoons. ^(43){ }^{43} Thus whether direct or indirect the trade with India passed through Funanese territory and because of this, the Wu emperors acknowledged the importance of Fu-nan. In fact, an office for Fu-nan music was built in 244 by the Chinese two li outside the capital at Chien-yeh, ^(4+){ }^{4+} and thereafter, Fu-nan music and musicians were cherished and lyrics were written of this great kingdom. ^(45){ }^{45} This relationship was strengthened in early Chin times by the three missions sent by Fu-nan in 285, 286 and 287; but in the fourth century, its trade with China was greatly affected by the disorder both on the Kwangtung coasts and within Fu-nan itself. ^(40){ }^{40} In the 150 years after 287 , there was only one mission from Fu-nan, in 357, and that was unsuccessful. ^(+7){ }^{+7} 在吴朝时期，福南是中印之间最大的王国，是暹罗湾以及从交趾支那到马来半岛的所有土地的主人。马来半岛上的集市是它的附属地，变得非常重要。扶南在 3 世纪初征服了天顺（可能是 Tenassserim）， ^(42){ }^{42} 这是与印度贸易的重要站点。船只（可能是印度的）开始通过迈阿卡海峡直接驶向印度，停在半岛南端的 Chü-li（因效忠福南而）等待季风的变化。 ^(43){ }^{43} 因此，无论是直接或间接的与印度的贸易都经过扶南领土，正因为如此，吴帝都承认扶南的重要性。事实上，244 年，中国人在首都建业外建立了一个扶南音乐办公室， ^(4+){ }^{4+} 此后，扶南音乐和音乐家受到珍视，并为这个伟大的王国写下了歌词。 ^(45){ }^{45} 这种关系在钦朝早期因 285 年、286 年和 287 年由福南派遣的三个使团而得到加强;但在 4 世纪，它与中国的贸易受到广东沿海和福南内部混乱的极大影响。 ^(40){ }^{40} 在 287 年之后的 150 年里，只有一次来自福南的任务，即 357 年，而且没有成功。 ^(+7){ }^{+7}
The disorder in Fu-nan in the fourth century was one of the reasons for the shifting of the Nanhai trading centre further south. The dependencies of Fu-nan on the Malay Peninsula probably shared in her unrest, and traders found it safer to stop at Sumatra (or Java or the west coast of Bornco) on their way to China. Fa-hsien visited one such mart in 414, which was in the country of Yeh-p’o-t’i. This can be seen in the course taken by the great merchant ships sailing from Ceylon to the archipelago. Another reason for the rise of this mart was the growing familiarity with the monsoons and the ocean currents 公元 4 世纪福南的混乱是南海贸易中心进一步南下的原因之一。福男在马来半岛的属地可能与她的动荡有关，商人发现在前往中国的途中在苏门答腊（或爪哇或博恩科西海岸）停留更安全。法显在 414 年参观了这样一个集市，它位于 Yeh-p'o-t'i 的国家。这可以从从锡兰航行到群岛的大型商船的路线中看出。这个集市崛起的另一个原因是人们对季风和洋流越来越熟悉
of the South China Sea. This made it possible for ships to sail direct from Yeh-p’o-t’i to Canton in less than fifty days during the monsoon scason, when the currents flowed northeastwards. 南中国海。这使得船只可以在季风期间不到 50 天内从 Yeh-p'o-t'i 直接航行到广州，当时洋流向东北方向流动。^(48){ }^{48}
Since Fa-hsien sailed north-east for Canton from this southern mart, it was likely to have been on the cast coast of Sumatra (near Palembang?). But this identification is not an accurate one, and other suggestions that it was Java or the west coast of Borneo seem also plausible. It may even have been a port similar to that of Chü-li, far south of the tip of the Malay Peninsula. ^(49){ }^{49} The most important development to note, however, is that the ship was going direct to Canton across the South China Sea without plans for any stops on the way. This was probably a large Indian ship which could carry more than 200 people. ^(30){ }^{30} 由于法贤从这个南方市场向东北方向航行到广州，它很可能在苏门答腊的海岸上（在巨港附近？但这种鉴定并不准确，其他关于它是爪哇或婆罗洲西海岸的说法似乎也很合理。它甚至可能是一个类似于马来半岛顶端以南的 Chü-li 港口。 ^(49){ }^{49} 然而，需要注意的最重要的事态发展是，这艘船直接穿越南海前往广州，途中没有计划任何停留。这可能是一艘可以搭载 200 多人的印度大型船只。 ^(30){ }^{30}
An important problem arises from Fa-hsien’s account of Ceylon and Yeh-p’o-t’i. In his long description of Ceylon, he shows that Ceylon was a great trading as well as religious centre. Many merchants gathered there to trade for the pearls and precious jowels of that island. But he does not mention the presence of Chinese merchants: instead, he says that apart from his Chinese companions who had since died or had been left behind in India, he had only seen foreign peoples all the years he had been away from China. Thus when he saw a merchant make a pious offering to an ivory carving of a white Chinese silk fan, he became very sad and “tears filled his eyes”. ^(51){ }^{51} The merchant presumably was not Chinese, for il was the silk fan that aroused that sentiment. That there were no Chinese in Ceylon during the two years that he was there seems quite clear. Furthermore, there was no mention of any Chinese merchant being with him on board the trading ship that took him to Yeh-p’o-t’i. From all this, it must be concluded that no Chinese went personally to trade in India and Ceylon at this time. that is, during the last years of the Chin dynasty. The men who brought the goods from China must have been Indian or early Ceyloncse sailors and merchants. 一个重要的问题来自法显对锡兰和 Yeh-p'o-t'i 的描述。在他对锡兰的长篇描述中，他表明锡兰是一个伟大的贸易和宗教中心。许多商人聚集在那里，以换取该岛的珍珠和珍贵的蹄子。但他没有提到中国商人的存在：相反，他说，除了后来去世或留在印度的中国同伴之外，他离开中国的这些年里只见过外国人民。因此，当他看到一个商人向一把白色的中国丝扇的象牙雕刻做出虔诚的供奉时，他变得非常难过，“泪水充满了他的眼眶”。 ^(51){ }^{51} 这个商人可能不是中国人，因为 il 是引起这种情绪的丝扇。在他在那里的两年里，锡兰没有中国人，这似乎很清楚。此外，书中没有提到任何中国商人与他一起登上了带他去 Yeh-p'o-t'i 的贸易船。从这一切可以得出结论，当时没有中国人亲自去印度和锡兰进行贸易。也就是说，在秦朝的最后几年。从中国带来货物的人一定是印度或早期锡兰的水手和商人。
There was also no mention of Chinese merchants in Fa-hsien’s short description of Yeh-p’o-t’i. If there were any Chinese in the country, he would probably have met them during his five months’ stay there. He also did not mention whether there were any Chinese merchants in the ship which look him to Canton. Again, it must be concluded that Chinese merchants did not personally trade at Yeh-po-t’i, and 在法贤对 Yeh-p'o-t'i 的简短描述中也没有提到中国商人。如果这个国家有中国人，他可能会在那儿逗留的五个月里遇到他们。他也没有提到船上是否有任何中国商人把他看作是广州。同样，必须得出结论，中国商人并没有亲自在 Yeh-po-t'i 进行贸易，并且
that Chinese goods were brought there (some en route to Ceylon and India) by Indian or Malay sailors and merchants. 中国商品是由印度或马来水手和商人带到那里的（有些是在运往锡兰和印度的途中）。
The Chinese did not go to Ceylon probably because they could obtain Ceylonese, Indian and other western goods from marts on the Malay Peninsula and on the coasts of Indo-China. They may not have gone to Yeh-p’o-t’i because they would have had to sail across the South China Sca (which they were probably not prepared to do unless the trade was lucrative enough), and because Yeh-p’o-t’i did not produce anything that the Chinese wanted very badly at that time. It could also be that the Ceylon to Ych-p’o-t’i to Canton route was relatively new and still not well known: the grave uncertainties of the two stages of the journey which Fa-hsien describes so graphically seem to confirm this. If this were so, it was an interesting development: the beginnings of a more direct sea-route between China and the southern islands as well as the countries of the Indian Ocean. But it must not be forgotten that the last twenty years of the Chin dynasty were difficult years, especially in Kwangtung and Tongking-Annam, and it may well be that the conditions of coastal China had deterred the Chinese merchants from risking their lives and fortunes for an uncertain trade. 中国人没有去锡兰可能是因为他们可以从马来半岛和印度支那沿海的集市上获得锡兰、印度和其他西方商品。他们可能没有去 Yeh-p'o-t'i，因为他们必须航行穿越南华地区（除非贸易足够有利可图，否则他们可能不准备这样做），而且因为 Yeh-p'o-t'i 没有生产当时中国人非常想要的东西。也可能是锡兰到 Ych-p'o-t'i 到 Canton 的路线相对较新，仍然不为人知：发贤如此生动地描述旅程的两个阶段的严重不确定性似乎证实了这一点。如果真是这样，那将是一个有趣的发展：中国与南部岛屿以及印度洋国家之间一条更直接的海上航线开始出现。但绝不能忘记，秦朝的最后二十年是艰难的岁月，尤其是在广东和东景安南，很可能是中国沿海的条件阻止了中国商人冒着生命和财富的风险进行不确定的贸易。
The foreign traders who came to Hanoi and then to Canton were Chams, Funanese, Malays, Indians and Ceylonese. There are, however, two interesting references to Hu people from Ta-ch’in, or from the “western countries”, in the Nan Fang Ts’ao Mu Chuang, introducing two varieties of jasmine to Canton at about the beginning of the fourth century. ^(52){ }^{52} Unfortunately, there are interpolations in this book, and no conclusion about a Persian or Syrian colony of traders in Canton at this time can be drawn. ^(53){ }^{53} It is, however, possible that these flowers and perfumes made from them, were brought to China by Indian traders about this time. 来到河内然后来到广州的外国商人是占婆人、船人、马来人、印度人和锡兰人。然而，在《南坊曹牧庄》中，有两个有趣的地方提到了来自大钦或“西国”的胡人，大约在四世纪初将两个品种的茉莉花引入广州。 ^(52){ }^{52} 不幸的是，这本书中有插值，目前无法得出关于广州的波斯或叙利亚商人殖民地的结论。 ^(53){ }^{53} 然而，这些花和用它们制成的香水可能是在这个时候由印度商人带到中国的。
The Nanhai trade of the third century had advanced greatly in comparison with the trade of the two Han dynasties. Its extension into the Indian Ocean was, for almost sixty years, guaranteed by the demands of the Wu capital. Gharu-woods, various scents and perfumes, and even coral-trees, were being introduced through the southern ports, while ivory, rhinoceros horns, pearls, glass and rare stones continued to be imported. There was the promise of a great future for the trade. But in the next century, there was very little development. Canton had, for the time, taken over much of the trade 与两个汉朝的贸易相比，三世纪的南海贸易已经有了很大的发展。在将近 60 年的时间里，它向印度洋的扩张是由吴都的要求保证的。Gharu 木、各种香水和香水，甚至珊瑚树，都通过南部港口被引入，而象牙、犀牛角、珍珠、玻璃和稀有宝石继续进口。该行业有望迎来美好的未来。但在下一个世纪，几乎没有什么发展。当时，广州已经接管了大部分贸易
of Hanoi, and could still be described at the end of the century as: 河内，到本世纪末仍然可以被描述为：
the place of strange and precious things, one bag of which can provide for several generations … [a place] where only the poor officials, who cannot otherwise be independent, seek to be appointed. For that reason, all the governors became rich with “soiled goods” [goods oblained through bribes]. ^(54){ }^{54} 奇特而珍贵的东西的地方，一袋可以供几代人使用......[一个]只有那些本来就不能独立的穷官才能寻求任命的地方。因此，所有的统治者都以 “污物” [通过贿赂获得的商品] 致富。 ^(54){ }^{54}
There was little else to distinguish the trade of this century except the beginnings of a slave-trade in the peoples (aborigines?) of the Nanhai (called K’un-lun or black slaves) ^(55){ }^{55} and the coming of a new group of merchants, the Po-sse, who were probably Malays from the Malay Peninsula, or from Sumatra. ^(50){ }^{50} Only the last years of the Chin dynasty secm to sound a new note - the mission from Ceylon in 405 held the promise of a greater trade, chiefly in holy things of the Buddhist faith, with an increasingly devout China. 除了南海人民（称为 K'un-lun 或黑奴） ^(55){ }^{55} 开始进行奴隶贸易 ，以及一群新的商人 Po-sse 的到来，他们可能是来自马来半岛或苏门答腊的马来人， 几乎没有其他可以区分的贸易。 ^(50){ }^{50} 直到秦朝宗派的最后几年才吹响了新的音符——405 年从锡兰出发的使团有望与日益虔诚的中国进行更大的贸易，主要是佛教信仰的圣物。
Endnotes 尾注
The campaigns of Chu-ke Liang in Yünnan in 225 illustrate the difficulties of the route. See TChien, Ch. 70, 9b-10a. 225 年梁楚客在云南的战役说明了这条路线的困难。见 TChien，第 70 章，9b-10a。
LgS, 54, 9b-10a. See also F. Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, Leipzig, 1885, pp. 47-8. LgS，54,9b-10a。另见 F. Hirth，《中国与罗马东方》，莱比锡，1885 年，第 47-8 页。
When the officials of Tongking refused to accept his nominee as the new prefect in 226, Lü Tai came by scat to the Gulf, sailed up the Red River and defeated the rebels. He also marched into Annam and pacified the whole arca. He may have met Ch’in Lun reluming from his visit to the Wu capital and consulted him on the Nanhai trade before he sailed home to Ta-ch’in. See SKCWu, 15, 6a-7a. 当东京官员拒绝接受他于 226 年提名为新任知府时，吕泰乘粪便来到海湾，沿红河逆流而上，击败了叛军。他还进军安南，平定了整个阿卡。他可能遇到了从吴都回来的秦伦，并在他乘船回大钦之前咨询了他关于南海贸易的问题。参见 SKCWu， 15， 6a-7a。
Op. cit., 15, 7a. The ts’ung-shih may have been any of Lü Tai’s deputies or assistants. 同上，15,7a。ts'ung-shih 可能是吕泰的任何副手或助手。
Ibid. These were the first missions to come from these countrics, but they were not recorded in the Chronicles of Wu just as the visit of Ch’in Lun in 226 was not recorded. But from the account which says that 同前。这些是这些县的第一批任务，但它们没有被记录在《吴氏编年史》中，就像 226 年秦仑的访问没有被记录下来一样。但从那篇说
when the missions came with tribute, “[Sun] Ch’üan praised him [Iü Tail for his great services and made him the General Guarding the South”, it is clear that the missions did travel to the Wu capital and paid their respects to the Emperor. Ibid. 当使团带着贡品来时，“[孙]钱赞扬他[邱尾的伟大服务，并立他为守南将军”，很明显，使团确实前往吴都，向皇帝表示敬意。同上。
LgS, 54, 1a. LgS，54,1a。
Op. cit., 54, 46, says that Chu Ying and K’ang T’ai were sent as envoys to Fu-nan under Fan Hsün, who came to the throne in c. 240. But they also met Ch’en Sung the envoy from Northern India to Fu-nan in the time of Fan Chan some ten to twenty years before that; op. cit., 54, 10a. It may be, of course, that Ch’en Sung had remained in Fu-nan all this time. 同上，54,46，说朱英和康泰在范勋的带领下被派往福南，范勋于约 240 年登基。但他们也遇到了从北印度到福南的使者 Ch'en Sung，大约在此之前的 10 到 20 年;同上，54,10a。当然，可能是陈成一直留在福南。
Chu Ying’s book Fu-nan I Wu Chih has long been lost. As for K’ang T’ai, (he may have written more than one book), his book, too, has not been preserved and only passages survive in the following books and collections: the Shui Ching Chu, which quotes the book as Fu-nan Chih, or Fu-nan Chuan (Record of Fu-nan); the Tai Ping Yü Lan which cails it Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chuan, or Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chih (both meaning Record of foreign countries in the Wu times), and also Fu-nan T"u Shu (Native customs of Fu-nan); the I Wen Lueh Chü which calls it Fu-non Chih or Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chih; the TTien which calls it Fu-nan Chuan. 朱英的著作《福南一无志》早已失传。至于康泰（他可能写了不止一本书），他的书也没有被保存下来，只有段落在以下书籍和收藏中幸存下来：《水经初》，将这本书引用为《福南记》或《福南传》;太平语兰（Tai Ping Yu Lan）将其命名为 Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chuan，或 Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chih（均意为吴时代的外国记录），以及 Fu-nan T“u Shun（福南本土风俗）;I 温 Lueh Chü 称其为 Fu-non Chih 或 Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chih;TTien 称它为 Fu-nan Chuan。
SKCWu, 2, 23b. SKCWu，2,23b。
Communications with the capital were maintained through either Ilunan or Kiangsi, both of which were continually disturbed by the barbarians who were resisting the Chinese expansion into their territories. On the campaigns against these barbarians, see Kao A-wei, “On the Wu Subjugation of Man Yüeh”, The Continent Magazine. Vol. VII, 1953, No. 7. pp. 13-18 and No. 8, pp. 12-18. 与首都的交通通过伊鲁南或江西保持，这两个地方都不断受到抵抗中国向他们领土扩张的野蛮人的干扰。关于反对这些野蛮人的战役，见高阿伟，〈论吴氏征服满悦〉，《大陆》杂志。第七卷，1953 年，第 7 期。第 13-18 页和第 8 期，第 12-18 页。
SKCWu, 3, 9a-10b. SKCWu，3,9a-10b。
ChinS, 3, 5b. 下巴，3,5b。
SKCWu, 3, 14a-b. In 268 and 269, large armies were sent against the Chin generals in Tongking-Annam, but were not successful. The Wu base was the port of Ho-p’u in western Kwangtung. The second army in 269 was sent by sea from the coasts of Fu-chou; op. cil., 3, 13 b . SKCWu，3,14a-b。268 年和 269 年，大军被派往东京安南对抗钦朝将领，但没有成功。吴基地是广东西部的 Ho-p'u 港口。269 年的第二支军队是从福州海岸通过海路派出的;Op. cil.， 3， 13 B .
Chins, 26, 3b. This was related to the great wealth of Lo-yang which reached new heights between 280 and 300. 下巴，26,3b。这与洛阳的巨大财富有关，该财富在 280 年至 300 年之间达到了新的高度。
Op. cit., 3 , 13 a and b . 同上，3 ， 13 a 和 b .
Op. cit., 33, 11b. 同上，33,11b。
Op. cit., 33, 12a. Such coral trees had apparently never been seen before in China. 同上，33,12a。这样的珊瑚树显然在中国以前从未见过。
Shih Ch’ung’s wealth was indeed fabulous. There were many accounts describing it in contemporary works. A typical one preserved in the Shith I Chi and quoted in the T’u Shu Chi Cheng, Chung Hua Shu Chü edition, Vol. 701. Ch. 323, p. 57, was about his thousands of beautiful serving maids. 施钟的财富确实是惊人的。在当代著作中有许多描述它。保存在《史易记》中的典型著作，并在《中华书记成》第701卷中引用。第 323 章，第 57 页，是关于他成千上万的美丽女仆的。
He asked a few ters of them each to hold various scents for perfumes] in their mouths; and when they latked and laughed, the frugrance was wated by every breeze lto the audience]. He then had powdered gharu-woods as fine us dust sprinkted over an wory bed, and asked those that he specially toved to step on it. Those who left not a trace he presented with a hundred p’es leach a string of 5001 of pearls. Those who moved [the fine powder] were ordered to cat and drink less in order that they may be lighter. 他让他们中的几个人每人把各种香水的香味含在嘴里。当他们吵闹和大笑时，观众的每一阵微风都吹拂了这种节俭]。然后，他把 gharu 木磨成粉末，就像我们细小的灰尘洒在一张破床上一样，并请他专门抚摸的人在上面踩踏。那些没有留下任何痕迹的人，他赠送了一百个比斯，一串 5001 颗珍珠。那些移动 [细粉] 的人被命令少喝酒，以便减轻他们的负担。
This at lcast indicates the extent of his collection of Nanhai products. 这在 lcast 表明了他对南海产品的收藏范围。
ChinS, 37, 4a, records that soon after the conquest of Wu, Chin princes were interested in the wealth of Chiao-chou and Kwang-chou. The grandson of the Prince I-yang was specially interested, and sent his men to the south to trade. ChinS， 37， 4a 记录了征服吴国后不久，钦诸侯对巧州和广州的财富感兴趣。义阳亲王的孙子特别感兴趣，派他的手下到南方进行贸易。
21. Thien, Ch. 88, 11b; Chs. 89-90; ChinS, 100, 9b-10a. Also TChien, Ch. 92, lb; Chs. 92-3; ChinS, 98, 1a-8b. 21. Thien，第 88 章，11b;第 89-90 章;ChinS，100,9b-10a。还有 TChien，第 92 章，lb;第 92-3 章;ChinS，98,1a-8b。
22. Op. cit., 97, 9a-b. 22. 同上，97,9a-b。
23. Sun En rose in Chekiang in 399. After his death in 402, Lu Hsün took over his army. In 403, Lu Hsün was driven to the sea, and he sailed south down the coasts. He captured Canton in 404, and ruled it till 410. In 410411. fierce battles took place, but not long after he took Hanoi (then called Lung-pien) in 411, he was killed. His generals, however, continued to harass the coastal areas, and even recaptured Canton in 417 for a short period. TChien, Chs. 112-18; ChinS, 100, 14a-15b; 15b-16b. 23. 孙恩于 399 年在浙江崛起。402 年他去世后，鲁臻接管了他的军队。403 年，鲁臻被赶到海边，他沿着海岸南下航行。他于 404 年占领广州，并统治到 410 年。在 410411.发生了激烈的战斗，但在他于 411 年占领河内（当时称为隆边）后不久，他就被杀了。然而，他的将军们继续骚扰沿海地区，甚至在 417 年短暂地重新夺回了广州。TChien， Chs. 112-18;ChinS， 100， 14a-15b;15b-16b.
24. One in about 340, one in 374 and the third after 374, but before 398. Op. cit., 97, 9a-b; and Appendix A. 24. 大约每 340 人中就有一次，每 374 人中有一次，第三次在 374 年之后，但在 398 年之前。同上，97,9a-b;和附录 A。
25. In 405; LyS, 54, 11 a and TK’ao, 2656C. 25. 在 405 年;LyS，54,11 a 和 TK'ao，2656C。
26. SShu, 97, 4b-5a; LgS, 54, 11a. 26. SShu，97,4b-5a;LgS，54,11a。
27. From K’ang T’al’s book quoted in T’ai P’ing Yü Lan, Ch. 769. Feng Ch’engchün, op. cit., p. 19. 27. 摘自康达的书，引自《太平玉兰》，第769章。冯正春，同上，第19页。
28. LgS, 54, 4a. 28. LgS，54,4a。
29. By Wan Chen, the prefect of Tan Yang (near Nanking) in Wu times. The book is now lost, but fragments may be found in various texts, especially in the T’al Ping Yü Lan, Chs. 787, 790, 960. 29. 万琛著，吴代谭阳（南京附近）知府。这本书现在已经丢失了，但可以在各种文本中找到片段，尤其是在 T'al Ping Yu Lan，第 787、790、960 章中。
30．Quoted in T＇ai P＇ing Yü Lan，Ch．769；Feng Ch＇eng－chün，op．cit．，p． 19. The word p＇o may have been derived from the Tamil padagu，padao or paroo for a ship（and later，a kind of ship on the Malabar coast）which the Malays adopted and used as perahu．R．J．Wilkinson，A Malay－English Dictionary，London， 1901. 30. 转引自《泰平玉兰》，第 769 章;冯正春，同上，第 19 页。p'o 一词可能源自泰米尔语 padagu，padao 或 paroo，意为船（后来，马拉巴尔海岸的一种船），马来人采用并用作 perahu.R.J.Wilkinson，A Malay-English Dictionary，London，1901 年。
31．Quoted in T＇ai P＇ing Yü Lan，Ch．771；Feng Ch＇eng－chün，op．cit．，p． 19. I have not been able to identify the lu－t＇ou tree． 31. 转引自《泰平玉兰》，第 771 章;冯正春，同上，第 19 页。我无法识别 lu-t'ou 树。
32．K＇ang T＇ai＇s lost book，quoted in T＇ai P＇ing Yü Lan，Ch．771，as Wu Shit Wai Kuo Chuan；Feng Ch＇eng－chün，op．cit．，p．17．The passage says，＂From Chia－na－t＇iao［in South India］，［one could］board a large po［parao？］which has seven sails，and sail for a month and a few days with the scasonal wind to enter the country of Ta－ch＇in［that is，up the Persian Gulf］．＂ 32. 康泰的失传之书，引自《泰平玉兰》，第 771 章，作为《吴氏外国传》;冯正春，同上，第 17 页。这段话说，“从南印度的嘉那尧（Chia-na-t'iao）出发，登上一艘有七帆的大船[parao？]，乘风航行一个月零几天，进入大钦（Ta-ch'in）[即波斯湾上游]。
33．Pelliot，BEFEO，1940，p．269－70 suggests Java．The identification was based on the resemblance between the locations given for Chu－po （諸薄）and Tu－po（杜薄）in the Sui dynasty－both as being＂in the great Chang－hai（the southern portion of the South China Sea）and east of Fu－nan．＂Tu－po was found to be an error for She－po（社薄）which was probably the She－p＇o（閣薄 or 竍薄）of the T＇ang dynasty．This She－p＇o was Java，but at this stage we can only locate Chu－po in Java－ Sumatra． 33.Pelliot，BEFEO，1940，p.269-70 认为是爪哇，其鉴定是基于隋朝中珠薄和杜薄的位置之间的相似性——两者都在“在大昌海（南海南部）和福南以东”，土婆被发现是社薄的错误，社薄可能是唐朝的閣薄或竍薄。这个社薄是爪哇，但在这个阶段我们只能在爪哇-苏门答腊找到珠薄。
34．There are at least ten new names of places in the Malay Peninsula and archipelago mentioned in K＇ang T＇ai＇s book．If Chu－po was Java，then Ma－wu（馬五）Island to the east may be as Pelliot（op．cit．，p． 270 and n． 6）suggests，an error for Ma-li\mathrm{Ma}-\mathrm{li}（馬立）which was probably the island of Bali．But there is little else to suggest that the mission went to Bali； furthemore，Chu－po cannot be so accurately identified． 34. 康台的书中至少提到了马来半岛和群岛的十个新地名.如果朱埔是爪哇岛，那么东边的马乌（马五）岛可能如佩利奥特（同上，第 270 页和第 6 页）所暗示的那样， Ma-li\mathrm{Ma}-\mathrm{li} （馬立）的错误可能是巴厘岛。但是几乎没有其他迹象表明使团去了巴厘岛;此外，朱埔无法如此准确地识别。
35．Ch＇en Sung was sent to Pu－nan with four Yüeh－chich（Scythian）horses by the ruler of T＇ien－chu（the Murundas dynasty？）after Su Wu，the Fu－ nan envoy，had come to establish relations with T＇ien－chu，c．230－240（？）． K＇ang T＇ai met this Indian envoy and asked about the customs of his country．LgS，54，10a． 35. 陈成在福南使者苏武来与天初建立关系后，约230-240年（？）遇到了这位印度使者，并询问了他国家的风俗习惯。
36．LgS，54，9b－10a and ChinS，3，13a；97，8b． 36.LgS，54,9b-10a 和 ChinS，3,13a;97,8b。
37．See Appendix AA on the problem of trade and tributes． 37. 见 AA 关于贸易和贡品问题的附录。
38．NChS，58，4b and ChinS，97，9a． 38.NChS，58,4b 和 ChinS，97,9a。
39．ChinS，97，9a Chiao－chou in Chin times was smaller than it was in Wu times．It consisted of western Kwangtung，Tongking and the northern half of Annam．South Annam had，by this time，been lost to Lin－yi．The southernmost prefecture，that of Jih－nan，had its administrative centre north of modern Hué． 39. 钦朝时期的侨州比吴州小 times.It 由广东西部、东京和安南北半部组成，南安南此时已经被临邑所夺走，最南端的济南县的行政中心位于现代顺化以北。
40．ChinS，97，9a．Most of these states cannot be identified，but onc of them， Ch＇ü－tu－（kan）seems to suggest the Kattigara of Ptolemy．They were all in southern Indo－China． 40.ChinS，97,9a.这些国家中的大多数无法确定，但其中 Ch'ü-tu-（kan）似乎暗示了托勒密的 Kattigara.它们都在印度支那南部。
41．I．gS，54，ib－2a．From 399 onwards till the end of the Chin dynasty，there were continual Lin－yi attacks on Tongking－Annam． 41.I.gS，54，ib-2a.从 399 年开始直到秦朝末期，临义不断进攻东京安南。
42．This does not mean that Tun－sun was on the west coast of the peninsuia． It must have stretched across the isthmus，and its port might well have been on the east coast．LgS，54，3b，says that ships in the South China Sea could not afford to pass the port． 42. 这并不意味着 Tun-sun 位于 Peninsuia 的西海岸。它一定横跨了地峡，它的港口很可能在东海岸。LgS，54,3b，说南中国海的船只无法通过该港口。
43．Op．cit．，54，10a，speaks of the Su Wu mission from Fu－nan to Northern India，as＂starting from Fu－nan and going to the port of Chü－li，and then following the sea into the great bay，entering north－west directly into it， and passing several countries along the bay；after more than a year， ［one］arrives at the mouth of the Ganges＂． 43. 同上，54,10a，谈到从福南到北印度的苏武使团，是“从福南出发，到初里港，然后顺海进入大湾，进入西北方向，直接进入大湾，沿湾经过几个国家;一年多后，[一个人]到达恒河口”。
The interpretation of＂going to（投 tou）the port of Chü－li＂as＂the port of Tou－Chü－li（投拘利口）＂is dubious，and the identification of T＇ou－ Chü－li as Takkola does not really arise．Chü－li was probably a port in southern Malaya，（possibly the Coli of Ptoleny）where the ships awaited the change of monsoons．Hence the whole journey from Fu－nan to the mouth of the Ganges took more than a year． 将“前往（投投）港”解释为“投拘利口”的解释是可疑的，而将投拘利口认定为塔科拉的说法也并非真正出现。初里可能是马来亚南部的一个港口（可能是托勒尼的科利），船只在那里等待季风的变化，因此从福南到恒河口的整个旅程花了一年多的时间。
44．In Liu Ch＇ao Shih Chi Pien Lueh（Collected notes on the historical traces of the Six Dynasties，220－589），two volumes．Ts＇ung Shu Chi Ch＇eng， ed．Shanghai，1936，Vol．2，p．169．The Chinese acknowledged the value of Fu－nan music for more than four centuries（it was still played in the courts of the early T＂ang emperors）． 44.In Liu Ch'ao Shih Chi Pien Lueh（六朝史迹集，220-589），两卷.Ts'ung Shu Chi Ch'eng， ed.Shanghai，1936，Vol.2，p.169.中国人承认福南音乐的价值超过四个世纪（它仍然在唐朝早期皇帝的宫廷中演奏）。
45．ChinS，22，10a；23，10a－b；10b－1la． 45.ChinS，22,10a;23,10a-b;10b-1la.
46．Op．cit．，3，13a and b．Fu－nan was undergoing considerable change during this century．See G．Coedès，Les Etats Hindouises d＇hndochine et d＇Indonésie，Paris，1948，pp．81－4；L．P．Briggs，The Ancient Khmer Empire， The American Philosophical Society，1951，pp．22－3． 46.Op.cit.，3,13a and b.Fu-nan was experiencing 相当大的变化.参见 G.Coedès，Les Etats Hindouises d'hndochine et d'Indonésie，Paris，1948，pp.81-4;L.P.Briggs，The Ancient Khmer Empire， The American Philosophical Society，1951，pp.22-3.
47．This mission was sent by（Chu）Chan－t＇an（Chandana）．The elephants brought to China were ordered to be sent back．ChinS，97，10a；LgS，54，4b． 47.这个任务是由（Chu）Chan-t'an（Chandana）派出的。被带到中国的大象被命令送回。ChinS，97,10a;LgS，54,4b.
48．For Fa－hsien＇s account of his journey home，see the edited and annotated lext by Feng Ch＇eng－chün，op．cit．，pp．21－27．And The Travels of Fa－ hsien，translated by H．A．Giles，Cambridge，1923，pp．65－83．The normal journey must have taken less than fifty days because the ship sailed with only fifty days＇provisions．They left late in May for Canton． 48. 关于法贤的回家之旅，见冯正春编著的注释书，见上引，第 21-27 页。《法显游记》，H.A.Giles 译，剑桥，1923 年，第 65-83 页。正常行程用了不到五十天，因为船只带了五十天的粮食，他们在五月下旬启程前往广州。
49．The problem of Yeh－p＇o－t＇s is very difficult．It may have been Yavadvipa （and，therefore，Java－Sumatra）；or the west coast of Borneo，for that is also southwest of Canton．But from the way Fa－hsien travelled，it seems 49. 叶派的问题非常 difficult.It 可能是耶瓦德维帕（也就是爪哇-苏门答腊）;或者婆罗洲的西海岸，因为那里也是广州的西南部。
clear that there was trade between Ceylon and Yeh-p’o-t’i and a separate trade between China and Yeh-p’o-t’i. Yeh-p’o-t’1, therefore, need not have been the port on the shortest direct route between Ceylon and China. Fa-hsien boarded a different boat at Yeh-p’o-t’i, perhaps with a different group of merchants and different cargo. 很明显，锡兰和 Yeh-p'o-t'i 之间存在贸易，而中国和 Yeh-p'o-t'i 之间则有单独的贸易。因此，Yeh-p'o-t'1 不一定是锡兰和中国之间最短的直达航线上的港口。法贤在叶邑台登上了另一艘船，也许是不同的商人和不同的货物。
50. Fa-hsien’s account in Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., pp. 25 and 20. Both the ships he boarded could hold more than 200 people. H.A. Giles, op. cit., pp. 76 and 78. 50. 法贤在《冯正春》中的记述，同上，第 25、20 页。他登上的两艘船都能容纳 200 多人。H.A. Giles，见上引，第 76 页和第 78 页。
31. Feng Ch’eng-chün, op, cit., p. 22. H.N. Giles, op. cit., p. 68. 31. 冯正春，见上，第 22 页。H.N. Giles，见上引，第 68 页。
52. “A Description of the Plants and Trees of the South”, by Chi Han in c. 304. It has been called “the oldest Chinese work devoted to the botany of Southern China.” Ts’ung Shu Chi Ch’eng edition, Shanghai, 1939, pp. 1 and 8. The two varieties of jasmine were the Jusminum officinale, and the Jasminum Sambac. Also introduced from Ta-ch’in were the “fingernail flowers”, the Lawsonia alba. See B. Laufer, Sino-Iranica, Chicago, 1919, p. 329. 52. “南方植物和树木的描述”，迟寒著，约 304 年。它被称为“中国最古老的南方植物学著作”。Ts'ung Shu Chi Ch'eng 版，上海，1939 年，第 1 页和第 8 页。茉莉花的两个品种是 Jusminum officinale 和 Jasminum Sambac。从大钦引入的还有“指甲花”，Lawsonia alba。参见 B. Laufer，Sino-Iranica，芝加哥，1919 年，第 329 页。
53. Op. cit., p. 330, quotes the authority of L. Aurousscau, BEFEO, Vol. XIV, 1914, p. 10, on the interpolations. The conclusion about a colony of western traders at Canton at this time has too often been drawn, but it must be noted that the evidence is based on a disturbed text, and is not confirmed by other notes of this period. 53. 同上，第 330 页，引用了 L. Aurousscau， BEFEO， Vol. XIV， 1914， p. 10， 关于插值的权威。关于此时广州有西方商人聚居地的结论经常被得出，但必须指出的是，这些证据是基于一段令人不安的文本，并没有得到这一时期其他笔记的证实。
54. ChinS, 90, 9a, which continues, “The imperial cour wanted to end this evil practice in Ling-nan, and so sent [Wu] Yin-chih in the Lung-an perod [397-401].” Wu Yin-chih was an eccentric and incorruptible governor, whose office was cut short by the fall of Canton before the rebel armies of Lu Hsün in 404. 54. ChinS， 90， 9a，其中继续说，“皇室想要结束灵南的这种邪恶做法，因此派遣 [吴] 贤智在龙安寺 [397-401]。吴印志是一位古怪而廉洁的总督，他的职位因 404 年鲁臻起义军前广州沦陷而缩短。
55. The court of Chin in Hsiao-Wu-ti’s reign, 373-396, had tall, black slaves cailed “K’un-lun”. This was the first mention of K’un-lun slaves, see Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (Chinese translation), p. 242. 55. 萧武帝在位期间（373-396 年），钦朝有高大的黑人奴隶被囚禁在“昆仑”中。这是第一次提到昆仑奴隶，见藤田丰八，见上引，第242页。
Previous to this, “K’un-Jun” was only mentioned as a title for officials in the courts of the southern barbarians, including Lin-yi and Fu-nan; Wan Chen, Nan Chou I Wu Chih (the end of the third century), quoted in Tai P’ing Yu Lan, Ch. 786, and translated in G. Ferrand, op. cit., March-April 1919, p. 241. 在此之前，“昆君”仅作为南蛮人朝廷官员的称谓，包括临沂和福南;万琛，《南丑无记》（三世纪末），引自《泰平语兰》，第 786 章，译自 G. Ferrand，见上引，1919 年 3-4 月，第 241 页。
56. “Po-sse” is first mentioned in the Ku Ching Chu, a work of the fourth century, as a country that produced the ebony imported into China (possibly in Possc ships). On the identification of this Po-sse, see Chapter 4. 56. “Po-sse”首次被提及于四世纪的著作《古经初》中，作为生产进口到中国的乌木的国家（可能是在 Possc 船只中）。关于此 Po-sse 的标识，请参阅第 4 章。
CHAPTER 章
The Tribute of Holy Things, 420-589 圣物的贡品，420-589
By the beginning of the fourth century, an independent South China had again lost the Central Asian route to the West. And until 589, the succession of dynasties in that independent South China were all forced to resort to the sea for their supply of westem products. This did not mean that western products could not be obtained by land at all - there were still commercial relations with the western state of Ch’eng Han (304-347) and the north-western states of Ch’ien Liang (301-376) and Ch’ien Chin (351-394) which indirectly brought western goods down the Yangtse to the Eastern Ch’in capital at Chienk’ang (Nanking). But the volume of trade was limited, and the demand for the goods never satisfied. 到 4 世纪初，独立的南中国再次失去了通往西方的中亚路线。直到 589 年，独立的南中国的历代王朝都被迫求助于海洋来供应 westem 产品。这并不意味着西方产品根本无法通过陆地获得——与西境的正汉州（304-347 年）和西北的钱良州（301-376 年）和钱钦州（351-394 年）仍然存在商业关系，间接地将西方商品沿长江带到东秦首都钱康（南京）。但贸易量有限，对商品的需求从未得到满足。
When the Chin rulers moved south, the distant [Yellow] river and Lung [Shensi and West] areas were lost; the northem barbarians obstructed all communications, and the outer territories were cut off. ^(2){ }^{2} 秦朝统治者南下后，遥远的黄河和隆[陕西]地区丧失;北方蛮族阻挠一切交通，外围领土被切断。 ^(2){ }^{2}
Throughout the Eastern Chin dynasty, the Chinese of Huang Ho plains moved south to Kiangsu, Anhwei, Kiangsi and Chekiang, to 在整个东钦朝，黄河平原的中国人南迁至江苏、安徽、江西和浙江，以
Hupei and to Szechuan, intending one day to return to their homes. ^(3){ }^{3} But the Chin rulers failed them, and foreign dynasties followed one another till Liu Sung times when the T’oba Wei dynasty became the sole ruler of North China. Between 420 and 451, the Liu Sung emperors made many attempts to regain the lands of the Huang Ho plains and almost succeeded several times. But in 451, their generals met a terrible defeat at the hands of the T’obas. ^(4){ }^{4} This defeat decided the fate of the Chinese who had migrated south. Most of them were never to return to their homes, and many more from the North were to join them in the next 150 years. The population of South China increased very quickly and some refugee familics began to move into Kwangtung and Fukien. ^(5){ }^{5} This is very important, for until this time, Kwangtung was mainly populated by the local Yüeh peoples who were gradually adopting Chinese ways, while Chinese officials, soldiers and merchants occupied the towns. Fukien had a very small Chinese population in the areas inland from Fu-chou (up the Min River towards the northwest corner of the province). In other words, until the sixth century, Kwangtung was important for its mart of Canton from whence all southern goods reached the wealthy markets of North China, especially the capital eity, and Fukien was commercially not important at all. 湖北和四川，打算有一天能回到自己的家乡。 ^(3){ }^{3} 但钦朝统治者辜负了他们，外国朝代相继，直到刘宋时代，大坝魏王朝成为华北地区的唯一统治者。420 年至 451 年间，刘宋皇帝多次尝试收复黄河平原的土地，几次几乎成功。但在 451 年，他们的将军们在特奥巴斯人手中遭遇了可怕的失败。 ^(4){ }^{4} 这次失败决定了南迁的中国人的命运。他们中的大多数人再也没有回到自己的家乡，在接下来的 150 年里，还有更多来自北方的人加入了他们的行列。华南地区的人口增长非常迅速，一些难民家庭开始搬到广东和福建。 ^(5){ }^{5} 这一点非常重要，因为在此之前，广东主要由当地的 Yüeh 人居住，他们逐渐接受了中国的方式，而中国官员、士兵和商人则占据了城镇。福建在福州的内陆地区（沿闽江逆流而上，向该省西北角）的华人人口非常少。换句话说，直到 6 世纪，广东对广州市场很重要，所有南方商品都从那里到达华北的富裕市场，尤其是首都，而福建在商业上根本不重要。
It is important to note that both Canton and Hanoi were still little more than large trading settlements under the jurisdiction of the Chinese who collected the taxes and protected the merchants. As prosperous frontier towns," they were far from the central government. Their wealth gave an incentive to ambitious governors or generals to seek the political independence of the provinces of Kwang-chou and Chiao-chou, and then to use these provinces as bases for attempts on the imperial throne.’ These risings, however, disrupted foreign trade and prevented the full growth of the two towns for three centuries (fourth to sixth centuries). 值得注意的是，广州和河内都只不过是中国人管辖下的大型贸易定居点，他们负责征税和保护商人。作为繁荣的边境城镇“，他们远离中央政府。他们的财富激励了雄心勃勃的总督或将军寻求光州省和胶州省的政治独立，然后利用这些省份作为争夺皇位的基地。然而，这些起义扰乱了对外贸易，并在三个世纪（4 至 6 世纪）阻止了这两个城镇的全面发展。
South China grew populous and wealthy and the demand for luxury goods increased especially for the goods of the West. As the main supply came by sea (chicfly through Canton), the coastal areas became more prosperous and, therefore, even more attractive to adventurers and ambitious men. But these men kept the area continually troubled, and consequently limited the growth of the Nanhai trade. 华南地区人口众多，富裕程度不断提高，对奢侈品的需求增加，尤其是对西方商品的需求。由于主要供应来自海上（途经广州的 chicfly），沿海地区变得更加繁荣，因此对冒险家和雄心勃勃的人更具吸引力。但这些人使该地区不断受到困扰，因此限制了南海贸易的增长。
The period 420 to 589 opened well for South China. Kwangtung was at peace after the defeat of the last followers of the rebel (and pirate) Lu Hsün in 417 and remained so till 453. Tongking-Annam had been continually harassed by the Chams of Lin-yi since 344, but in 420, the governor utterly routed them and secured relative peace for some ten years.* In 431, the Chams again attacked Annam and then Tongking, and for fifteen years their ships harassed the coasts up to Canton obstructing Chinese trade with the Nanhai. In 446, they were defeated and left the Chinese in peace till after 589.9 But the havoc and destruction done to the Tongking-Annam coasts must have driven some of the Nanhai trade to the port of Canton, which was comparatively untroubled and safe. ^(10){ }^{10} And it is recorded of Canton in this period that: 420 到 589 年期间对华南地区开局良好。417 年，叛乱者（和海盗）鲁臻的最后一批追随者被击败后，广东一直处于和平状态，直到 453 年。自 344 年以来，东京安南一直受到临沂占婆的骚扰，但在 420 年，总督彻底击溃了他们，并在大约十年内获得了相对的和平。431 年，占婆再次袭击安南，然后袭击东京，他们的船只在长达 15 年的时间里骚扰沿海地区，直到广州，阻碍了中国与南海的贸易。446 年，他们被击败，留下中国人和平无比，直到 589 年之后。但对东京-安南海岸的破坏和破坏一定迫使一些南海贸易前往广州港，该港口相对平稳且安全。 ^(10){ }^{10} 关于这一时期的广州的记录是：
The southem lands are very sich, and those who hold office there often succeed in becoming extremely wealthy men. The saying goes, “The governor of Kwang-chou need only pass through the city gates [of Canton] just once, and he will be enriched by thirty millions [strings of cash],” " 南部的土地非常 sich，在那里担任公职的人往往成功地成为非常富有的人。俗话说，“光州总督只需穿过 [广州] 的城门一次，他就会得到 3000 万 [一串现金] 的财富。
There followed seven years of peace in coastal China; but soon after the defeat of the Liu Sung generals by the Tobas in 451, revolts broke out, first in Kwangtung, and later in Tongking-Annam. And outbreaks in these remote areas continued while several generals fought for the imperial throne. ^(12){ }^{12} By 479, there was a new dynasty at Chien-k’ang, the Southern Ch’i (470-502). The rulers were barely able to maintain order in Canton and failed to control their officers and officials effectively at Tongking-Annam who were virtually independent. It was not until 505 that the founder of the next dynasty, Liang (502-556), was able to pacify the southern coasts. ^(13){ }^{13} 随后，中国沿海地区经历了七年的和平;但在 451 年刘宋将军被多巴人击败后不久，首先在广东爆发了起义，后来在东京安南爆发了起义。在这些偏远地区的疫情仍在继续，而几位将军则为皇位而战。 ^(12){ }^{12} 到 479 年，建康出现了一个新的王朝，即南齐（470-502 年）。统治者勉强维持了广州的秩序，也未能有效地控制他们在东京安南的官员和官员，他们实际上是独立的。直到 505 年，下一个王朝的创始人梁 （502-556） 才得以平定南部沿海。 ^(13){ }^{13}
With his success, however, followed a brilliant period of intercourse with the kingdoms of Southeast Asia and the West, especially with the Buddhist kingdoms. From 505 to 541 , peaceful and profitable trading was possible at both Canton and Hanoi. That this was particularly profitable to the officials may be seen in the following record of the first years of the Liang dynasty, c. 502-505. 然而，随着他的成功，他与东南亚和西方王国，尤其是佛教王国的交往取得了辉煌的时期。从 505 年到 541 年，广州和河内都可以进行和平和有利可图的贸易。这对官员来说特别有利可图，这可以从以下梁朝初年（约 502-505 年）的记录中看出。
At the prefecture lof Canton] there were often men of Kao-liang [Yüch people from the districts west and south-west of Canton], and many ocean-vessels which came several times a year. 在广州县]经常有高梁人[来自广州西部和西南部地区的尤克人]，还有许多远洋船只，每年来几次。
Foreign merchants came to trade there. The officials went and bought [their goods] at half the price, and having bought [them], immediately sold [them at the market price]. Thus they made profits several limes more [than the normal margin]. This was so frequently done that it became the usual accepted practice. ^(1+){ }^{1+} 外国商人来到那里进行贸易。官员们去以一半的价格买下了[他们的货物]，买了[他们]，立即以市场价格出售。因此，他们赚取了几百个石灰的利润 [比正常的利润率]。这种情况发生得如此频繁，以至于它成为通常的公认做法。 ^(1+){ }^{1+}
And at the end of this great trading period, at about 544, the exceptional incorruptibility of Wang Mai, governor of Canton, drew comment, for “the Yüch area [Canton] was very rich, and the previous governors were mostly avaricious and extortionate.” 在这个伟大的贸易时期结束时，大约在 544 年，广州总督王迈异常清廉的品行引起了人们的评论，因为“玉篱地区 [广州] 非常富饶，以前的总督大多贪婪和敲诈勒索。
But the last years of the reign of Liang Wu-ti (502-549) were years of new outbreaks in Tongking-Annam, and from 541 to 548, the area was independent of China, the local dynasty of Li being formally set up in 544. ^(16){ }^{16} Then followed a series of wars in the Yangtse area anong several ambitious generals (548-557) during which time the Canton coast was also cut off from the capital and the Yangtse cities. The independence of both Hanoi and Canton (549-557) protected the people from the famines that struck the populous northem towns but it also limited their trade with these troubled areas. ^(17){ }^{17} The only interesting development was the successful revival of Hanoi (since cc. 516) and its recapture from Canton of much of the Nanhai trade by the end of the period. This was partly achieved during its independence in 541-548 under Li Peng, and its virtual independence (along with Canton) under the powerful Ou-yang family in 558-570, and finally, under the efficient administration of Yuan Cho after 570. ^(18){ }^{18} But in spite of this, the limit on the size of this trade was determined by conditions at the markets of the capital and the Yangtse cities, and a reduction in the sea trade in foreign luxuries was inevitable. 但梁武帝（502-549 年）统治的最后几年是东景安南新爆发的几年，从 541 年到 548 年，该地区独立于中国，当地李朝于 544 年正式建立。 ^(16){ }^{16} 随后在长江地区发生了一系列战争，其中有几位雄心勃勃的将军（548-557 年），在此期间，广州海岸也与首都和长江城市隔绝。河内和广州的独立（549-557 年）保护了人民免受人口稠密的北方城镇的饥荒，但也限制了他们与这些动荡地区的贸易。 ^(17){ }^{17} 唯一有趣的发展是河内的成功复兴（自 516 年以来 cc ）并在该时期结束时从广州重新夺回了大部分南海贸易。这在 541-548 年李鹏统治下独立，以及 558-570 年在强大的欧阳家族统治下实际上独立（与广州一起）以及最后，在 570 年后在元祖的有效管理下实现。 ^(18){ }^{18} 但尽管如此，这种贸易规模的限制是由首都和长江城市的市场条件决定的，外国奢侈品的海上贸易减少是不可避免的。
A quick survey of this trade in terms of the tribute missions sent by various countries by sea to South China during the same period will reveal a trend which roughly coincides with that of the conditions of the coastal area described above. In the first forty years of the Liu Sung dynasty, there came thirty-eight missions from countries all over Southeast Asia, from Ceylon and South India. ^(19){ }^{19} At the close of the dynasty, there were only six missions in twenty years. ^(20){ }^{20} The twenty 根据同期各国通过海路向华南地区派遣的贡品团，对这种贸易进行快速调查，就会发现一种与上述沿海地区状况大致一致的趋势。在刘宋王朝的前四十年里，有 38 个使团来自东南亚各地，包括锡兰和南印度。 ^(19){ }^{19} 在王朝末期，二十年只有六次任务。 ^(20){ }^{20} 这二十个
years of the Southern Ch’i dynasty seem to have been precarious years when only two missions, one from Fu-nan and one from Lin-yi were recorded. ^(21){ }^{21} The Liang dynasty started a new era of trading, but the foreign traders were slow to regain confidence in China. In the first eight years, only three missions came. ^(22){ }^{22} But in the next thirty years, the trading relations with the Nanhai reached new heights of importance. As many as thirty-three missions came with tribute. ^(23){ }^{23} And then there followed a sudden fall in the trade which coincides with the failure of effective government. Only six missions came in the following thirty years, 540-569. There may have been a stight recovery in the last twenty years of Ch’en, when twelve missions came (including one from South India), but this was probably very limited and brought no new developments in the trade. ^(2+){ }^{2+} 南齐朝的岁月似乎是不稳定的岁月，当时只有两次任务被记录下来，一次来自福南，一次来自临义。 ^(21){ }^{21} 梁朝开启了贸易的新时代，但外国商人对中国恢复信心的速度很慢。在最初的八年里，只有三个任务来了。 ^(22){ }^{22} 但在接下来的 30 年里，与南海的贸易关系达到了新的重要高度。多达 33 个任务都带有贡品。 ^(23){ }^{23} 然后，贸易突然下降，这与有效政府的失败相吻合。在接下来的三十年里，只有 6 次任务来了，即 540-569 年。在陈朝的最后 20 年里，当 12 个传教士来访（包括一个来自南印度）时，可能有一个短暂的复苏，但这可能非常有限，没有给贸易带来新的发展。 ^(2+){ }^{2+}
The figures also reveal the nature of most of the tribute missions, for the correlation between their coming to South China and the effectiveness of Chinese control of the coast is unmistakable. The luxury trade carried on between China and these countries over the sea was based on the demands of the capital and some of the growing cities of the Yangtse. When communication between the ports of Canton and Hanoi and these cities was disrupted by violent and incessant fighting, the volume of the trade was greatly reduced. But when a new dynasty or emperor enforced law and order in the coastal areas, missions were often sent immediately by the southern countries to re-establish official relations in order that the trade may be officially recognised and their merchants protected. 这些数字还揭示了大多数贡品任务的性质，因为他们来到华南地区与中国对海岸控制的有效性之间的相关性是显而易见的。中国与这些国家之间通过海上进行的奢侈品贸易是基于首都和长江一些不断发展的城市的需求。当广州港和河内港与这些城市之间的交通因暴力和持续的战斗而中断时，贸易量大大减少。但是，当新的王朝或皇帝在沿海地区执行法律和秩序时，南方国家通常会立即派遣使团重新建立官方关系，以便贸易得到官方承认并保护他们的商人。
The survey of the sea trade during the period 420-589 is based mainly on the two peaks of trading activity from 420 to 460 and from 502 to 540. During the forty years between these two perieds and the fifty years after 540 there was no development in the trade; in fact, the failure of the trade in the last fifty years (despite a slight recovery in 570-589) was so serious that the second Sui emperor was hard put to revive it. 420-589 年期间的海上贸易调查主要基于 420 年至 460 年和 502 年至 540 年这两个贸易活动的高峰。在这两个危机之间的四十年和 540 年之后的五十年里，贸易没有发展;事实上，过去五十年的贸易失败（尽管在 570-589 年略有恢复）是如此严重，以至于隋二帝很难恢复它。
From the tribute missions of the two peak periods, it is clear that the coastal trade with Lin-yi and Fu-nan was still every important. This trade need not have been in local products alone, but included the re-exports from these two countrics of goods that had been imported from India and Ceylon and from the Malay archipelago. 从两个高峰期的贡品任务中可以清楚地看出，与临沂和福南的沿海贸易仍然非常重要。这种贸易不必只涉及本地产品，还包括从印度和锡兰以及马来群岛进口的这两个国家的商品的再出口。
Trading with Lin-yi was disturbed by continual border troubles with Tongking-Annam and by troubles with Lin-yi “pirates” on the Chinese coasts until 446 when the Chinese attacked Lin-yi, sacked its towns and subdued the country for the next 150 years. ^(26){ }^{26} The wealth of this country, evidenced by the offer of tribute in 445 of " 10,000 chin [kati] of gold, 100,000 chin of silver and 300,000 chin of copper," ^(27){ }^{27} suffered from this campaign, and it was not till sixty years later that her trade with China regained its past importance. The goods exported to China included tortoise-shells, cowries, gharu-woods, grass mats, cotton cloths, rhinoceros homs, ivory and amber. There was possibiy a trade in manufactured goods of gold and silver. ^(28){ }^{28} 与临沂的贸易受到与东京安南的持续边界纠纷以及中国沿海临沂“海盗”的困扰，直到 446 年中国人袭击临沂，洗劫其城镇并征服了该国在接下来的 150 年里。 ^(26){ }^{26} 这个国家的财富，从 445 年的贡品中可以看出，“10,000 chin [kati] 黄金、100,000 chin 白银和 300,000 chin 铜” ^(27){ }^{27} 在这场运动中遭受了损失，直到 60 年后，她与中国的贸易才恢复了过去的重要性。出口到中国的商品包括龟甲、贝壳、gharu-wood、草席、棉布、犀牛、象牙和琥珀。有可能进行金银制成品的贸易。 ^(28){ }^{28}
In Fu-nan conditions had improved under the second Kaundinya (who reigned early in the fifth century) and remained relatively peaceful till the end of his dynasty. During this period, Buddhism began to grow in importance, and this encouraged closer relations with China, especially in the later half of Jayavarman’s reign (c. 478-514). ^(20){ }^{20} There were not only merchants sent by Jayavarman to trade at Canton, ^(30){ }^{30} but also many Buddhist monks who were attracted to China by the devout Liang emperor and went there to translate Buddhist works. ^(31){ }^{31} There seems to have followed a trade in “holy things”, in incense (gharu-woods), ivory and sandalwood stupas and statues, and glass-vesscls used for temple rituals. ^(32){ }^{32} The normal trade, however, was in gold and silver articles, cowrie ornaments, various scented woods, ivory, peacock-feathers, tortoiseshells, and re-exports like rubies and emeralds, Indian sandalwood, corals, opaque glass, cotton fabrics, curcuma (or turmeric) and storax, which were mostly goods imported by Fu-nan from the West. This trade seems to have been at its height during the reigns of 在福南，在第二代 Kaundinya（5 世纪初在位）的统治下，情况有所改善，并且一直保持相对和平，直到他的王朝结束。在此期间，佛教的重要性开始增加，这鼓励了与中国建立更密切的关系，尤其是在阇耶跋摩统治的后半期（约 478-514 年）。 ^(20){ }^{20} 不仅有阇耶跋摩派来广州贸易的商人， ^(30){ }^{30} 还有许多佛教僧侣被虔诚的梁帝吸引到中国，到那里翻译佛经。 ^(31){ }^{31} 似乎随之而来的是“圣物”、熏香（gharu-woods）、象牙和檀香木佛塔和雕像以及用于寺庙仪式的玻璃容器的交易。 ^(32){ }^{32} 然而，正常的贸易是金银制品、贝格里装饰品、各种香味木材、象牙、孔雀羽毛、玳瑁，以及红宝石和祖母绿、印度檀香木、珊瑚、不透明玻璃、棉织物、姜黄（或姜黄）和斯托克斯等转口商品，这些商品大多是福南从西方进口的商品。这种贸易似乎在
Rudravarman (514-540) in Fu-nan and of Liang Wu-ti (502-549) in China; this was when China was strongly Buddhist. But after the death of Rudravarman, conditions in both China and Fu-man deteriorated and trade was duly affected. ^(33){ }^{33} 福南的鲁陀罗跋摩 （514-540） 和中国的梁武帝 （502-549） ;那时中国是浓厚的佛教徒。但在鲁德拉跋摩去世后，中国和福满的状况都恶化了，贸易受到了应有的影响。 ^(33){ }^{33}
The Chinese exports to these two areas were limited in variety, and were chictly of various qualities of silks and brocades. The export of pottery and porcelain ware had still to await the rapid growth of the industries, first in Kiangsi and Chekiang and then in Fukien, during the T’ang dynasily. 中国对这两个地区的出口种类有限，而且质量各异，质量各异。陶器和瓷器的出口仍需等待工业的快速发展，首先是江西和浙江，然后是唐朝的福建。
The importance that Fu-nan regained in the fifth and the first half of the sixth centuries, by being one of the marts of the South China Sea, came chiefly from the use, once again, of the crosspeninsula route between Fu-nan and India. Her dependency, Tunsun, on the Malay Peninsula, had succeeded in capturing a greal deal of the east-west trade. ^(3*4){ }^{3 \cdot 4} This was partly due to increasing pirate activity in the Straits of Malacca and in the Riau-Lingga archipelago. For by Liang times, Tun-sun 抚南在 5 世纪和 6 世纪上半叶重新获得重要性，成为南中国海的集市之一，主要来自抚南和印度之间跨半岛航线的再次使用。她在马来半岛的属地 Tunsun 成功地获得了东西方贸易的一笔重要交易。 ^(3*4){ }^{3 \cdot 4} 这部分是由于马六甲海峡和廖内林加群岛的海盗活动日益活跃。For by Liang times， 敦山
was trading with Chioo-chou [Tongking] to the east and with Tienchu [India] and An-hsi [Parthia] to the west. The [merchants of the] countries outside the [Chinese] boundaries all come and go to trade there. In the markets of Tun-sum, east and west meet, and daily more than 10,000 people [trade there]. There is no lack of any of the valuable products and precious goods [in demand]. ^(35){ }^{35} 东边与朝洲 [东京] 和西边的天楚 [印度] 和安西 [帕提亚] 进行贸易。[中国]边界以外的国家的 [商人] 都来来去去那里做生意。在屯森市场，东西交汇，每天有超过 10,000 人 [在那里交易]。这里不乏任何有价值的产品和珍贵的货物。 ^(35){ }^{35}
Tun-sun was not the only mart on the peninsula. There were trading relations with P’an-p’an, also situated in the northern part of the Malay Peninsula, in the middle of the fifth century. ^(30){ }^{30} This increased in importance in Liang times, when there were also the kingdoms of Lang-ya-hsiu ^(37){ }^{37} and Tan-tan further south. ^(38){ }^{38} The tribute articles illustrate the nature of this trade. From P’an-p’an came “ivory images and stupas, gharu-woods, sandalwood and many other kinds of incense” and “Buddha’s tooth and painted stupas” ^(54){ }^{54} mostly connected with Buddhist worship. From Tan-tan came "ivory images and stupas [two of each], fire pearls, cotton fabrics, and miscellaneous types of incense [or ragrant woods] and also “gold, silver, opaque glass, various precious goods and incense.” ^(10){ }^{10} 敦山并不是半岛上唯一的集市。五世纪中叶，与同样位于马来半岛北部的 P'an-p'an 建立了贸易关系。 ^(30){ }^{30} 这在梁朝时代变得更加重要，当时更南边还有琅琊 ^(37){ }^{37} 珅王国和潭潭王国。 ^(38){ }^{38} 致敬文章说明了这种交易的性质。从潘潘产生了“象牙像和佛塔、gharu-wood、檀香木和许多其他种类的香”和“佛牙和彩塔” ^(54){ }^{54} ，主要与佛教崇拜有关。从潭潭流出“象牙像和佛塔[各两尊]、火珠、棉布和各种香[或稀木]，还有”金、银、不透明的玻璃、各种贵重物品和香”。 ^(10){ }^{10}
No more is heard about Yeh-p’o-t’i after Fa-hsien’s journey, but that there was still direct trade between Java-Sumatra and South China is clear from the tribute missions coming from Ho-lo-tan and Kan-toli between 430 and 460 , both being located in Java-Sumatra. ^(11){ }^{11} Throughout Liu Sung times, there were also trading relations with P’o-huang and P’o-ta, two states associated with Java-Sumatra. ^(+2){ }^{+2} Then trade feil off till Liang times, when there was a small revival of the trade between Kan-t’o-li and China. More important was the rise of the new trading centre of P’o-li. ^(+3){ }^{+3} 在法显的旅程之后，没有再听到关于叶派泰帝的消息，但从 430 年至 460 年间来自和洛潭和观陀里的贡品使团中可以清楚地看出，爪哇-苏门答腊和南中国之间仍然存在直接贸易，这两个使团都位于爪哇-苏门答腊。 ^(11){ }^{11} 在整个刘宋时代，还与爪哇-苏门答腊岛相关的两个国家 P'o-Huang 和 P'o-ta 建立了贸易关系。 ^(+2){ }^{+2} 然后贸易中断，直到梁朝时期，Kan-t'o-li 和中国之间的贸易出现了小幅复兴。更重要的是 P'o-li 新贸易中心的崛起。 ^(+3){ }^{+3}
The Chinese trade with Java-Sumatra was less important than that with Indo-China and the Malay Peninsula. Most of the trading products of Ho-lo-tan were obtainable from Fu-nan and Lin-yi, and so were most of those of Kan-t’o-li (except, for example, its excellent areca-nuts). ^(44){ }^{44} Java-Sumatra had gained in importance during the late fourth and early fifth centuries, chiefly because the disorder in the dependencies of Fu-nan had driven merchants to use a more direct sea-route. But when in the fifth century peace returned to the isthmus area, and the Straits of both Malacca and Singapore were found to have become more pirate-infested, the traders reverted to the old transpeninsula route. ^(45)Lambda{ }^{45} \Lambda further attraction of the old route was the supply of various scented woods and dyes, from countries like P’an-p’an, Lang-ya-hsiu and Tan-tan which could always find a market in China. 中国与爪哇-苏门答腊的贸易不如与印度支那和马来半岛的贸易重要。Ho-lo-tan 的大部分贸易产品都是从福南和临沂获得的，Kan-t'o-li 的大部分贸易产品也是如此（例如，除了其优质的槟榔）。 ^(44){ }^{44} 爪哇-苏门答腊在 4 世纪末和 5 世纪初变得越来越重要，主要是因为福南属地的混乱迫使商人使用更直接的海路。但是，当地峡地区恢复和平时，发现马六甲海峡和新加坡海峡的海盗更加猖獗，商人又回到了旧的跨半岛路线。 ^(45)Lambda{ }^{45} \Lambda 旧路线的进一步吸引力是来自潘潘、琅琊和潭潭等国家的各种香味木材和染料的供应，这些国家总能在中国找到市场。
An interesting development in the Nanhai trade of this period was the opening of trading relations with P ‘o-li in the fifth century. P’o-li was “a kingdom on an island in the sea Southeast of Canton”, about two months’ journey from that port. It was a large kingdom, “fifty days journey from east to west and twenty from north to south”, ^(4j){ }^{4 j} and was reached after passing Lin-yi, Fu-nan. Ch’ih-l’u and Tan-tan on the mainland. ^(47){ }^{47} It produced tortoise-shells, veined or striped shellfish, purple cowries and corals which it probably exported to China along with cotton fabrics. ^(4//3){ }^{4 / 3} The products of the land seem to have been similar to those of Lin-yi, P’an-p’an and Tan-tan. What is unusual is that P’o-li was the first country where sea-products dominated. 这一时期南海贸易的一个有趣发展是在 5 世纪与 P 'o-li 建立贸易关系。P'o-li 是“广州东南海域一个岛屿上的一个王国”，距离该港口大约两个月的旅程。这是一个大王国，“东西五十天，南北二十天”， ^(4j){ }^{4 j} 经过福南临宜后到达。大陆上的 Ch'ih-l'U 和 Tan-tan。 ^(47){ }^{47} 它生产龟壳、脉状或条纹贝类、紫色贝壳和珊瑚，这些可能与棉织物一起出口到中国。 ^(4//3){ }^{4 / 3} 这片土地的产品似乎与临沂、潘潘和潭檀的产品相似。不同寻常的是，P'o-li 是第一个以海产品为主的国家。
It is difficult to identify the island exactly. On the basis of its being also known as Ma-Ji in T’ang times and of its casterly position compared to other trading areas, some scholars have suggested that P’o-li was Bali. ^(49){ }^{49} If the description of its great size was merely an exaggeration, this scems to be likely enough. If P’o-li was Bali, then 很难准确识别该岛。根据它在唐朝也被称为马吉以及与其他贸易地区相比的卓越地位，一些学者认为 P'o-li 就是巴厘岛。 ^(49){ }^{49} 如果对它巨大尺寸的描述只是夸大其词，那么这很可能就足够了。如果 P'o-li 是巴厘岛，那么
Map 4 地图 4
South China and the Nanhat during the Southem Dynastles 南华和南帽王朝时期的南帽
there was an extension of trade during this period; the Chinese had trading relations with the eastern coasts of the Java Sea. On the other hand, it is interesting to note that an archacologist has identified it, though not conclusively, with Panei in Sumatra. ^(50){ }^{50} 在此期间，贸易得到了扩展;中国与爪哇海东海岸有贸易关系。另一方面，有趣的是，一位考古学家已经将其与苏门答腊的 Panei 确定为非範武之地。 ^(50){ }^{50}
Trading with South India and Ceylon continued, mostly via the peninsula route. Tribute missions came from Ceylon and India to the Liu Sung court; ^(51){ }^{51} and onc mission from Ceylon came in 527 during the reign of Liang Wu-ti. And the historian of the Liu Sung dynasty writes in 487. 与南印度和锡兰的贸易仍在继续，主要通过半岛路线。来自锡兰和印度的贡品团来到刘宋朝廷; ^(51){ }^{51} 来自锡兰的 onc 任务于 527 年在梁武帝统治期间出现。刘宋朝的历史学家在 487 年写道。
As regards Ta-chin and T’en-chu, they are far out in the boundless west, and the envoys of the two Han dynasties have found the route there specially difficult. But sill the supply of merchandise has been kept up, being sent out from the Chiao area [Chiao-chou] across the waves of the sea, the winds taking them [the goods] far to their destination … 至于大钦和天初，他们远在无边无际的西方，两汉的使者发现那里的路线特别困难。但 Sill 商品的供应一直保持着，从侨州 [俨州] 穿过海浪运出，风把它们 [货物] 带到很远的地方到达目的地......
The valuable products of the sea and the mountains come from these places [Ta-ch’in, T’ien-chu and piaces en route], like the precious rhinoceros homs and kingfisher feathers, and the strange great pearis [serpent pearls?] and “fire cloths” [asbestos], and thousands of other goods. And also the doctrine of devolion to the lord of the world [Buddha]. Thus there is a chain of great and small ships on the route, and the merchants and [trading] envoys [gather to] exchange [their goods and their gifts of tributes]. ^(52){ }^{52} 海洋和山脉的贵重产品来自这些地方[途中的大钦、天秋和 piaces]，如珍贵的犀牛和翠鸟羽毛，以及奇特的大梨子[蛇形珍珠？]和“火布”[石棉]，以及成千上万的其他物品。还有向世界之主 [佛陀] 致敬的教义。因此，沿途有一连串的大大小小的船只，商人和使者聚集在一起交换[他们的货物和他们的贡品]。 ^(52){ }^{52}
This describes the sea trade of the relatively strong and prosperous dynasty, the Liu Sung, which was deprived of the land-route to the riches of the West. 这描述了相对强大和繁荣的刘松王朝的海上贸易，该王朝被剥夺了通往西方财富的陆路。
It is interesting to note the emphasis on the exports from Chiaochou and the attractions of T’ien-chu and Ta-ch’in. The exports presumably were the great varieties of silks manufactured at that time in North and Central China. The imports noticeably include the products of mainland Southeast Asia (rhinocerous horns and kingfisher feathers) as well as those of India, Ceylon and further west. It is clear from this that the western shores of the South China Sea were in themselves valuable to the Chinese and were not merely stoppingplaces for merchants on the way to India. Even in the sixth century, after the trade with the countries of the Indian Occan had increased in volume, the trade with the Nanhai was still more important, especially that with the peninsula states. 有趣的是，它强调从俘州的出口以及天竹和大田的景点。出口的丝绸可能是当时在中国北方和华中制造的种类繁多的丝绸。进口产品主要包括东南亚大陆的产品（犀牛角和翠鸟羽毛）以及印度、锡兰和更西部的产品。由此可以清楚地看出，南中国海西岸本身对中国人来说很有价值，而不仅仅是商人前往印度途中的中途停留地。即使在 6 世纪，在与印度奥干国家的贸易量增加之后，与南海的贸易仍然更加重要，尤其是与半岛国家的贸易。
It is not possible to say which ships were most used between the beginning of the fifth century and the end of the sixth. The Chinese texts do not mention any Chinese ships carrying the trade. The passage from the Sung Shu quoted above gives no clue, while another passage says, 无法说出在 5 世纪初到 6 世纪末之间哪些船只使用最多。中文文本没有提到任何从事这种贸易的中国船只。上面引用的《宋书》中的一段话没有提供任何线索，而另一段话说：
The southern and south-western barbarians are generally [found] south or south-west of Chiao-chou where they live on islands in the Great Sea. [These islands] may be 3,000 to 5,000 li away [from 南部和西南部的蛮族通常 [发现] 在桥州的南部或西南部，他们生活在大洋的岛屿上。[这些岛屿] 可能在 3,000 到 5,000 里之外 [从
Chiao-chou]. The more distant are 20,000 to 30,000 li away. [To get there, one] boards great ships with raised sails. [But the route and the distance are not known in detail. The various barbarians of the foreign countries describe the distances, but they are not necessarily correct. ^(53){ }^{53} Chiao-chou]。较远的地方在 20,000 到 30,000 里之外。[要到达那里]登上扬起风帆的大船。[但路线和距离并不详细。外国的各种野蛮人描述了距离，但他们不一定是正确的。 ^(53){ }^{53}
This suggests that foreign ships were mainly used. These foreign ships might still have included Yüeh ships. From the reference to “the men of Kao-liang” ^(51){ }^{51} (quoted on page 45) who probably sailed, if not owned, some of the “many ocean-vessels” that came to Canton, it may be seen that the Yüehs were still distinct from the Chinese and were still the sailors of the China coast. On the other hand, if each of these vessels came “several times a year”, these sailors could not have sailed very far. It may be concluded that even the Yüeh ships probably sailed no further than the Gulf of Siam. 这表明主要使用外国船只。这些外国船只可能仍然包括 Yüeh 船只。从提到“高梁人”（ ^(51){ }^{51} 引自第 45 页）中可以看出，岳氏人仍然与中国人不同，他们仍然是中国沿海的水手。另一方面，如果这些船只都“一年几次”来，那么这些水手不可能航行很远。可以得出结论，即使是 Yüeh 的船只也可能只航行到暹罗湾。
This was the period of Indian colonisation in Southeast Asia, and Indian (and Ceylonese) ships probably dominated the Bay of Bengal, the Gulf of Siam, the Straits of Malacca, Singapore and Karimata, as well as the Java Sea. But there is no specific mention that these ships actually came to the Chinese coasts. This can be explained by their using as a base some port in lava-Sumatra or in the Malay Peninsula that made it appear that the barbarian ships came from these areas; or by their being chiefly manned by the peoples of the peninsula or the archipelago. 这是印度在东南亚的殖民时期，印度（和锡兰）船只可能主宰了孟加拉湾、暹罗湾、马六甲海峡、新加坡和卡里马塔海，以及爪哇海。但没有具体提到这些船只实际上是来到中国海岸的。这可以通过他们使用熔岩苏门答腊或马来半岛的一些港口作为基地来解释，这使得野蛮船只似乎来自这些地区;或者他们主要由半岛或群岛的人民驻守。
As for Malay ships, they were probably those known as Po-sse ships. This raises a difficult problem. “Po-Sse” was used for Persia, so there is some confusion about whether Persian ships came to the South China Sea by the sixth century. ^(55){ }^{55} 至于马来船只，它们可能是那些被称为 Po-sse 船的船只。这就提出了一个难题。“Po-Sse”用于波斯，因此关于波斯船只是否在 6 世纪之前来到南中国海存在一些混淆。 ^(55){ }^{55}
In the Ku Ching Chu written in the fourth century, there is a reference to ebony being produced in Po-sse and brought by ships (probably Po-sse) to China. ^(56){ }^{56} The “Po-sse” here are the same words used to transliterate Parsa (an ancient name of Persia). But ebony is not found in Persia. In the Kwang Chih, written c. fifth century, there is a reference to the use of a variety of oak, found in South China, by the Po-sse pcople for the building of boats, and another in the same book of incense from the sap of a pine-tree being found in a country called Po-sse which was in the Nanhai. ^(57){ }^{57} Both these texts seem to refer to a country that was much cioser to China than Persia was, 在公元四世纪写成的《古经书》中，提到了乌木是在 Po-sse 生产的，然后由船只（可能是 Po-sse）带到中国。 ^(56){ }^{56} 这里的“Po-sse”与用于音译 Parsa（波斯的古名）的单词相同。但在波斯没有发现乌木。在写于约五世纪的《广智》中，提到了在华南地区发现的各种橡木，由 Po-sse pcople 用于造船，在同一本关于在南海一个叫 Po-sse 的国家发现的松树汁的熏香。 ^(57){ }^{57} 这两篇文章似乎都提到了一个对中国比波斯更友好、
probably a country with a coastline in the northern half of the Malay Peninsula. ^(58){ }^{58} There is a reference in Nan Chou Chi written c. fifth century, which says that myrrh grows in Po-sse. ^(59){ }^{59} But myrrh could have been imported from Arabia by Po-sse (on the Malay Peninsula?) and then re-exported to China. It has been noted that three tribute missions came from Po-sse (Persia) in Liang times, in 530, 533 and 535. ^(60){ }^{60} In Appendix B (at the end of this work), it can be seen that these missions came overland through Central Asia, and that there are no records of any direct contact by sea between Persia and China, whether commercial or diplomatic before the seventh century. 可能是一个在马来半岛北半部有海岸线的国家。 ^(58){ }^{58} 在大约五世纪写成的《南周记》中有一个参考资料，说没药生长在 Po-sse。 ^(59){ }^{59} 但没药可能是通过 Po-sse（在马来半岛上）从阿拉伯进口的，然后再出口到中国。据悉，梁朝 530 年、533 年和 535 年曾三次朝贡使团来自波塞（波斯）。 ^(60){ }^{60} 在附录 B（在本书的结尾）中，可以看出这些使团是通过陆路穿过中亚的，并且在 7 世纪之前，没有关于波斯和中国之间任何直接海上接触的记录，无论是商业还是外交接触。
Another type of ship called " K^(')un\mathrm{K}^{\prime} \mathrm{un}-Jun p’o" was also mentioned. The Nan Ch’t Shu describes the avarice of a cettain Chang Chingchen in the period 479-502: “… [whol also calculated carefully the silks and brocades, which he used to trade with [the merchants of] the K’un-lun p’o.” ^(161){ }^{161} The Nan Chou I Wu Chih of the third century had said that the foreigners called their ships p’o (Chapter 3, note 30); and Kun-lun slaves had been imported since the Eastern Chin dynasty. ^("oz "){ }^{\text {oz }} Whether the “K’un-lun p’o” meant the ships that brought K’un-lun slaves to China, or those manned by K’un-lun slaves, or those actually built, owned and sailed by K’un-lun people and carrying K’un-lun merchants, is difficult to ascertain. ^(63){ }^{63} But it is clear that these ships from countries in various parts of the Nanhai came to China to trade. 还提到了另一种名为“ K^(')un\mathrm{K}^{\prime} \mathrm{un} -Jun p'o”的船。《南经》描述了 479-502 年间 cettain Chang Chingchen 的贪婪：“......[whol 还仔细计算了他用来与 K'un-lun p'o 的 [商人] 交易的丝绸和锦缎。 ^(161){ }^{161} 公元三世纪的《南周一乌志》说，外国人称他们的船为 p'o（第 3 章，注 30）;而昆仑奴隶自东秦朝以来就被输入。 ^("oz "){ }^{\text {oz }} “昆仑 p'o”是指将昆仑奴隶运到中国的船只，还是由昆仑奴隶驾驶的船只，或者实际上是由昆仑人建造、拥有和航行并运载昆仑商人的船只，都很难确定。 ^(63){ }^{63} 但很明显，这些来自南海各地国家的船只来到中国进行贸易。
The references to forcign ships up to this period may be divided into two classes. The first concerns the ships which came to China and sailed the South China Sca and the other concerns the ships which sailed between foreign countries in other seas, especially the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea. Of the first class of ships, the references are always vague about their origins, the only ones actually named being those of Lin-yi, Fu-nan and Po-sse. The others might have been Indian or Ceylonese ships but, having come from ports in Southeast Asia, they were not distinguished from those of Southeast Asia. As for the second class of ships, travellers brought to China accounts of Indian, Persian, Eastern Roman or Arabian ships, but none except the Indian ships are known to have come to the South China Sea and not even these have been described as having arrived in Chinese ports. 直到这一时期，对强行船只的引用可以分为两类。第一个涉及来到中国并在南华地区航行的船只，另一个涉及在其他海域的外国之间航行的船只，尤其是孟加拉湾和阿拉伯海。在第一类船只中，关于它们的起源的参考资料总是含糊不清，唯一真正命名的是临沂、福南和坡濑的船只。其他船只可能是印度或锡兰的船只，但由于来自东南亚的港口，它们与东南亚的船只没有区别。至于第二类船只，旅行者向中国带来了印度、波斯、东罗马或阿拉伯船只的记录，但除了印度船只之外，没有一艘船曾来到南中国海，甚至这些船只也没有被描述为已抵达中国港口。
The Nanhai trade had increased in volume and in the variety of its goods since the Ch’in dynasty, and had advanced from one that was 自秦朝以来，南海贸易的数量和商品种类都有所增加，并且已经从
wholly in luxury goods to one that was predominantly in articles for the use of the Buddhist faithful in thousands of temples which had sprung up all over China. This was specially true during and after the reign of Liang Wu-ti. But in the course of the two centuries of the Southern Dynasties, there were introduced, probably through Indian and Ceylonese traders, some of the products of Arabia and Persia not only incense and dye, but also goods of medicinal value. The jasmine perfumes first imported early in the fourth contury(?) and the frankincense that came as tribute from Chia-pi-li (in India) in 428^(64)428^{64} were followed by the myrrh of Po-sse mentioned in Nan Chou Chi and later, by the various products introduced overland from Persia. ^(65){ }^{65} These goods of the West heralded a further extension of the Nanhai trade. 完全是奢侈品，而中国各地涌现的数千座寺庙中主要供佛教信徒使用的物品。在梁武帝统治期间和之后尤其如此。但在南朝的两个世纪中，可能是通过印度和锡兰商人引进了阿拉伯和波斯的一些产品，不仅是熏香和染料，还有具有药用价值的商品。茉莉花香水在第四世纪早期首次进口（？） 和作为贡品从 Chia-pi-li（印度） 428^(64)428^{64} 进口的乳香 ，紧随其后的是 Nan Chou Chi 中提到的 Po-sse 没药，后来，从陆路从波斯引进了各种产品。 ^(65){ }^{65} 这些来自西方的商品预示着南海贸易的进一步扩展。
The change in the nature of the goods was very important. It meant that the trade was no longer limited by the demands of the court and the royal households at the capital, but also depended on the wider consumer markets in other great cities. And the independent South China had increased the number of such trading centres, especially along the Yangtse. This rise of markcts closer to the ports of Canton and Hanoi was to be a major factor in maintaining, and even in extending, the Nanhai trade after the re-unification of China. But before the trade could truly cater once more to the empire, it had to go through the difficult years of change and adaptation in the period of the Sui dynasty. 商品性质的变化非常重要。这意味着贸易不再受宫廷和首都皇室需求的限制，而是依赖于其他大城市更广泛的消费市场。独立的南方中国增加了此类贸易中心的数量，尤其是长江沿岸。中国统一后，靠近广州港和河内港口的市场崛起是维持甚至扩大南海贸易的主要因素。但在贸易能够真正再次迎合帝国之前，它必须经历隋朝时期的艰难变革和适应岁月。
Endnotes 尾注
Ch’eng Han, also called Hou Shu, was founded by Li Hsiung, a Tibetan of the Ti group, who set up his capital at Ch’eng-tu, and held the lands of Szechuan, southern Kansu, northern Yünnan and Kweichow. 成汉，又称侯书，由缇族藏人李雄创立，他以成都为首都，拥有四川、甘肃南部、云南北部和贵州的土地。
Ch’ien Liang was founded by the governor of Liang-chou in northern and western Kansu, and was extended to eastern Turkestan (Sinkiang). For seventy-six years, the Chang family, who were Chinese, held open the land-route to the west. But there was no trade with the Chinese of Eastern Ch’in, except indirectly, first through Cheng Han, and then through Ch’ien Ch’in. 钱良由梁州总督在甘肃北部和西部建立，并扩展到东突厥斯坦（新疆）。76 年来，中国人张氏家族一直保持着通往西方的陆路。但是，除了间接地与东秦的中国人进行贸易外，没有贸易往来，首先是通过成汉，然后是通过钱钦。
Ch’ien Ch’in was founded by Fu Chien, also a Tibetan of the Ti group, who set up his capital at Chang-an. This was the strongest of the northern dynasties during this period of confusion. At its height, it held almost the whole of China north of the Yangtse, from Kansu to the sea. After 376, it took over the trade routes held so long by Ch’ien Liang. 钱钦由傅谦创立，他也是缇族的藏人，他在长安设立了首都。这是这段混乱时期北方朝代中最强的。在鼎盛时期，它几乎控制了长江以北、从甘肃到大海的整个中国。376 年后，它接管了钱良长期持有的贸易路线。
2. SShu, 97, 13a. 2. SShu，97,13a。
3. These refugees “sojourned” (ch’ioo-chü 僑居) across the Huai, the Han and the Yangtse, and set up new townships, or camps, named after their homes. Many of these later became permanent towns. Sce ChinS, 26, Sa. TTien, 29b, describes these “sojourners”, their difficulties with the barbarians of the south, and how many of them took to trading in southern luxury goods. Ku Chieh-kang and Shih Nien-hai, op. cit., pp. 153-7, gives a vivid account of the shifting boundaries of Eastern Ch’in and the movements of the refugees. 3. 这些难民穿越淮河、汉江和长江“寄居”（ch'ioo-chü 僑居），并建立了以他们的家园命名的新乡镇或营地。其中许多后来成为永久性城镇。Sce ChinS，26 岁，SA。TTien，29b，描述了这些“旅居者”，他们与南方野蛮人相处的困难，以及他们中有多少人开始从事南方奢侈品的交易。Ku Chieh-kang 和 Shih Nien-hai，同上，第 153-7 页，生动地描述了东秦边界的变化和难民的流动。
4. SShu, 95, 17a-b; 22b. Miao Feng-lin, Chung Kuo T’ung Shih Yao Lueh (General history of China), Shanghaj, 1946, Vol. 2. pp. 10-11, regards this defeat as the turning point of the history of divided China. TChien, Ch. 125, 5b-23b; Ch. 126, 1a-8b. 4. SShu， 95， 17a-b;22b. 苗凤林，《中国通史》，上海，1946 年，第 2 卷。第 10-11 页，将这次失败视为中国分裂历史的转折点。TChien，第 125 章，5b-23b;第 126 章，1a-8b。
5. Chinese migration into Fukien began earlier than in Kwangtung, and the Fukien Tung Chih, 57, and the Chüan Chou Fu Chih, section on “Mountains and Rivers”, both carry a tradition that the Chinese emigrants had reached Ch’üan-chou in late Ch’in times (end of fourth and beginning of fifth centuries), hence the other name for Ch’üan-chou, “the river of Ch’in” (Chin-chiang). See Ku Chieh-kang and Shih .Vien-hai, op. cit., pp. 153-7, 157-62; and Cheng Te-k’un, “Excavation of T’ang Dynasty Tombs at Ch’üan-chou”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 4, 1939, p. 9. 5. 中国人迁徙到福建的时间早于广东，57 年的《福建东志》和《邵州福记》的“山河”部分，都带有一个传统，即中国移民在秦末（四世纪末和五世纪初）到达邵州，因此 Ch'üan-chou 的另一个名称， “秦河”（Chin-chiang）。见 Ku Chieh-kang 和 Shih 。Vien-hai，见上引，第 153-7、157-62 页;以及郑德权，〈Excavation of T'ang Dynasty Tombs at Ch'üan-chou〉，《哈佛亚洲研究杂志》，第 4 卷，1939 年，第 9 页。
6. NChS, 58, 7b, describes how the riches across the sea were brought to Canton and Hanoi, filling the coffers; but the cultural and educational level was low (as must be with frontier towns that rose with the merchant, the soldier and the transported criminal). 6. NChS， 58， 7b，描述了跨海的财富是如何被带到广州和河内的，填满了金库;但文化和教育水平很低（与商人、士兵和被运送的罪犯一起崛起的边境城镇也一定如此）。
7. Especially during the years 451-505 and 541-589. 7. 尤其是在 451-505 年和 541-589 年期间。
8. SShu, 97, 1a. After that governor’s death in 423, there was one Cham attack the following year, but this did not go far. 8. SShu，97,1a。总督于 423 年去世后，次年发生了一次占婆袭击，但这并没有走得太远。
9. Op. cit., 5, 12a; 97, 1a-b, LgS, 54, 2a-3a. This was a most convincing victory. After this, Lin-yi had internal troubles and troubles with Fu-nan and never could disturb the Chinese borders again. 9. 同上，5,12a;97， 1a-b， LgS， 54， 2a-3a.这是一场最令人信服的胜利。此后，临逸与福男有内患，再也无法扰乱中国边境。
10. The frequent troubles in Tongking-Annam between 468 and 516 (Li Ch’ang-jen’s rising in 468; Li Su-hsien’s independence in 479-485; Li K’ai’s rising in 505; Yüan Tsung-hsiao’s rising in 516) brought about a 10. 468 年至 516 年间东景安南频繁的麻烦（李昌仁于 468 年起义;李素贤于 479-485 年独立;李凯于 505 年起义;516 年阮宗孝的起义）带来了
fall in the Hanoi sea-trade in favour of that at Canton. The revival of Hanoi came only after 516. 落入河内海上贸易，有利于在广州。河内的复兴是在 516 年之后才出现的。
11. NChS, 32, 1a-b, in the biography of Wang Kun, an honest governor of Kwang-chou in c. 457. 11. NChS， 32， 1a-b， in the biography of wang-kuku， a hon.诚实的广州总督，约 457 年。
12. TChien, 127, 18a-b; 131; 132, la-13a. See Li Cheng-fu, Chün Hsien Shit Tai Chih An Nan, (An-nam in the period of Chincse administration), Shanghai, 1945, p. 79, which says that there were seven governors in twelve years (468-479) at Hanoi, all sceking to make the most of their short administration. 12. TChien， 127， 18a-b;131;132，LA-13A。参见李成福，《春显实太志安南》，上海，1945 年，第 79 页，其中说河内在 12 年（468-479 年）有七位总督，他们都想充分利用他们短暂的任期。
13. TChien, 135, 4b-5b; 136, 6a; 137, 8b. Li Cheng-fu, op. cit., p. 80. 13. TChien， 135， 4b-5b;136， 6a;137， 8b. 李成福，见上，第 80 页。
This was after the rising of Li K’ai in 505. There was still another rising in 516 which was aiso crushed. TChien, 146, 2b; 148, 13a. LgS, 2, 5b and 12a. See Li Cheng-fu, op. cit., pp. 85~6. 这是在 505 年李凯崛起之后。516 年还有另一次起义被 aiso 粉碎。TChien， 146， 2b;148， 13a.LgS、2、5b 和 12a。见李成福，同上，第 85~6 页。
14. LgS, 33. Ib, in the biography of Wang Seng-ju, who was the prefect of Nanhai (Canton) for a few months, sometime in the period 502-505. 14. LgS，33 岁。Ib，在王生柱的传记中，他在 502-505 年间的某个时候担任了几个月的南海（广州）知事。
15. ChenS, 17, 2b, in the biography of Wang Mai. His predecessor, Prince Ho-tung, was very corrupt. 15. ChenS， 17， 2b， 在王麦传记中。他的前任何东亲王非常腐败。
16. This was the dynasty of Li Peng, a Chinese long settled in Tongking (since Han times). LgS, 3, 11b-14b; ChenS, 1. 1b-2a. 16. 这是李鹏的王朝，一个长期定居在东京的中国人（自汉时代以来）。LgS， 3， 11b-14b;陈世，1.1b-2a.
17. Kwangtung was under Hisiao P’o (549-557), during the great Hou Ching Rebellion (548-557). On the anarchy in South China, see TChien, Chs. 160-6. 17. 广东在侯清大义（548-557 年）期间在蒋久秀（549-557 年）的统治下。关于华南地区的无政府状态，见 TChien，第 160-6 章。
After 550, there was continuous fighting in all of China, especially in Hunan and in Kiangsi, on the main trade routc overland from Canton and Hanoi to the Yangtse. The famines were disastrous in Kiangsu and Northern Chekiang (where the capital and other markets were found). 550 年后，全中国，尤其是湖南和江西，从广州和河内到长江的主要陆路贸易路线上不断发生战斗。江苏和浙江北部（首都和其他市场的所在地）的饥荒是灾难性的。
18. TChien, Chs. 160-6; ChenS, 34, 10b. ci. Li Cheng-fu, op. cit., pp. 85-8. 18. TChien，第 160-6 章;ChenS， 34， 10b. ci.李成福，见上。同上，第 85-8 页。
19. Thirty-two of the missions came from Southeast AA sia, most of them from the mainland; four came from Ceylon and two from India. Sce Table 1, years 420-459, and Appendix A. 19. 32 个传教团来自东南 AA 亚洲，其中大部分来自大陆;4 例来自锡兰，2 例来自印度。Sce 表 1，第 420-459 年和附录 A。
20. Only onc of them was from Lin-yi, the closest of the southern barbarians, and one from the Malay Peninsula. Two came from Java-Sumatra, one probably from Bali, and one from South India. Sec Table 1, years 460479, and Appendix A. 20. 他们中只有 onc 来自南方蛮夷最近的临沂，还有一个来自马来半岛。两个来自爪哇-苏门答腊，一个可能来自巴厘岛，一个来自南印度。第 1 节表、460479 年和附录 A。
21. NChS, 58, 4b, records a tribute from Fan Chu-nung, the ruler of Lin-yi, in 498. The mission seems to have been drowned in a storm at sea. But the LgS54,2b\mathrm{LgS} 54,2 \mathrm{~b}, makes it dubious whether there was such a mission at all. 21. NChS， 58， 4b， 记录了临沂统治者范楚农于 498 年的贡品。该任务似乎被海上的风暴淹没了。但是 LgS54,2b\mathrm{LgS} 54,2 \mathrm{~b} ，这使得是否存在这样的任务变得可疑。
22. These three missions came in the first two years of the dynasty, 502 and 503. See Appendix A. 22. 这三个任务发生在王朝的头两年，即 502 年和 503 年。见附录 A。
23. Twenty-eight of these missions were from mainland Southeast Asia. There were two from P’o-li (Bali?) and two from Kan-to-li (Sumatra) and only one from Ceylon. See Table 1. years 510-539, and Appendix A. 23. 其中 28 个任务来自东南亚大陆。有两辆来自 P'o-li（巴厘岛），两辆来自 Kan-to-li（苏门答腊），只有一辆来自锡兰。请参阅 表 1。510-539 年和附录 A。
24. Of the six missions that came in 540-569, five were from mainland Southeast Asia, one from Sumatra. Of the twelve in 570-589, with the exception of the mission from India and that from Tou-ho (still unidentified), all were from mainiand Southeast Asia. See Table 1, years 540-589, and Appendix A. 24. 在 540-569 年到达的 6 个任务中，5 个来自东南亚大陆，1 个来自苏门答腊。在 570-589 年的 12 个任务中，除了来自印度的传教团和来自 Tou-ho 的传教团（仍未确定）外，其余都来自缅因州和东南亚。参见表 1，第 540-589 年和附录 A。
25. For the records of these missions and further details about them, see Appendix A. The number of missions from one country, during each of the five-year period, is given in brackets after the name of the country. 25. 有关这些任务的记录和有关它们的更多详细信息，请参阅附录 A。在五年期间，每年来自一个国家的使团数量在该国名称后的括号中给出。
26. SShu, 97, la-b; NChS, 58, 4a-b; TK’ao, 2600C. Descriptions of the fighting may be found in SShu, Ch. 76, and Shui Ching Chu, Ch. 36; see Li Chengfu, op. cit., pp. 77-8. 26. SShu，97 岁，la-b;NChS， 58， 4a-b;TK'ao，2600C。对战斗的描述可以在 SShu 第 76 章和 Shui Ching Chu， 第 36 章中找到;见李成福，同上，第 77-8 页。
The Chams turned westwards against Fu-nan at the end of the fifth century. They left the Chinese coasts alone. 占婆人在 5 世纪末转向西进攻福南。他们离开了中国海岸。
27. NChS, 58, 4b. 27. NChS，58,4b。
28. Both SShu, 97, Ib and NChS, 58, 4b, speak of an industry of gold and silver products and the vast quantities of goid produced in the country. They further described these gold and silver articles as being often offered as tribute to China. 28. SShu， 97， Ib 和 NChS， 58， 4b 都谈到了该国生产的金银产品行业和大量的 goid。他们进一步描述这些金银物品经常作为对中国的贡品而提供。
29. NChS, 58, 5b. There is an account by the priest Na Ch’ia-hsien about Buddhism in Fu-nan about this time. See L.P. Briggs, op. cit., p. 28. 29. NChS，58,5b。关于这段时间，僧侣 Na Ch'ia-hsien 对福南的佛教有一段记述。参见 L.P. Briggs，同上，第 28 页。
NChS, 58, 7a, says that Fu-nan in Ch’i times (479-502) was often attacked by Lin-yi and could, therefore, rarely send their trading envoys to Chiao-chou (Tongking-Amam). NChS， 58， 7a 说，祁时代（479-502 年）的福南经常受到临沂的攻击，因此很少派遣他们的贸易使者到桥州（东京阿玛目）。
30. NChS, 58, 5a-b, describes Jayavarman sending merchants to Canton at the end of the Liu Sung dynasty (c. 478-479). On their return these merchants were driven by a storm to land at Lin-yi, where their goods were taken from them. There was, thus, more enmity between Fu-nan and Lin-yi - in facr, Fu-nan asked for Chinese aid against Lin-yi. 30. NChS， 58， 5a-b，描述了阇耶跋摩在刘宋末期（约 478-479 年）派遣商人到广州。当他们返回时，这些商人被暴风雨赶到临邑登陆，他们的货物在那里被夺走。因此，福男和林义之间有更多的敌意——在表面上，福男请求中国援助来对抗林义。
31. On Fu-nan monks coming to the Liang court, see Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., p. 34, where he summarises their biographies from Hsü Kao Seng Chuon, Ch. 1, biography of Seng-chia-p’o-lo. LgS. 54, 5a, also describes the coming of Fu-nan monks to China during this time. Also see L.P. Briggs, op. cit., p. 29. 31. 关于福南僧人来到梁朝，见冯正春，同上，第 34 页，他总结了他们的传记，摘自《许高成春》第一章，成家传记。LgS. 54， 5a 也描述了福南僧侣在这段时间来到中国。另见 L.P. Briggs，见上引，第 29 页。
32. The tribute of 484, for example, just before the Liang dynasty, included gold and sandalwood statues, ivory stupas and glass vessels. all of which 32. 例如，就在梁朝之前，484 年的贡品包括金像和檀香木雕像、象牙佛塔和玻璃器皿。所有这些
had some religious significance. The tribute of these goods shows their value at the time. See NChS, 58, 6a. 具有一定的宗教意义。这些商品的贡品显示了它们在当时的价值。参见 NChS， 58， 6a。
33. See L.P. Briggs, op. cit., pp. 31, 39-41. 33. 参见 L.P. Briggs，见上引，第 31、39-41 页。
34. The identification of Tun-sun (also known as Tien-sun) as being on the Tenasserim Coast of the Malay Peninsula is plausible. See L.P. Briggs, “The Khmer Empire and the Malay Peninsula”, Far Eastern Quarterly, Vol. 9, 1950, pp. 257-62. The descriptions of Tun-sun in LgS, 54, 3b; NanS, 78, 3b; TTien, 1008C-1009A; TK’ao, 2001B; all say it was about 3,000 li south from Fu-nan on the margin of a bay, with a great mart full of traders from both cast and west. This mart, ten lil i from the coast, was probably nearer the east coast. 34. 将敦山（又称天山）确定为位于马来半岛的特纳塞林海岸是合理的。参见 L.P. Briggs，“高棉帝国和马来半岛”，《远东季刊》，第 9 卷，1950 年，第 257-62 页。LgS， 54， 3b 中对敦山的描述;南斯，78,3b;TTien，1008C-1009A;TK'ao， 2001B;都说它位于福南以南约 3,000 里的一个海湾边缘，有一个大市场，里面挤满了来自西边的商人。这个集市离海岸有十个 lil i 地方，可能离东海岸更近。
35. LgS, 54, 3b. 35. LgS，54,3b。
36. P’an-p’an was south-west from Lin-yi “along the bend of the sea”, or “in the gulf of the South Sea”. It was forty days’ journey from Chiao-chou (Hanoi), and had as its neighbour, Lang-ya-hsiu (Langkasuka). LgS, 54, 7a: NanS, 78, 7b; ChiuTS, 197, 2a; T’angS, 222C, 2a; TK’ao, 2602A-C, all record similar directions. P’an-p’an has been variously identificd, but it has always been located on the Malay Peninsula. 36. P'an-p'an 位于临沂的西南方向，“沿着大海的拐弯”，或“在南海的海湾”。它距离桥州（河内）有四十天的路程，与它的邻居 Lang-ya-hsiu （Langkasuka） 相邻。LgS， 54， 7a： NanS， 78， 7b;ChiuTS，197,2a;唐氏， 222C， 2a;TK'ao，2602A-C，都记录了类似的方向。P'an-p'an 有不同的名称，但它一直位于马来半岛。
37. Lang-ya-hsiu (Jangkasuka) was in the Nanhai, 24,000li24,000 ~ l i from Canton. It Was at this time a large state astride the neck of the Malay Peninsula. LgS, j4, Sa-b; NanS, 78, 8a; TKao, 2602A. A summary of the evidence on Lang-ya-hsiu may be found in R. Braddell, “Notes on Ancient Times in Malaya, Part 6”, JMBRAS, Vol. XXIII, 1950, pp. 9-18. 37. Lang-ya-hsiu （Jangkasuka） 来自广州，在南海 24,000li24,000 ~ l i 。此时，它是一个横跨马来半岛脖子的大州。LgS， j4， Sa-b;南斯，78,8a;TKao，2602A。关于琅琊雅秀的证据摘要可参见 R. Braddell，“马来亚古代笔记，第 6 部分”，JMBRAS，第 XXIII 卷，1950 年，第 9-18 页。
38. Tan-tan was south of Ch^(')\mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} ih-t’ u , which emerged in Suitimes, and therefore, south of both P’an-p’an and Lang-ya-hsiu. It was probably south of patani, and possibly a state on the north-east coast of Malaya. LgS. 54, 7a-b; TK’ao, 2607A. See Hsü Yün-ts’iao, “Notes on Tan-tan”, JMBRAS, Vol. XX. June 1947, pp. 47-63, for a good study of the many problems of its location. 38. Tan-tan 位于 Ch^(')\mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} ih-t' u 以南，ih-t' u 出现在 Suitimes，因此位于 P'an-p'an 和 Lang-ya-hsiu 以南。它可能在帕塔尼以南，也可能是马来亚东北海岸的一个州。LgS. 54， 7a-b;TK'ao，2607A。见许允娑，〈檀檀笔记〉，JMBRAS，第二十卷。1947 年 6 月，第 47-63 页，以很好地研究其位置的许多问题。
39. The tributes of 529 and 534, LgS, 54, 7a and NanS, 78, 7b. 39. 529 和 534 的贡品，LgS， 54， 7a 和 NanS， 78， 7b。
40. The tributes of 530 and 535. LgS, 54, 7a-b and NanS, 78, 7b. 40. 530 和 535 的贡品。LgS， 54， 7a-b 和 NanS， 78， 7b。
41. Ho-lo-tan appears in SShu, 5, 4b, 6b, 7b and 14b; 97, 3a-b. (The last reference in SShu is reproduced in NanS, 78, 7a and TK’ao 2606C2607A). SShu, 5, 6b and NanS, 78, 7a say that it is on She-po Island (i.e., on Java). Sce Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 271-2. 41. Ho-lo-tan 出现在 SShu、5、4b、6b、7b 和 14b 中;97,3a-b。（SShu 中的最后一个参考文献转载于 NanS， 78， 7a 和 TK'ao 2606C2607A）。SShu， 5， 6b 和 NanS， 78， 7a 说它在社浦岛（即爪哇岛）。Sce Pelliot，见上引，第 271-2 页。
Kan-t’o-li appears in SShu, 6, 5a; 97, 5a and IgS, 2, 4a, 13a; 54, 7a8a. (Also in NanS, 78, 7b-8a, and TK’ao, 2602N). The best study of its location is in G. Ferrand, “Le Kan-t’o-li”, (Appendix III to “Le K’ouen Louen”) JA, September-October 1919, pp. 238-41, of J. Przyluski, “Indian Colonisation in Sumatra before the 7 th Century”, Journal of the Greater Kan-t'o-li 出现在 SShu， 6， 5a 中;97， 5a 和 IgS， 2， 4a， 13a;54， 7a8a.（也在 NanS， 78， 7b-8a 和 TK'ao， 2602N）。对其位置的最佳研究是 G. Ferrand，“Le Kan-t'o-li”，（“Le K'ouen Louen”附录 III）JA，1919 年 9 月至 10 月，第 238-41 页，J. Przyluski，“7 世纪前苏门答腊的印度殖民”，《大杂志》
India Society, Vol. I, 1934, pp. 96-101. Both the studies place it somewhere on the island of Sumatra. 印度社会，卷。I，1934 年，第 96-101 页。这两项研究都将其定位在苏门答腊岛的某个地方。
For tribute missions, see Table 1. 贡品任务见表 1。
42. SShu, 97, 4a and 5, 7a. The first was mentioned with Ho-lo-tan (possibly Java) and the other actually called She-p’o-p’o-ta, which may mean the P’o-ta of She-p’o (identified as Java). But since no more is said about their positions, it is not possible to identify them with any certainty. See Table I for tribute missions. 42. SShu，97,4a 和 5,7a。第一个与 Ho-lo-tan（可能是爪哇）一起提到，另一个实际上被称为 She-p'o-p'o-ta，这可能意味着 She-p'o（被确定为爪哇）的 P'o-ta。但是，由于没有更多关于他们立场的说法，因此不可能确定他们的身份。致敬任务见表 I。
43. In the fifth and sixth centuries, there was a kingdom of Taruma in west Java which may have had indirect trading relations with China through Ho-lo-tan, Kan-to-li and She-p’o. For a short note on Taruma, see G. Coedès, op. cit., pp. 93-4. The problems of locating P’o-li are discussed later. 43. 在五世纪和六世纪，西爪哇有一个塔鲁马王国，它可能通过 Ho-lo-tan、Kan-to-li 和 She-p'o 与中国有间接的贸易关系。关于塔鲁马的简短说明，见 G. Coedès，同上，第 93-4 页。寻找 P'o-li 的问题将在后面讨论。
44. Both Ho-lo-tan and Kan-to-li seem to have had trade with South India; SShu, 97, 3a; LgS, 54, 7b. Note that the king of Ho-lo-tan presented a memorial in 436 asking for Chinese military aid against his son who usurped the throne, and offering to buy armour and horses. SShu, 97, 3b. 44. Ho-lo-tan 和 Kan-to-li 似乎都与南印度有贸易往来;SShu， 97， 3a;LgS，54,7b。请注意，Ho-lo-tan 国王在 436 年提交了一份纪念碑，请求中国军队援助以对抗篡夺王位的儿子，并提出购买盔甲和马匹。SShu，97,3b。
LgS, 54, 7b says of Kan-l’o-li, “the areca-nuts are especially good, the best of all countries.” LgS， 54， 7b 谈到 Kan-l'o-li 时说：“槟榔特别好，是所有国家中最好的。
45. On this change of trade-route in the fifth century, see L.P. Briggs, op. cit., pp. 23-4. 45. 关于五世纪贸易路线的改变，见 L.P. Briggs，见上引，第 23-4 页。
46. LgS, 54, 8b. 46. LgS，54,8b。
47. SuiS, 82, 5a, which also says that it was “four months’ journey from east to west and forty-five days’ from north to south,” more than double the size given in LgS. It may be that the kingdom had extended its power during the sixth century. Also ChiuTS, 197, 1b-2a. 47. SuiS， 82， 5a，其中还说“从东到西是四个月的旅程，从北到南是四十五天的旅程”，是 LgS 中给出的大小的两倍多。可能是这个王国在 6 世纪扩大了它的权力。还有 ChiuTS，197,1b-2a。
48. LgS, 54, 8b and SuiS, 82, 5a. Note that ChiuTS, 197, 2a says that it had the cotton tree (Sanskrit, Karpasa; Malay, kapas) from whose flowers were woven fine and coarse varietics of cloth. 48. LgS， 54， 8b 和 SuiS， 82， 5a。请注意，ChiuTS， 197， 2a 说它有棉花树（梵语，Karpasa;马来语，kapas），用他们的花编织出精细和粗糙的各种布料。
Tangs, 222B, 1b, says that the island had horses. Tangs， 222B， 1b 说岛上有马。
49. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 270 and n. 5. Also Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., pp. 190-3 and 218, n. 18. Other identifications are with Borneo, with Sumatra, and with the Malay Peninsula (Perak or the district on the banks of the Prai River). 49. 佩利奥特，见上引，第270页和第5页。另见冯正春，见上引，第 190-3 页和第 218 页，第 18 页。其他鉴定与婆罗洲、苏门答腊和马来半岛（霹雳或巴赖河畔的地区）有关。
Hsü Yün-ts’iao, op. cit., pp. 53-5, examines Po-li, and finds the identification with Panei in Sumatra by Schnitger the most satisfactory (see following note). Hsü Yün-ts'iao，同上，第 53-5 页，研究了 Po-li，并发现 Schnitger 对苏门答腊的 Panei 的鉴定最令人满意（见以下注释）。
50. P.M. Schnitger, Forgotten Kingdoms of Sumatra, Leiden, 1939, p. 85. 50. P.M. Schnitger，《被遗忘的苏门答腊王国》，莱顿，1939 年，第 85 页。
51. Tributes from Ceylon came in 428,429 and 435. The tribute appears to have been only in religious articles. SShu, 5, 7a; 97, 4b-5a; LgS, 54, 11a. Tributes from Chia-pi-li came in 428 and 466 , and from Su-mo-li in 441. Both these countries were either in, or vassals of, T’ien-chu (India). SShu, 5, 9a; 97, 5a-b. 51. 来自锡兰的贡品分别是 428,429 人和 435 人。这种悼念似乎只出现在宗教文章中。SShu， 5， 7a;97， 4b-5a;LgS，54,11a。Chia-pi-li 的贡品出现在 428 年和 466 年，Su-mo-li 的贡品出现在 441 年。这两个国家要么属于天初（印度），要么是天初的附庸。SShu， 5， 9a;97,5a-b。
52. SShu, 97, 12b-13a. These were the historian’s conclusions at the end of the chapter on the “Southem and Eastern Barbarians”. This is my translation and it corrects parts of E. Hirth’s translation in Chind and the Roman Orient, p. 46. 52. SShu，97,12b-13a。这些是历史学家在关于“南蛮人和东方蛮人”的章节末尾的结论。这是我的翻译，它更正了 E. Hirth 在 Chind and the Roman Orient 中的部分翻译，第 46 页。
53. SShu, 97, 1a. 53. SShu，97,1a。
54. LgS, 33, 1b. 54. LgS，33,1b。
55. Cl. B. Laufcr, Sino-Iranica, Chicago, 1919, pp. 468-87, and Hadi Hasan, Persian Navigation, London, 1928, pp. 81-3. 55. Cl. B. Laufcr，《中国-伊朗》，芝加哥，1919 年，第 468-87 页，以及 Hadi Hasan，《波斯航海》，伦敦，1928 年，第 81-3 页。
56. Quoted in Pen Ts’ao Kang Mu (A materia medica) by Li Shih-chen at the end of the sixteenth century, Ch. 35 , p. 58 , in the revised edition by Chang Shao-t’ang, Commercial Press Wan Yu Wen K’u series, Shanghai, 1930. (Hereafter referred to as Pen Ts’ao). Ku Ching Chu was written by Ts’ui Pao of the fourth century. 56. 引自十六世纪末李世臣《笔草康目》，第 35 章，第 58 页，张绍堂修订版，商务印书馆《万语温库丛书》，上海，1930 年。（以下简称 Pen Ts'ao）。《古经初》是公元四世纪的 Ts'ui Pao 所著。
57. Pen Ts’ao, 35,62 and 34, 113, where Li Shih-chen quotes Li Hsün’s Hal Yao Pen Ts’ao, written in the eighth century. Kwang Chih was written by Kuo Yi-kung of the fifth century. 57. Pen Ts'ao， 35,62 和 34， 113，李世臣引用了李勋写于 8 世纪的《哈尔尧笔草》。光智 （Kwang Chih） 是由 5 世纪的郭义功 （Kuo Yi-kung） 撰写的。
58. See B. Laufer, op, cit, PP. 468-70 on the evidence that Po-sse was a country on the mainland of Southeast Asia (probably ncar Lower Burna), and may even have been a similarly generic name for certain groups of people like the K’un-lun. 58. 参见 B. Laufer，同上，第 468-70 页，关于波塞是东南亚大陆上的一个国家（可能是 ncar Lower Burna）的证据，甚至可能是某些人群（如 K'un-lun）的类似通用名称。
59. Niso quoting Yi Hisün, op. cit., in Pen Tsao, 34, 115. Nan Chou Chi was written by Hsü Piao in about the fifth century. Even if this Po-sse was Persia, it does not prove that either Persian ships or merchants came to China, but only that some western goods (mistakenly thought to be of Persia) were brought there. 59. 尼索引用《易史臻》，见上，《笔》，第 34 页，第 115 页。《南碗记》由徐飘写于大约五世纪。即使这个 Po-sse 是波斯，也不能证明波斯船只或商人来到中国，而只能证明一些西方商品（误认为是波斯的）被带到那里。
60. LgS,34,19a:3\operatorname{LgS}, 34,19 \mathrm{a}: 3, 7b and 8 a . 60. LgS,34,19a:3\operatorname{LgS}, 34,19 \mathrm{a}: 3 ， 7b 和 8 a .
61. NChS, 31, 3a. 61. NChS，31,3a。
62. In Liu Sung times, Wang Hsüan-mo was described as being very fond of his K’un-lum slave (presumably bought in the markets of the South); SShu. 76, 4b. See Ch. 3, n. 55. 62. 在刘宋时代，王宣模被描述为非常喜欢他的 K'un-lum 奴隶（可能是在南方市场上买来的）;SShu 的。76， 4b. 见第 3 章，第 55 条。
63. On the K’un-lun, a most thorough study is that by GG. Ferrand, “Le K’ouenIouen”, jA, Tome XIII, pp. 239-334; 4.31-92 and Tome XIV, pp. 5-68; 201-41. Of his conclusions in Tome XIII, pp. 332-33, only (a) and (d) apply to this period, that is, that “K’un-lun” designates the islands of 63. 关于昆仑，最彻底的研究是 。 GG Ferrand，“Le K'ouenIouen”，jA，第 XIII 卷，第 239-334 页;4.31-92 和 Tome XIV，第 5-68 页;201-41. 在他在第十三卷第 332-33 页的结论中，只有 （a） 和 （d） 适用于这一时期，即“昆仑”指的是
Southeast Lambda\Lambda sia in gencrai, or the countries of Indo-China, Lower Burna and Siam, the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and Iava. Gencrai 的东南部 Lambda\Lambda sia，或印度支那、Lower Burna 和 Siam 国家、马来半岛、苏门答腊和伊瓦。
64. SShu, 97, 5a-b; and Ch. 3, n. 52. 64. SShu，97,5a-b;和第 3 章，第 52 条。
65. LgS, 54, 19a; and probably some of the goods mentioned in the list of “products of Persia” given in Chou Shu, 50, 7a-b. See Appendix B for an examination of these goods. 65. LgS，54,19a;可能还有《周书》中给出的“波斯产品”清单中提到的一些商品，50,7a-b。有关这些货物的检查，请参见附录 B。
CHAPTER 章
The Needs of an Emperor, 589-618 皇帝的需要，589-618
In 581, the founder of the Sui dynasty inherited the newly-unified territories of Yü-wen Chou in North and West China. Only the southern dynasty of Ch’ên, which held the remaining one-third of China, prevented him from wholly uniting the country. ^(1){ }^{1} He planned the downfall of Ch’en, arranging for peaceful relations with the tribes to his north, especially with the T’u-chüch (Turks) along the route to Central Asia. Nine years later, his armies marched into Nanking and for the first time since 300 all of China came under one ruler. 581 年，隋朝的创始人继承了中国北部和西部新统一的邵温周领土。只有南朝的陈氏统治了中国剩余的三分之一，阻止了他完全统一国家。 ^(1){ }^{1} 他策划了陈氏的垮台，安排与他北部的部落建立和平关系，特别是与通往中亚沿途的 T'u-chüch（土耳其人）建立和平关系。九年后，他的军队进军南京，这是自 300 年以来第一次整个中国都处于一个统治者之下。
The capital of the Sui Empire was Ch’ang-an, a city on the way out of China to the Jade Gate, the gate to the riches of the West. The greatest market for luxury goods was now situated to the advantage of the merchants using the great land-route. The sea trade in the goods of Western Asia became less profitable and remained so throughout the dynasty. 隋帝国的首都是昌安，这是一座位于中国通往玉门（通往西方财富之门）的城市。最大的奢侈品市场现在对使用大陆路的商人有利。西亚商品的海上贸易变得不那么有利可图，并且在整个王朝中一直如此。
The Nanhai tradc, however, was not directly affected by this change. North China had been starved of goods from the Nanhai for almost 300 years, and its prosperity under the efficient administration 然而，南海传统并未受到这一变化的直接影响。近 300 年来，华北地区一直缺乏来自南海的货物，在高效的管理下，它得以繁荣
of the emperor Siu Wen-ti only made its demands greater. The failure of the Nanhai trade in the first fifteen years of the empire must really be attributed to the deliberate policy of Sui Wen-ti to curb the power and wealth of the South ^(2){ }^{2} and the hesitation of the foreign merchants to trade with China in the facc of the great political and economic changes following re-unification. This was further worsened by the troubles in South China, the revolts at Hanoi and Canton in 590, ^(3){ }^{3} and the several risings in Kwangsi and Tongking from 597-603. ^(4){ }^{4} The failure to control the South aggravated the difficult market conditions and made the shortages in the North even more acute. By the time of Sui Wen-ti’s death, the fall in supply of luxury goods had become great enough to merit imperial attention and in no small way stimulated his son Sui Yang-ti’s ambitions towards the South during the next six years (605-610). 皇帝萧温帝的要求只会更高。帝国前十五年南海贸易的失败必须真正归因于隋温帝为遏制南方 ^(2){ }^{2} 的权力和财富而故意采取的政策 ，以及在统一后政治和经济的巨大变化中，外国商人对与中国贸易的犹豫不决。华南地区的动乱、590 年河内和广州的起义以及 ^(3){ }^{3} 597-603 年广西和东京的几次起义进一步恶化了这种情况。 ^(4){ }^{4} 未能控制南方加剧了困难的市场状况，使北方的短缺更加严重。到隋温帝去世时，奢侈品供应的下降已经严重到足以引起皇帝的关注，并在很大程度上刺激了他的儿子隋养帝在接下来的六年（605-610 年）内对南方的野心。
In 604, Sui Yang-ti inherited from his father a land that was more prosperous than ever before and full of a new energy born of unification. In 605, he moved his capital to Lo-yang, and moved 604 年，隋养帝从父亲那里继承了一块比以往任何时候都更加繁荣的土地，并充满了统一产生的新能量。605 年，他将首都迁至洛阳，并迁徙
several ten thousand families of rich merchants and great traders under Heaven [i.e., from all the prefectures of the empire] to the eastern capital. ^(5){ }^{5} 天下 [即来自帝国的所有县] 的数万家富商和大商人家庭到东方首都。 ^(5){ }^{5}
He built “tens of thousands of dragon-ships and phoenix-boats with timber brought from [the lands] south of the Yangtse,” ^(6){ }^{6} to sail between his eastern capital and the river capital (Chiang-tu, that is, Yang-chou). That year, he ordered 他建造了“数以万计的龙舟和凤舟，用从长江以南运来的木材” ^(6){ }^{6} ，在他的东都和江都（清都，即阳州）之间航行。那一年，他下令
the prefectures and sub-prefectures to deliver [to the capital] all bones, [rhinoceros] homs, elephant tusks, skins and hides, furs and feathers, and anything that may be used to adorn the [court] utensils or which were suitable for making hair and feather decorations and pennanls.? 各县和县将[到首都]运送所有骨头、[犀牛]、象牙、兽皮和兽皮、毛皮和羽毛，以及任何可以用来装饰[宫廷]器皿或适合制作头发和羽毛装饰品和三角旗的东西。
The historian of the dynasty adds, 该王朝的历史学家补充说：
The people went out with their nets and traps, and exhausted the number of birds and beasts both of the land and of the rivers and seas, but still could not satisfy the demands [of the emperor]. So 百姓带着网和陷阱出去，用尽了陆地和江海的鸟兽数量，但仍然无法满足[皇帝]的要求。所以
they were forced to buy some of these articles from the rich and powerful families [many of them merchant familics] who were wellstocked with these goods, in order to meet the imperial demands. The prices rose immediately. That year [605] the tail of a pheasant was worth ten rolls of fine silk, and the atgrette of a freshly killed white heron cost half as much. ^("s "){ }^{\text {s }} 他们被迫从富裕和有权势的家庭 [其中许多是商人家庭] 那里购买其中一些物品，这些家庭储备了充足的这些商品，以满足帝国的需求。价格立即上涨。那一年[605]一只野鸡的尾巴值十卷细丝，而一只刚宰杀的白鹭的尾巴值一半。 ^("s "){ }^{\text {s }}
One can picture the merchants scurrying excitedly around the country for luxuries to stock the imperial palaces and the houses of the imperial sycophants, raising the prices of these goods as the supply fell. Obviously a greater trade was needed. 可以想象，商人兴奋地在全国各地寻找奢侈品，以备货到皇宫和皇室马屁精的房子里，随着供应的减少，这些商品的价格也随之提高。显然，需要更大的交易。
The year before, in 604, Sui Yang-ti’s ministers had pointed out that “Lin-yi was full of the strange and the precious.” No tribute had come from that country for the last ten years. In anticipation of his plans to fill his capitals and palaces with proof of his power and wealth, the emperor had sent Liu Fang at the end of the year with “more than ten thousand soldiers and several thousand criminals (convicts)” against Lin-yi. ^(10){ }^{10} The main army, which came by sea from Hanoi, landed at Pi-ching early in 605, and after considerable fighting, drove the Lin-yi ruler away from his capital and caused him to evacuate by sea further south. ^(11){ }^{11} 前一年，即 604 年，隋养帝的大臣们曾指出“临沂充满了奇异和珍贵”。在过去的十年里，那个国家没有进贡。为了预料到他计划用他的权力和财富来填满他的首都和宫殿，皇帝在年底派遣刘放率领“一万多名士兵和几千名罪犯（罪犯）”来对抗临沂。 ^(10){ }^{10} 从河内经海路而来的主力部队于 605 年初在辟经登陆，经过激烈的战斗，将临沂统治者赶出了他的首都，并迫使他从更南的海上撤离。 ^(11){ }^{11}
It is recorded that the Chincse army sacked and looted the Linyi capital and took away eighteen gold statues and more than 1,350 volumes of Buddhist sutras. ^(12){ }^{12} But the real purpose of the campaign was to open up the conquered land for the exploitation of its luxury products. The imports from the three new prefectures of Pi-ching, Linyi and Hai-ying ^(13){ }^{13} must have helped, to some extent, to meet the great demands of the Sui capitals. 据记载，钦色军洗劫临沂都城，带走金像十八尊，佛经 1350 余卷。 ^(12){ }^{12} 但该活动的真正目的是开辟被征服的土地，以开发其奢侈品。从碧经、临沂和海英 ^(13){ }^{13} 三个新县的进口 ，一定在某种程度上帮助满足了隋都的巨大需求。
The collection of luxury goods from all over the empire continued in 606. This, apparently, still did not satisfy the imperial demands, and in the following year, two missions were sent out to explore the possibilities of the lands across the southern sea - one to Liu-ch’iu and the other to Ch’ih-t’u and Lo-ch’a. 606 年，来自帝国各地的奢侈品的收集仍在继续。显然，这仍然没有满足皇帝的要求，在接下来的一年里，派出两个使团去探索南海陆地的可能性——一个是刘氏，另一个是芝游和罗刹。
In 607 , reports reached the Sui emperor that there was a country across the sea east of Fu-chou. In the same year, he sent a mission to “Icarn (of their) strange customs,” but not knowing the language, the mission returned with only a prisoner. When another mission failed 607 年，隋帝传道，府州以东隔海相望。同年，他派遣了一个使团前往“伊卡恩（他们的）奇怪的习俗”，但由于不懂语言，使团只带回了一名囚犯。当另一个任务失败时
to establish contact with the peoples of this country in the following year, Yang-ti prepared a full-scale expedition against it. ^(14){ }^{14} This expedition set out early in 610 , 为了在第二年与这个国家的人民建立联系，阳帝准备了一次全面的远征。 ^(14){ }^{14} 这次远征于 610 年初出发，
from I-An [near Swatow], sailed to Kao-hua Island [possibly Tungshan], then east, for two days to Chu-pi Island [probably one of the Pescadores], and then after another day, arrived at Liu-ch’iu [Formosa Island]. ^(15){ }^{15} (See Map 5). 从宜安[汕头附近]，航行到高华岛[可能是通山]，然后向东，用两天时间到达楚皮岛[可能是澎湃群岛之一]，然后又过了一天，到达刘秋岛[福尔摩沙岛]。 ^(15){ }^{15} （见地图 5）。
The expedition included “men from various countries in the south”, and some 探险队包括“来自南方各个国家的男人”，还有一些
K’un-lun people [Malays, or Mon-Khmer speaking people] who could understand their fthe Lit-chiul language quite well, and who were seni to negoliate with them. ^(10){ }^{10} 昆仑人 [马来人，或讲孟高棉语的人] 能很好地理解他们的 f-Lit-chiul 语言，并且是与他们协商的资深人士。 ^(10){ }^{10}
Nothing was achieved by this expedition except the destruction of the homes of some of the Liu-ch’iu people, and the capture of several thousands of men and women who were made slaves. Neither trade nor diplomatic relations were established. ^(17){ }^{17} But it provides some information of the growth of Fu-chou and Chao-chou, and of their relations with Canton and the Nanhai trade. The first two missions were sent out from Fu-chou, the largest port in Fukien and the administrative centre of the whole area. But the expedition which was transported by a large naval force set out from Ch’ao-chou (Swatow), an area of greater timber resources. It was closer to Canton where “men from various countries in the south”, including Malays, were recraited. These K’un-Iun peoples were some of the Nanhai merchants or some of the sailors who sailed the Nanhai. 这次远征除了摧毁了一些刘骒人的房屋，并俘虏了数千名沦为奴隶的男女外，什么也没做。双方都没有建立贸易或外交关系。 ^(17){ }^{17} 但它提供了一些关于福州和朝州的发展情况，以及他们与广州和南海贸易的关系的信息。前两个任务是从福建最大的港口和整个地区的行政中心福州发出的。但是，由一支大型海军部队运送的探险队从 Ch'ao-chou （Swatow） 出发，这是一个木材资源丰富的地区。它更靠近广州，“来自南方各国的男人”，包括马来人，被重新安置在那里。这些 K'un-Iun 人是一些南海商人或一些在南海航行的水手。
The mission to Ch’ih-t’u and Lo-ch’a set out at the end of 607 from Nanhal (Canton). ^(18){ }^{18} This is the direct result of Yang-ti’s “call for [men] to open up relations with the furthest territories.” ^(19){ }^{19} Under the leadership of Ch’ang Chün, the mission sailed down the South China Sea carrying with them 5,000 rolls of silk to be presented to the ruler of Ch’ih-t’u. ^(20){ }^{20} 前往 Ch'ih-t'U 和 Lo-ch'a 的使团于 607 年底从 Nanhal（广州）出发。 ^(18){ }^{18} 这是 Yang-ti“呼吁 [男人] 打开与最遥远地区的关系”的直接结果。 ^(19){ }^{19} 在 Ch'ang Chün 的领导下，使团带着 5,000 卷丝绸沿着南中国海航行，准备献给 Ch'ih-t'u 的统治者。 ^(20){ }^{20}
The mission was a great success. The king of Ch’ih-t’u “sent a Brahmin with thirty ships to welcome them” from the borders of the 这次任务取得了巨大的成功。Ch'ih-t'u 国王“派了一个婆罗门带着三十艘船从边境欢迎他们”
Map 5 地图 5
Sul Dynasity Routes to Ch’ih-us and Liu-ch’tu 苏尔王朝前往 Ch'ih-us 和 Liu-ch'tu 的路线
country to the capital. When they arrived, they were feted, and they lived there in luxury for a year or two. In the meantime, a Ch’ih-t’u mission to China was despatched early in 608 and another early in 609.^(21)609 .^{21} Early in 610, the Ch’ang Chün mission returned to China with a Ch’ih-t’u prince bringing as tribute “local products as well as gold, headgear ornamented with hibiscus designs (?) and camphor.” ^(22){ }^{22} 国家到首都。当他们到达时，他们受到了款待，他们在那里奢侈地生活了一两年。与此同时，608 年初派遣了一支前往中国的 Ch'ih-t'u 使团，610 年初 609.^(21)609 .^{21} 又派遣了另一支使团 ，Ch'ang Chün 使团带着一位 Ch'ih-t'u 王子返回中国，带来了“当地产品和黄金，装饰有芙蓉图案的头饰 （？和樟脑。 ^(22){ }^{22}
The route to and from Chih-t’u is very important. It represented one of the regular routes of the Nanhai (see Map 5). The mission 往返 Chih-t'u 的路线非常重要。它代表了南海的常规路线之一（见地图 5）。使命
sailed from Nanhal commandery [i.e., the port of Canton] day and night for lwenty days, each day meeting with a favourable wind, and reached Chiao-shih Shan [off the coast of Annam, near Tourane]. Passing southeast of this [island], their ship weighed 从南哈郡 [即广州港] 昼夜航行，历时二十天，每天迎风顺风，到达桥石山 [安南海岸附近，靠近土兰]。经过这个 [岛] 的东南方向时，他们的船称重
anchor at Ling-chieh-po-pa-to Island, lan island] with Lin-yi directly opposite it to its west [Capc Varella?]. Then travelling south they arrived at Shih-Tse Shih [Pulo Cecir de Mer or Pulo Sapate]. ^(23){ }^{23} From here, there is a chain of islands. [Following it] after another two or three days, they saw the hills of the country of Lang-ya-hsü to the west. So [they] avoided the Chi Lung island to the south, and arrived at the borders of Chih-t’u. 停泊在兰岛的 Ling-chieh-po-pa-to 岛]，Lin-yi 正对着它的西面 [Capc Varella？]。然后他们向南行驶，到达了 Shih-Tse Shih [Pulo Cecir de Mer 或 Pulo Sapate]。 ^(23){ }^{23} 从这里开始，有一连串的岛屿。又过了两三天，他们看到了西边的琅琊琊国的山丘。因此，[他们]避开了南边的志隆岛，到达了志土的边界。
The ruler sent a welcome party to meet them there and to guide them to the capital, which was called Seng-chiih. ^(24){ }^{24} 统治者派出一支欢迎队伍在那里迎接他们，并引导他们前往首都，称为 Seng-chiih。 ^(24){ }^{24}
… a gold chain was used as a cable round [Ch’ang] Chün’s ship [the ship carrying the mission] and after more than a month’s suiling, it arrived at the capital. ^(25){ }^{25} ...一条金链子被用作 [Ch'ang] Chün 的船 [承载任务的船] 的缆绳，经过一个多月的航行，它到达了首都。 ^(25){ }^{25}
The return route, probably another of the regular routes of the Nanhai, is revealing (see Map 5). 回程路线，可能是南海的另一条常规路线，正在揭示（见地图 5）。
[The King] ordered a Brahmin to send them [the prince of Ch’ih-t’u and the Chinese envoys 1 off with fragrant flowers and the sound of shells [used as horns?] and drums. After entering the sea, ^(26){ }^{26} they … saited across it for more than ten days, and arrived at the southeastern [coast of] Lin-yi. They wenl on abreast of [the Lin-yi] islands, where the sea was over a thousand steps wide … Following the northern shores of the sea, they reached Chiao-chih [Hanoil]. [国王] 命令一个婆罗门派他们 [Ch'ih-t'you 王子和中国使节 1 带着芬芳的花朵、贝壳的声音 [用作号角] 和鼓声。入海后， ^(26){ }^{26} 他们......渡过它十多天，终于到了临沂的东南[海岸]。他们并排在[临沂]群岛上，那里的海水有一千多级台阶宽......他们沿着海的北岸，到达了 Chiao-chih [Hanoil]。
The Brahmin sent the mission off to the place they had been received when they came to Ch’th-t’u with the same flourish of music and drums. This was where they entered the sea. This indicates that the journey “of more than a month’s sailing” from the border to the capital was partly a journey up a river to an inland town or fort. This makes it probable that the border area was off Singora, from where the Chinese ship was towed with a cable into the Talé Sap to the capital near Phathalung. ^(27){ }^{27} If this were so, then Ch’ih-t’u was a country that extended south-eastwards past Singora and north-westwards to south of Ligor and may have controlled some part of the west coast. ^(28){ }^{28} The route further shows that Hanoi was still an important port. 婆罗门将使团送到他们来到 Ch'th-t'u 时被接待的地方，那里有同样华丽的音乐和鼓声。这就是他们入海的地方。这表明，从边境到首都的“一个多月的航行”，部分是沿河而上到内陆城镇或堡垒的旅程。这使得边境地区很可能在 Singora 附近，中国船只从那里用电缆拖入 Talé Sap 到帕塔伦附近的首都。 ^(27){ }^{27} 如果是这样的话，那么 Ch'ih-t'u 是一个向东南延伸越过 Singora 和西北延伸到 Ligor 以南的国家，并且可能控制了西海岸的一部分。 ^(28){ }^{28} 这条路线进一步表明，河内仍然是一个重要的港口。
Ch’ih-t’u’s importance at the beginning of the seventh century is interesting. Of all the countries of the south, it was Ch’ih-l’u that attracted the Chinese in 607, a country that had never before presented tribute and never again after 610. Its short eminence suggests that it filled the gap between the fall of the Fu-nan empire (and probably also of Kan-to-li) and the rise of Chen-la, Ho-ling, and then Srivijaya. ^(29){ }^{29} It had been a vassal state of Fu-nan carlier on, populated by people similar to those of Fu-nan. (It may even have been a colony or settlement of Fu-nan people on the peninsula). ^(30){ }^{30} It was a rich vassal and controlled one of the great routes over the neck of the peninsula. The greatness of Funan had laid the foundations of Ch’ih-t’u’s importance, and when Funan fell, it was to Ch’ih-t’u that the Chinese turned. It is significant that the smaller vassal states of Fu-nan on the Malay Peninsula, which had gained their independence much earlier and had had century-old relations with China (especially during the Liang and Ch’en dynastics), were bypassed and Ch’ih-t’u honoured instead. Ch'ih-t'u 在 7 世纪初的重要性很有趣。在所有南方国家中，607 年吸引了中国人的是 Ch'ih-l'u，这个国家以前从未进贡过，610 年之后也从未过。它短暂的突出表明它填补了福南帝国（可能还有关都里）的衰落与陈拉、和陵以及室利佛逝的崛起之间的空白。 ^(29){ }^{29} 它曾是福南卡利尔的附庸国，居住着与福南相似的人。（它甚至可能是福南人在半岛上的殖民地或定居点）。 ^(30){ }^{30} 它是一个富有的附庸国，控制着半岛颈部的一条大路线。扶南的伟大奠定了 Ch'ih-t'u 重要性的基础，当扶南沦陷时，中国人转向了 Ch'ih-t'u。重要的是，马来半岛上较小的附庸国福南国在很早之前就获得了独立，并与中国建立了长达一个世纪的关系（尤其是在梁朝和陈朝时期），却被绕过了，取而代之的是 Ch'ih-t'u 的荣誉。
This mission from China, the first sent to the Nanhai since the third century, reveals the nature of the sea trade during the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh centuries. There was a political vacuum in the Nanhai since the fall of Fu-nan, and trading with small countries like P’an-p’an, Tan-tan and Lang-ya-hsiü was probably unsatisfactory. Chen-la was still to rise; and P’o-li probably too far away. That such a low level of trade in the Nanhai should coincide with the great demands for southem luxury goods, especially after 605, only increased the value of these goods. The fall of the supply and the rise in prices had brought about interventions in Lin-yi and Liu-ch’iu and induced the Sui court to send this mission to Ch’ih-t’u. In this way, the Nanhai trade was stimulated, if only for a few years. 这个来自中国的使团是自 3 世纪以来首次派往南海的使团，揭示了 6 世纪末和 7 世纪初海上贸易的性质。自福南灭亡以来，南海出现了政治真空，与盘盘、潭潭和琅琊秀等小国的贸易可能不令人满意。陈拉还在站起来;而 P'o-li 可能太远了。南海如此低的贸易水平与对南海奢侈品的巨大需求相吻合，尤其是在 605 年之后，只会增加这些商品的价值。供应的减少和价格的上涨导致了对临沂和六邑的干预，并促使隋廷派遣使团前往隋邑。通过这种方式，南海贸易受到了刺激，即使只有几年。
The great increase in demand, however, was an artificial onc. The imperial extravagance was soon curbed by commitments in the north, especially in the north-west, first against the T’u-yü-huns (Mongols?), then against the Tu-chüehs (Turks), and in the northcast, against the Koreans. It was further curbed by several risings within the country from 611 onwards, which finally caused the downfall of the Sui dynasty. These included two in west Kwangtung in 613, a disastrous one in the Fu-chou area in 614 and one in southern Kwangtung, near Canton, in 616.3: 然而，需求的巨大增长是一种人为的 onc。帝国的奢侈很快就被北方，尤其是西北的承诺所遏制，首先是对抗 T'u-yü-huns（蒙古人），然后是对抗 Tu-chüehs（土耳其人），在北方，对抗朝鲜人。从 611 年开始，国内的几次起义进一步遏制了它，最终导致了隋朝的垮台。其中包括 613 年在广东西部的两次地震，614 年在福州地区的一次灾难性地震，以及 616.3 年在广东附近的广东南部的一次灾难性地震。
In spite of this, the fame of a prosperous China reached several countrics which had severed official connections with China for some thirty years. And in 616-617, there came tribute missions from two countries on the Malay Peninsula, P’an-p’an and Tan-tan, from Chenla (successor to Fu-nan) and from P’o-li (Bali or Sumatra?). These missions may have been sent to be reassured of a trade that had declined since 610 ; but it is more likely that they were sent to establish trading relations with a country once again rich and great, especially in the case of the missions from Chen-la and Po-li. ^(32){ }^{32} 尽管如此，繁荣的中国的名声还是传到了几个国家，这些国家已经切断了与中国的官方联系大约三十年。在 616-617 年，来自马来半岛的两个国家，潘潘和丹丹，来自真腊（福南的继承者）和埔里（巴厘岛还是苏门答腊？这些使团可能是为了安抚自 610 年以来已经衰落的贸易;但更有可能的是，他们被派去与一个再次富裕和伟大的国家建立贸易关系，尤其是在陈拉和波里使团的情况下。 ^(32){ }^{32}
The Sui dynasty thus ends with a small triumph as far as its southern trade was concerned, but the trade was limited and not extensive, being very much the trade of the Nanhai alone. The goods of the West still came through Central Asia, the merchants being further induced in 610 to “come and go without stop.” ^(33){ }^{33} 就其南方贸易而言，隋朝因此以小胜利结束，但贸易是有限的，也不是广泛的，在很大程度上是南海的贸易。西方的货物仍然通过中亚，商人在 610 年被进一步诱导“来来去去，不停”。 ^(33){ }^{33}
The reign of Yang-ti stands out as one in which a policy of luxury trading and impcrialist expansion of a scale not seen since the death of Han Wu-ti was inaugurated. Such a policy was not unrelated to the re-unification of the country by the Sui and the extension of the markets for Nanhai goods. Once again, the trade was catering to the empire; but before it could fully do so, it had to go through erratic years of adaptation. They were years when the trade which extended into the Indian Ocean during the Southern Dynasties had become so uncertain that it awaited the coming of new mercantile stimulus before its revival, and the intensification of the Nanhai trade itself, could take place. And this new stimulus was to come in the vigour and the commercial and navigational skill of the Persians, and then the Arabs, in the carly years of the next dynasty - after the sea trade had adapted itself to the needs of the empire. 阳帝统治时期的突出表现是自韩武帝去世以来从未见过的奢侈品贸易和无耻扩张政策的时期。这样的政策与隋国统一和南海商品市场扩张不无关系。贸易再一次迎合了帝国;但在它能够完全做到这一点之前，它必须经历多年不稳定的适应。在那些年代，南朝时期延伸到印度洋的贸易变得如此不确定，以至于它等待着新的商业刺激措施的到来，然后才能够复兴，南海贸易本身的加强。而这种新的刺激是随着波斯人和阿拉伯人的活力、商业和航海技能而来的，在下一个王朝的卡利岁月里——在海上贸易适应了帝国的需要之后。
Endnotes 尾注
The Yü-wen Chou dynasty, 557-587, had unified North and West China after defeating the amies of Northern Ch’i in 577. Four years later, one of its ministers, Yang Chien, removed its emperor and founded the Sui dynasty. 周玉温王朝，557-587 年，在 577 年击败北齐后统一了中国北部和西部。四年后，其中一位大臣杨剑罢免了隋朝，建立了隋朝。
The Ch’ên dynasty was the weakest of the Southern Dynasties, and occupied only the lands south of the section of the Yangtse from its mouth to about Chiang-ling (about 112^(@)E112^{\circ} \mathrm{E} ), and parts of Kwangsi, Tongking and northem Annam. 秦朝是南朝中最弱的，只占领了长江河口以南至蒋陵（约 112^(@)E112^{\circ} \mathrm{E} ）的土地，以及广西、东京和北安南的部分地区。
2. Wen-ti’s deliberate policy to curb the wealth of the southern Chinese people may be seen in his edict of 598 to limit the commerce of the south by preventing the building of large ships. All ships built in South China of over thirty Chinese feet in length were to be confiscated. SuiS, 2, 7b. 2. 温帝刻意遏制中国南方人民财富的政策可以从他的 598 年敕令中看出，该敕令通过阻止建造大型船只来限制南方的商业。所有在华南地区建造的超过 30 英尺长的船只都将被没收。隋，2,7b。
3. SuiS, 2, 4a. There were also risings at Hang-chou (in Chekiang), Ch 'üanchou (in Fukien), and Jao-chou (in Kiangsi). See TChien, 177, 20a-22b. 3. 隋，2,4a。在杭州（在浙江）、Ch 'unanhou（在福建）和 Jao-chou（在江西）也有起义。见 TChien， 177， 20a-22b。
4. SuiS, 2, 6b-10a. Also TChien, 178, 11b-12b; 15a-b; 18b-19a; and 179, 15a-b; 21b. 4. 隋，2,6b-10a。还有 TChien， 178， 11b-12b;15a-b;18b-19a;和 179， 15a-b;21b.
5. SuiS, 3 3a. W. Bingham, The Founding of the Tang Dynasty, Baltimore, 1941, p. 14. 5. 隋，3 3a. W. 宾汉姆，《唐朝的建立》，巴尔的摩，1941 年，第 14 页。
6. SuiS, 3, 3b. 6. 隋，3,3b。
7. SuiS, 24, 10a. cf. W. Bingham’s translations, op. cit., p. 19. Also E. Balazs, “Le Traité Economique de Souei-chou”, Tóung Pao, Vol. XLII, 1953, p. 167. 7. SuiS， 24， 10a. 参见 W. Bingham 的翻译，见上，第 19 页。另见 E. Balazs，〈Le Traité Economique de Souei-chou〉，《东报》，第 XLII 卷，1953 年，第 167 页。
8. SuiS, 24, 10a. See E. Balazs, op. cit., pp. 167-8. Parts of this are also translated in W. Bingham, op. cit., p. 19. 8. SuiS， 24， 10a. 参见 E. Balazs，见上引，第 167-8 页。部分内容也被翻译在 W. Bingham，同上，第 19 页。
The real significance is lost because there are no comparative prices given, not are the prices of other goods at that time. It is important to note that “ten rolls of fine silk” must have been a fabulous gift in the eyes of the merchants who traded in silks in the Nanhai and in the West. On the other hand, W. Bingham, op. cit., p.I8, warns of the exaggerated writing of the “Records of Food and Money” in the SuiS (Ch. 24). 真正的意义丢失了，因为没有给出比较价格，而不是当时其他商品的价格。值得注意的是，“十卷细丝”在南海和西方从事丝绸贸易的商人眼中一定是一份极好的礼物。另一方面，W. Bingham， op. cit.， p.I.8， 警告说，SuiS（第 24 章）中“食物和金钱的记录”的写法被夸大了。
9. SuiS, 82, lb. 9. SuiS，82 磅。
10. SuiS, 82, 1b-2a. 10. 隋，82,1b-2a。
11. G. Coedès, op. cit., p. I 21 and n. 4. 11. G. Coedès，同上，第 I 21 和 n. 4。
12. SuiS, 82, 2a and Hsü Kao Sêng Chuan, 2, quoted by Li Cheng-fu, op. cit., p. 90, Hsü Kao Sêng Chuan adds that “K’un-lun books (or writing)” were also found, that is, books written in the K’un-lun (in this case, Cham) language, or more likely, the Sutras translated into Cham, probably in some South Indian alphaber. 12. 隋氏，82,2a 和 Hsü Kao Sêng Chuan，2，李成福引述，同上，第 90 页，许高锟 Sêng Chuan 补充说，还发现了“昆仑书（或文字）”，即用昆仑语（在本例中为 Cham）语写成的书籍，或者更有可能的是，翻译成 Cham 的《经》，可能是在一些南印度的 alphaber 中。
13. These three prefectures were set up only for a few years. Ku Chich-kang and Shih Nien-hai, op. cit., p. 176, say that they were first called Tangchou, Nung-chou and Ch’ung-chou respectively, and locates Pi-ching 13. 这三个县只设立了几年。Ku Chich-kang 和 Shih Nien-hai，同上，第 176 页说他们最初分别被称为 Tangchou、Nung-chou 和 Ch'ung-chou，并确定了 Pi-ching
as being near Tourane，Lin－yi in the region of Quang Ngai and Hai－ying a little way south of Qui Nhon． 因为靠近 Tourane、Lin-yi 在 Quang Ngai 地区和 Qui Nhon 以南一点的 Hai-ying。
14．SuiS，81，7b．There are two references to the captain of a ship called Ho Man which are interesting．This is the first mention of a navigator in the Official Annals and his name does not seem to have been Chinese；it could well have meant＂Ho the barbarian＂．He could have been a newly sinicised Yüch of Fukien，or possibly，one of the Yüehs of the seafaring areas of Chao－chou（Swatow）and Lien－chou（western end of Kwangtung）． 14.SuiS，81,7b.有两次提到一艘名叫何满的船的船长，这很有趣，这是官方编年史中第一次提到航海家，他的名字似乎不是中文的，很可能是“何野蛮人”的意思，他可能是福建新汉化的裕氏，也可能是朝州（汕头）和连州（广东西端）航海地区的裕氏之一。
15．There is some controversy about the location of Liu－ch＇iu．The name is now applied to the Ryukyu Islands．But there is little doubt that in Sui times，it was the name of Formosa Island．F．Hirth and W．W．Rockhill， Chau Ju－kua，St．Petersburg，1911，pp．162－3 and n．1，which identifies it in Sung times as Northern Formosa．Sce Ishida Mikinosuke，Nunkai ni Kakansuru Shina Shiryo（Chinese sources concerning the Nanhai），Tokyo， 1951．pp．104－7． 15. 关于六秋岛的位置存在一些争议，这个名字现在被用于琉球群岛，但毫无疑问，在隋代，它是福尔摩沙岛的名字.F.Hirth 和 W.W.Rockhill， Chau Ju-kua，St.Petersburg，1911，pp.162-3 和 n.1，在宋代将其确定为北福尔摩沙.Sce Ishida Mikinosuke，Nunkai ni Kakansuru Shina Shiryo（关于南海的中国资料），东京，1951.pp.104-7。
16．Suis，81．7b． 16.Suis，81.7b.
17．The economic value of Formosa was never considerable．The hostile nature of the land，the people and the climate were not forgotten for conturies．In the SuiS，24，10a，it is recorded that the expedition＂brought back several tens of thousands of prisoners，＂and added，＂but in penctrating deeper into the island jungles，the officers and soldiers met with malaria and other diseases，and finally，eight or nine out of every ten died of cither hunger or of sickness．＂ 17. 福尔摩沙的经济价值从来都不是可观的，这片土地、人民和气候的敌对性质并没有被遗忘，因为 conturies.In 苏伊河，24,10a，据记载，这次远征“带回了数万名囚犯”，并补充说，“但在深入岛屿丛林的过程中，官兵们遇到了疟疾和其他疾病，最后，每 10 人中就有 8 或 9 人死于饥饿或疾病。
18．SuiS，3，7a and TChien，year 608 dates the mission as carly in 608，while SuiS，82，3a，dates it as in 607，during the tenth moon（November or early December）．Op．cit．，24，10a，also dates it as in 607. 18.SuiS，3,7a 和 TChien，608 年将任务的日期定为 608 年的 carly，而 SuiS，82,3a，将其定为 607 年，在第十个月亮（11 月或 12 月初）.Op.cit.，24,10a，也将其定为 607 年。
Op，sit．，3，7a adds that the mission went also to Lo－chi（羅筡），mos！ probably an error for Lo－ch＇a（羅刹）．Thien has a section on Lo－ch＇a which it describes as a country＂east of P＇o－li＂，whose people traded with Lin－yi．＂In 607，Sui Yang－ti sent Ch＇ang－chün and others as envoys to the country of Ch＇ih－t＇u and to Lo－ch＇a；＂TTien，1010B． Op，sit.，3,7a 补充说，使团也去了罗管（Lo-chi），mos！可能是罗刹（Lo-ch'a）的错误。Thien 有一段关于罗粅的章节，它描述为一个“普里以东”的国家，那里的人民与临沂有贸易往来。“607 年，隋养帝派遣昌春等人作为使者前往 Ch'ih-t'you 国家和 Lo-ch'a;”TTien，1010B.
Lo－ch＇a had not been satisfactorily identified．It may have been an island cast of Bali，or，perhaps，more likely，an island east of Sumatra， south of the Malay Peninsula．Its position depends on the location of P＇o－li and Chih－l＇u． 罗查可能 identified.It 可能是巴厘岛的一个岛屿，或者更有可能的是，苏门答腊岛以东、马来半岛以南的一个岛屿。
19．SuiS，82，3a．Ch＇ang Chün and Wang Chün－cheng asked to be sent as envoys to Ch＇ih－t＇u．The emperor was very pleased and presented＂each of them with 100 pieces of silk and a suit of garments．＂ 19.隋，82,3a.庄春和王春成请求派遣使者到智图，皇帝非常高兴，并赠送了“他们每人 100 件丝绸和一套衣服”。
20．The location of Chih－t＇u is one of the most difficult problems in the historical geography of Southeast Asia．When its location in the Menam 20.Chih-t'u 的位置是东南亚历史地理学中最难解决的问题之一。
80 The Nanhai Trade: Early Chinese Trade in the South China Sea 80 南海贸易：中国在南海的早期贸易
Valley of Siam, and in South India, had been rejected, several scholars placed it somewhere either on the Malay Peninsula or on the east coast of Sumatra. 暹罗谷和南印度被拒绝，一些学者将其放在马来半岛或苏门答腊东海岸的某个地方。
Of the scholars who have corrected these old views, perhaps those who have examined it the most thoroughly are Kuwata Rokuro, “Study on Ch’ih-t’u,” Toyo Gakuho, 1919, 347-82 and 1920, 127-48, (he puts it in Palembang Sumatra); Takakuwa Komakichi, “Study on Ch’ih-t’u”. Shigaku Zasshi, 1920 and 1921 the puts it in Singgora in Southern Siam). 在纠正这些旧观点的学者中，也许对它研究最彻底的是桑田六郎，“Ch'ih-t'u 研究”，东洋学法，1919 年，347-82 和 1920,127-48，（他把它放在巨港苏门答腊）;Takakuwa Komakichi，“Ch'ih-t'u 研究”。Shigaku Zasshi，1920 年和 1921 年将其放在暹罗南部的 Singora 中）。
Later studies include one by Miyazaki Ichisada, “Identification of Lang-ya-hsiu with Lingga Singkep Isles,” Hanedo toyosohi ronso, 1950, 915-48 (he puts it in Jambi, Sumatra), and Yamamote Tatsuro, “Ch’iht’u and Srivijaya”, Wado toyoshi ronso, 1951, pp. 778-92 (he puts it in the southern part of the Malay Peninsula). G. Coedes, op. cit., p. 89, places it in the region of P’a-t’a-lung, north-west of Songkla. 后来的研究包括宫崎骏一贞 （Miyazaki Ichisada） 的一篇，“Identification of Lang-ya-hsiu with Lingga Singkep Isles，” Hanedo toyosohi ronso， 1950， 915-48（他把它放在苏门答腊的占碑），以及山本达郎，“Ch'iht'you and Srivijaya”，Wado toyoshi ronso，1951 年，第 778-92 页（他把它放在马来半岛的南部）。G. Coedes， op. cit.， p. 89， 把它放在宋卡西北部的 P'a-t'a-lung 地区。
21. SuiS, 3, 7a and 7b. F. Balazs, op. cit., p. 226, n. 184, works out the dates of arrival at the Sui court as 9 th April 608 and 14 th March 609. The first mission must have, therefore, left Ch^(')\mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} in-t’u almost immediately after the arrival there of the Chinese mission. It is possible that the second one set out after Ch’ang Chün had returned to Ch’ih-1’u from his visit to Lo-ch’a. 21. SuiS， 3， 7a 和 7b. F. Balazs， op. cit.， p. 226， n. 184， 计算出到达隋朝廷的日期是 608 年 4 月 9 日和 609 年 3 月 14 日。因此，第一个传教团必须几乎在中国传教团到达那里后立即离开 Ch^(')\mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} 。第二次可能是在 Ch'ang Chün 访问罗查后返回 Ch'ih-1'u 之后出发的。
22. SuiS, 82, 3b. According to SuiS, 3, 9a, the missions anived at the Sui court on 27th June 610; E. Balazs, op. cit., p. 226, n. 184. The missions had not followed the shorter route via Canton, but had gone via Hanoi. Probably for commercial reasons, the Ch’ih-t’u mission wished to visit the port of Hanoi first. 22. 隋，82,3b。根据 SuiS， 3， 9a，传教团于 610 年 6 月 27 日在 Sui 朝廷举行;E. Balazs，见上引，第 226 页，第 184 页。这些任务没有沿着途经 Canton 的较短路线，而是经过河内。可能是出于商业原因，Ch'ih-t'u 使团希望先访问河内港。
23. For the identifications of the three islands, see F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, op. cil., p. 8, n. 2, who compares those by G.E. Gerini and those by P. Pelliot. 23. 关于这三个岛屿的鉴定，参见 F. Hirth 和 W.W. Rockhill，见书，第 8 页，第 2 期，他们比较了 G.E. Gerini 和 P. Pelliot 的比较。
24. Identified as in the region of P’a-t’a-lung. It is described in some detail in SuiS, 82, 2a. 24. 鉴定为 P'a-t'a-lung 地区。它在 SuiS， 82， 2a 中有一些详细的描述。
Note that in 670-713, a tribute mission from Srivijaya (Shih-li-foshih) brought “two girls (or slaves) of Seng-chih”, TangS, 222C, 5a. In 513, a mission from Ho-ling brought “boys and Seng-chih”, TITYao, 100. 1782 (T’angS, 222C, 3b, says “four slaves of Seng-chih”). And in 815, another mission brought “five boys of Seng-chih”, ChiuTS, 187, 3a, and in 818, a third brought “two girls of Seng-chih”. THYao, 100, 1782 and ChiuTS, 197, 3a. 请注意，在 670-713 年，来自室利佛逝 （Shih-li-foshih） 的贡品使团带来了“两个 Seng-chih 的女孩（或奴隶）”，TangS，222C，5a。公元前 513 年，来自和岭的使团带来了 “男孩和生智” ，TITYao，100 人。1782 年（T'angS， 222C， 3b， 说“Seng-chih 的四个奴隶”）。815 年，另一个任务带来了“五个 Seng-chih 男孩”，ChiuTS，187,3a，818 年，第三个任务带来了“两个 Seng-chih 女孩”。THYao， 100， 1782 和 ChiuTS， 197， 3a。
25. SuiS, 82, 3a. The description implies that the large Chinese ship was towed, with music and feasting on board, to the capital. "The 25. 隋，82,3a。描述暗示这艘中国大船被拖到首都，船上有音乐和盛宴。“这
hills of the country of Lang－ya－hsiu＂were on the neck of the Malay Peninsula，possibly the hills near Ligor．Soon afterwards the mission arrived on the borders of Ch＇ih－t＇u a little to the south．From the border to the capital was more than a month＇s travel．This was puzzling，and has led to the location of Ch＇in－t＇u in Southem Sumatra （Jambil or Palembang），and to suggestions that Ch＇ih－t＇u was a great empire that inherited from Kan－to－li and bequeathed to Shih－ii－fo－ shih（Srivijaya）． Lang-ya-hsiu“国家的山丘位于马来半岛的颈部，可能是 Ligor 附近的山丘，不久之后，使团到达了 Ch'ih-t'u 的边界，稍微偏南一点，从边境到首都是一个多月的路程，这令人费解，并导致了 Ch'in-t'u 位于 Southem Sumatra（Jambil 或 Palembang），并暗示 Ch'ih-t'u 是一个从 Kan-to-li 继承并遗赠给 Shih-ii-fo- shih（室利佛逝）。
26．In Chinese，Chi－ju－hai（既人海）is translated as＂After entering the sea＂， which suggests that the prince and the envoys were sent off from an inland town and down some river until they enter the sea． 26.In 中文，Chi-ju-hai（既人海）被翻译为“入海后”，这意味着王子和使者从一个内陆城镇出发，顺流而下，直到他们进入大海。
27．Ci．G．Coedès，op．cit．，p．89；and his comparison with the country of Raktamrtika（red earth）mentioned in an inscription of the fifth century found in Province Wellesley．Also Pelliot，op．cit．，p．231，n．2，quoting Kern． 27.Ci.G.Coedès，op.cit.，p.89;以及他与在韦尔斯利省发现的五世纪铭文中提到的 Raktamrtika（红土）国家的比较。还有 Pelliot，op.cit.，p.231，n.2，引用 Kern。
28．This is a tentative conclusion awaiting the final evidence of the spade． While this agrees with the ChiuTS，197，1b－2a reference to it as a country lying between Fu－nan and Tan－tan，it does not explain the list of neighbouring countries given in the SuiS，82，2a． 28. 这是一个初步结论，有待最终证据的提出。虽然这与 ChiuTS，197,1b-2a 所说的位于福南和潭滩之间的国家一致，但它并没有解释 SuiS，82,2a 中给出的邻国名单。
This list says that＂to its east is Po－lo－la，（Borneo？），to its west that of P＇o－lo－so（an carly Barus in Sumatra？），to its south that of Ho－lo－tan （Java－Sumatra），and to its north is the Great Sea．＂Only if Ch＇ih－tu was for this short period a large empire with dependencies spread out all over the peninsula and possibly Northern Sumatra，can this list be explained． 这个列表上写着“它的东边是婆罗拉（婆罗洲？），西边是 P'o-lo-so（苏门答腊的巴鲁斯岛），南边是 Ho-lo-tan（爪哇-苏门答腊），北边是大海。”只有当 Ch'ih-tu 在这么短的时间内是一个大帝国，其附属地遍布整个半岛，可能还有北苏门答腊，才能解释这个名单。
29．The last dated mission from Fu－nan came in 588．After that the TK＇ao， 2601B，records Fu－nan missions in Suitimes（without dates at all）and Tangs，222C，2b－3a records missions in the periods 618－626 and 627－ 649 without giving any exact dates．As for Kan－to－li，the last mission came in 563 to the Ch＇en court；Ch＇enS， 3,6b3,6 \mathrm{~b}. 29. 福南的最后一次任务是在 588 年，之后 TK'ao，2601B，记录了福南在隋代的任务（根本没有日期）和唐，222C，2b-3a 记录了 618-626 和 627-649 年期间的任务，但没有给出关土里的任何确切 dates.As，最后一次任务是在 563 年到达陈朝; 3,6b3,6 \mathrm{~b}
The first mission from Chen－la came at the end of the Sui dynasty， in 616，SuiS，4，6b（in 82，4b，it says 617）．The first from Ho－ling in 640， ChiuTS，197，3a and the first from Srivijava（Shih－li－fo－shih）in the period 670－673，T＇angs，222C，5a． 陈拉的第一次任务是在隋朝末年，616 年，隋，4,6b（在 82,4b，它说 617）.第一次来自和陵，640 年，ChiuTS，197,3a，第一次来自室利爪哇（Shih-li-fo-shih），670-673 年，T'angs，222C，5a。
30．Sus，82，2a，says that the country of Ch＇th－l＇u was a＂different group of Fu－nan（people）＂． 30. Sus，82,2a，说 Ch'th-l'u 的国家是“不同的福南（人）群体”。
31．Suis，4，4a，on the risings at Hsin－an and Ts＇ang－wu in 613；4，5b on the risings at Chien－an in 614；4，7a on that at Kao－liang in 616．See W． Bingham，op．cit．，Appendix D，pp，131， 133 and 136. 31.Suis，4,4a，关于 613 年新安和曾武的起义;4,5b，关于 614 年建安的起义;4,7a，关于 616 年高梁的起义。
32．Suis，82，5a and 4b．Also 4，6b． 32.Suis，82,5a 和 4b.还有 4,6b。
82 The Nanhai Trade: Early Chinese Trade in the South China Sea 82 南海贸易：中国在南海的早期贸易
33. SuiS, 24, 10a. W. Bingham, op, cit., p. 27, “the tribes of the western border … were to be enticed by the prospect of generous commercial profits and then persuaded to come to pay homage at court.” 33. SuiS， 24， 10a. W. Bingham， op， cit.， p. 27， “西部边境的部落......被丰厚的商业利润前景所诱惑，然后被说服来宫廷致敬。
SuiS, 24, 10a adds, “[they] came and went without stop till the prefectures and commanderies they passed on the way were exhausted by the work of receiving and escorting them in and out [of the country]. The cost of these extravaganccs were calculated in hundreds of millions [cash].” 隋，24,10a，补充说：“[他们]来来去去，不停地走，直到他们沿途经过的县和郡都因接收和护送他们进出[该国]的工作而筋疲力尽。这些奢侈的成本以数亿 [现金] 计算。
Cf. E. Balazs’ translation of the same passage, op. cit., p. 168. 参见 E. Balazs 对同一段话的翻译，见上，第 168 页。
CHAPTER 章
Ports, Markets and Officials, 618-960 (I) 港口、市场和官员，618-960 （I）
The capital of the T’ang dynasty was at Ch’ang-an. It was the great market for the goods of Central and Western Asia. And for at least the first century of the dynasty, the capital did not encourage the import of such goods by sea. Its trade with the South, therefore, was limited to the purchase of Nanhai products alone. But the Sui emperor, Yang11, had made the needs of Ch ang-an less important by the completion of the Grand Canal. This linked the two great east-flowing rivers of China, the Yangtse Kiang and the Huang Ho, much more efficiently than ever before. It was at once a recognition of the importance of and the greatest contribution to the further development of South China. It made Lo-yang and Yang-chou the greatest markets of the empire. Yang-chou, at the junction between the Canal and the Yangtse (one of the great crossroads of history), became the key city of the wealthy Yangtse basin and the centre for most of the trade of east, south and south-east China. It was the demands of Yang-chou (and through Yang-chou, those of Lo-yang and the other cities along the Canal) that did most to stimulate the Nanhai trade further, and encourage the re-extension of the sea trade into the Indian Ocean. 唐朝的首都在昌安。它是中亚和西亚商品的巨大市场。至少在王朝的第一个世纪，首都并不鼓励通过海运进口此类商品。因此，它与南方的贸易仅限于购买南海产品。但隋朝皇帝杨 11 在大运河建成后，使 Ch ang-an 的需求变得不那么重要。它连接了中国两条东流的大河，长江和黄河，比以往任何时候都更有效率。它立即认识到了华南地区进一步发展的重要性和最大的贡献。它使洛阳和阳洲成为帝国最大的市场。洋洲位于运河和长江的交汇处（历史上的伟大十字路口之一），成为富裕的长江流域的重要城市，也是中国东部、南部和东南部大部分贸易的中心。正是阳州的要求（以及通过阳州、洛阳和运河沿岸其他城市的要求）进一步刺激了南海贸易，并鼓励海上贸易重新扩展到印度洋。
Although the Canal may only have had indirect effects on the Nanhai trade, they were no less important and immediate. 尽管运河可能只对南海贸易产生了间接影响，但它们的重要性和直接性并不逊色。
Lo-yang was, in T’ang Kao-Tsung’s reign (650-683), made the Eastern capital and remained so till the end of the dynasty. Yangchou, however, was never made a capital. For the first time, a city which was not the capital had become the chief market of the Nanhai trade. ^(1){ }^{1} This fact is important. It shows how the Nanhai trade had changed to include not only goods of the court and the imperial households, but also goods to satisfy religious, medicinal and condimental needs. The change itself brought about the greatest extension of demand since the inauguration of the trade. It made Yangchou the distribution centre for many more new markets which were either closer to Canton and Hanoi or made more easily accessible through improved communications. 在唐高宗统治时期（650-683 年），洛阳成为东方的首都，并一直保持到王朝末期。然而，杨州从未成为首都。一个不是首都的城市第一次成为南海贸易的主要市场。 ^(1){ }^{1} 这个事实很重要。它展示了南海贸易如何发生变化，不仅包括宫廷和皇室的商品，还包括满足宗教、医疗和调味品需求的商品。这一变化本身带来了自该行业成立以来最大的需求扩展。它使阳州成为更多新市场的配送中心，这些市场要么更靠近广州和河内，要么通过改善通信更容易进入。
The first fifty years of the dynasty gave the people of Central China the security they needed to make their cities the prosperous markets for goods of all kinds. And apart from Sheng-chou (Nanking, the old capital of the Southern Dynasties) and Chiang-ling (the great ancient mart of the Yangtse, in Hupei), there arose the cities of Junchou (Chen-chiang in Kiangsu), Hung-chou (Nan-ch’ang in Kiangsi), Hang-chou (in Chekiang), and later, Ngo-chou (Wu-ch’ang in Hupei), ^(2){ }^{2} to which was brought much of the merchandise of the Nantai including western goods carried by sea to China. 王朝的前 50 年为中原地区的人民提供了他们所需的安全保障，使他们的城市成为各种商品的繁荣市场。除了胜州（南京，南朝的旧都）和清陵（长江的大古集，在湖北）之外，还出现了俊州（江西陈江）、洪州（江西南庄）、杭州（浙江），后来的吴州（湖北乌庄）等城市， ^(2){ }^{2} 包括通过海路运到中国的西洋商品，都运到了仁台的大部分商品。
The great routes of the Nanhai trade were those joining Canton and Hanoi with the Yangtse cities, especially with the cities of Yangchou and Chiang-ling. There were two routes to Yang-chou from Canton: after crossing the Ta-yü Mountains to Hung-chou (Nanch’ang), the merchants either took the Yangtse route via Sheng, chou (Nanking) and Jun-chou (Chen-chiang) or took the Fu-ch’un river route to Hang-chou and then the Canal route via Jun-chou. ^(3){ }^{3} From Yang-chou, the exclusively Namhai products were conveyed by the Canal to Pien-chou ( K^(')\mathrm{K}^{\prime} ai-feng) and then to Lo-yang. Merchants at Hanoi who wished to follow these routes went first to Canton either via Yung-chou (Nan-ning) and the West River, or by sailing direct. As for Chiang-ling, there were two separate routes, the more important one being the one from Hanoi via Kwangsi and Hunan. The other was from Canton via Hunan. From Chiang-ling, the Nanhai goods were again sent on, up the Yangtse to either 南海贸易的主要路线是连接广州和河内与长江城市的路线，尤其是与阳州和清陵市之间的路线。从广州到阳州有两条路线：越过大邱山到洪州（南昌）后，商人要么走长江路线，途经盛、洲（南京）和俊州（陈江），要么走府春河路线到杭州，然后经俊州走运河路线。 ^(3){ }^{3} 从扬州，南海的独家产品通过运河输送到边州 （ K^(')\mathrm{K}^{\prime} ai-feng），然后运到洛阳。河内的商人如果想走这些路线，首先要经永州（南宁）和西河，或者直接乘船前往广州。至于清陵，有两条独立的路线，更重要的一条是从河内经广西和湖南的路线。另一次是从广州经湖南出发的。南海货物从清陵再次运往长江沿岸到达
K’uei-chou (Feng-chieh) or Wan-chou (Wan-hsien), and then overland to Ch’eng-1u (these cities were all in Szechuan); the goods were also sent along the main road to Ch’ang-an via Hsiang-yang (in northern Hupei). There were two minor routes to Ngo-chou (Wuch’ang), one up the Yangtse from Hung-chou, and the other down from Chiang-ling. 桂州 （Feng-chieh） 或完州 （Wan-hsien），然后经陆路到达 Ch'eng-1u（这些城市都在四川）;货物也沿着主干道经湘阳（位于湖北北部）运往昌安。通往五州（Wuch'ang）有两条小路，一条从红州沿长江而上，另一条从清陵下行。
The expansion of the Nanhai trade depended on the political and economic conditions of the ports of Canton and Hanoi, the markets of the Yangtse and the trade routes joining them (see Map 6). The areas now involved were chiefly those of Ling-nan (south of the Nan-ling), that is Kwangtung, Kwangsi and An-nan (TongkingAnnam), and those of Chiang-nan (south of the Yangtse Kiang), that is Kiangsu and Anhwei, most of Hunan and the south-eastern section of Hupci. ^(+){ }^{+} 南海贸易的扩张取决于广州港和河内港的政治和经济状况、长江市场以及连接它们的贸易路线（见地图 6）。现在涉及的地区主要是岭南（南岭以南）、广东、广西和安南（桐京安南）和清南（长江以南）、江苏和安徽、湖南大部分地区和胡奇东南段。 ^(+){ }^{+}
These two areas of Ling-nan and of Chiang-nan differed greatly from each other. Ling-nan was at this time still mainly populated by Chinese merchant-adventurers, foreign traders and the rebellious “Mans and Laos” (names of southern barbarians). The merchant settlements had been growing for centurics, and the long, establishment of Chinese rule was either driving the barbarians out of the fertile deltas of the West and Red rivers, or assimilating and sinicising them. But the area was still relatively undeveloped, and considered to be on the edge of the civilised world. It was only distinguished by its two gateways, Canton and Hanoi, to the wealth of the Nanhai. ^(5){ }^{5} On the other hand. Chiang-nan had, since the opening and the extension of the Grand Canal (605-610), become the equal of the rich Huai-nan, the “granary of China”. In this area were all but one of the cities which had replaced the capitals as the markets for Nanhai goods. The exception, Yang-chou, was the most important of these, but it was situated a few miles from the vital junction of the Canal and the northern boundary of Chiang-nan, the Yangtse River. 岭南和清南这两个地区彼此差异很大。此时的岭南仍然主要居住着中国商人冒险家、外国商人和叛逆的“满老”（南方蛮族的名字）。商人定居点在百夫长时期一直在增长，中国统治的长期建立要么将野蛮人赶出西河和红河肥沃的三角洲，要么将他们同化和汉化。但该地区仍然相对未开发，被认为处于文明世界的边缘。它的唯一特点是它有两个门户，广州和河内，通往南海的财富。 ^(5){ }^{5} 另一方面。自大运河开通和扩建（605-610 年）以来，清南已成为与富饶的淮南平起平坐的“中国粮仓”的称号。在这个地区，除了一个城市外，其他所有城市都取代了首都，成为南海商品的市场。阳州是其中最重要的例外，但它距离运河的重要交汇处和清南北部边界长江只有几英里。
The following examination of the conditions of these two areas of Ling-nan and Chiang-nan cover the 350 years of the T’ang and the Five Dynasties. These years may be divided into four periods, the divislons being largely determined by events related to the Nanhai trade. The four periods are 618-684, 684-758, 758-878 and 878-960. 以下对岭南和清南这两个地区的状况进行了研究，涵盖了唐朝和五朝的 350 年。这些年可以分为四个时期，划分主要由与南海贸易相关的事件决定。这四个时期是 618-684、684-758、758-878 和 878-960。
Map 6 地图 6
Ports, Markets and Major Trade Routes, Tang and the Five Dynistics 港口、市场和主要贸易路线，唐朝和五代
The first period begins with five years of incessant fighting during which the Trang generals tried to suppress the widespread rebellions which were the legacies of the fallen Sui dynasty. In the year 617, the rebels of Kiangsi set up an independent state which lasted till 622; there were also three separate risings in Kwangtung (one at Canton itself) and one in eastern Kwangsi. ^(@){ }^{\circ} The following year, the first of the T’ang dynasty, saw the division of South China by three major rebel 第一个时期从五年的持续战斗开始，在此期间，董里将军试图镇压广泛的叛乱，这些叛乱是隋朝衰落的遗产。617 年，江西起义者建立了一个独立国家，一直持续到 622 年;广东也有三次独立的起义（一次在广州本身），一次在广西东部。 ^(@){ }^{\circ} 次年，即唐朝第一年，南华被三大叛乱瓜分
leaders. Hisio Hsion at Chiang-ling was the most successful. He extended his power south to Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Tongking, and held these areas for four years. ^(7){ }^{7} The worst fighting, however, was in Anhwei and in Yang-chou, Jun-chou, Sheng-chou, Hung-chou and Ngo-chou areas; this continued until late in 622.^(8)622 .{ }^{8} In that year, the whole of South China was pacified. 领导人。Chiang-ling 的 Hisio Hsion 是最成功的。他将权力南下至广东、广西和东京，并占领了这些地区四年。 ^(7){ }^{7} 然而，最激烈的战斗发生在安徽和杨州、俊州、圣州、红州和吴州地区，这种情况一直持续到当年晚些时候 622.^(8)622 .{ }^{8} ，整个华南地区被平定。
Thus, from 617 to 622, it was not possible to trade safely in South China. Communications were so difficult that when the prefect of Chiao-chil finally heard (at the end of 618) of Emperor Yang-ti’s death, he could not return to the north, but had to stay at his post till after 622.^(9)622 .^{9} The Nanhai merchants had to wait for the return of law and order. This was achieved in 623, and it is significant that in that year the first two tribute missions from the South to the T’ang court arrived. These were from China’s nearest neighbours, Lin-yi and Chenla. ^(10){ }^{10} They probably came to re-establish trading relations with China. Once this was done, these countries sent missions regularly to China during the next sixty years. ^(11){ }^{11} 因此，从 617 年到 622 年，华南地区不可能安全地进行贸易。通讯非常困难，以至于当乔济知府终于听到（618 年底）阳帝去世的消息时，他无法返回北方，只能留在岗位上，直到 622.^(9)622 .^{9} 南海商人不得不等待法律和秩序的回归。这是在 623 年实现的，重要的是，在那一年，从南方到唐朝的前两次进贡使团到达了。这些人来自中国最近的邻国临沂和真腊。 ^(10){ }^{10} 他们可能是来与中国重建贸易关系的。一旦完成这项工作，这些国家在接下来的 60 年里定期向中国派遣使团。 ^(11){ }^{11}
From 623 to 684, South China was prosperous and peaceful. The population increased, more land was occupied and cultivated and commerce and industry became increasingly important to its economy. These sixty years were also some of the greatest for the Nanhai trade. There came missions not only from the many states of Indo-China and Siam, ^(12){ }^{12} but also from a state situated on the island of Java, Ho-ling, whose first mission to China came in 640.^(13)640 .^{13} Other states sending similar trade missions were P’an-p’an (in 635 and 650-655), Chu-lou-mi (in 655 and 656) and Tan-tan (in 666-669) on the Malay Peninsula, ^(14){ }^{14} and P’o-li (in 630 and possibly in 669), Mo-lo-yu (Jambi in Sumatra, in 644), and Shih-li-fo-shih (Srivijaya, Palembang in Sumatra, in 670673) in island South-cast Asia. ^(15){ }^{15} More important was the re-opening of official relations with China by various states of India in 656-658this was the first official recognition of a Nanhai trade again extended (after 623) to the West. ^(16){ }^{16} It may also be noted that the first mission from Ceylon since 527 came in 670.^(17)670 .^{17} These were the first missions from across the Bay of Bengal. But the most important development was the arrival of the Persians to the Nanhai and then to the coasts of China. ^(18){ }^{18} In the course of the next century they and the Arabs who came after them were to become the middlemen of the Nanhai, and their ships the chief means of communication. ^(19){ }^{19} 从 623 年到 684 年，南华繁荣祥和。人口增加，更多的土地被占用和耕种，商业和工业对其经济越来越重要。这 60 年也是南海贸易最伟大的时期。不仅来自印度支那和暹罗 ^(12){ }^{12} 的许多州， 还来自位于爪哇岛的一个州 Ho-ling，其第一次对中国的访问是在 640.^(13)640 .^{13} 马来半岛的 P'an-p'an（635 年和 650-655 年）、Chu-lou-mi（655 年和 656 年）和 Tan-tan（666-669 年）派出类似贸易代表团的国家。 ^(14){ }^{14} 和波里（P'o-li，630 年，可能在 669 年）、Mo-lo-yu（苏门答腊的占碑，644 年）和 Shih-li-fo-shih（室利佛逝，苏门答腊巨港，670673 年）在南撒亚洲的岛屿。 ^(15){ }^{15} 更重要的是 656-658 年印度各邦重新开放与中国的官方关系，这是第一次正式承认南海贸易再次扩展到西方（623 年后）。 ^(16){ }^{16} 还可以注意到，自 527 年以来来自锡兰的第一次任务是在 670.^(17)670 .^{17} 孟加拉湾对面进行的第一次任务。但最重要的发展是波斯人到达南海，然后到达中国沿海。 ^(18){ }^{18} 在接下来的一个世纪里，他们和后来的阿拉伯人成为南海的中间人，他们的船只成为主要的通讯手段。 ^(19){ }^{19}
Three events marked the last year (684) of the first period, of which the usurpation of the imperial throne by Empress Wu was the least important. More significant was the uprising in the area of the great markets of Yang-chou, Sheng-chou and Jun-chou, the first uprising of the dynasty since 622.^(20)622 .{ }^{20} It marked the end of an epoch of unbroken peace in South China which saw the complete recovery of the Nanhai trade and its extension into the Indian Ocean again. 第一时期的最后一年（684 年）发生了三件事，其中武皇后篡夺皇位是最不重要的。更重要的是杨州、胜州和君州大市场地区的起义，这是该朝自 622.^(20)622 .{ }^{20} 以下时期以来的第一次起义它标志着华南地区不间断和平时代的结束，南海贸易完全恢复并再次延伸到印度洋。
The third event was the murder of the Kwang-chou governor, Lu Yüan-jui. ^(31){ }^{31} In the biography of his successor, this is said, 第三件事是广州知事卢元瑞被谋杀。 ^(31){ }^{31} 在他的继任者的传记中，这样说：
The territories of Kwang-chou border on the Namhai. Every year K’un-lun merchants come in [their] ships with valuable goods to trade with the Chinese. The previous governor tried to cheat them of their goods, [so] the K’un-lun [came] with daggers hidden by their bodies and killed him … ^(22){ }^{22} 广州的领土与南海接壤。每年，昆仑商人都会带着贵重物品的船只来与中国人进行交易。前任总督试图骗取他们的财物，[所以] 昆仑带着藏在他们身上的匕首[来了]并杀死了他...... ^(22){ }^{22}
This event is further claborated in the Tzu Chih Tung Chien, 这一事件在《慈志东谦》中得到了进一步的阐述，
… The govemor of Kwang-chou, Lu Yüan-jui, was killed by the K’un-lun. Yüan-jul was ignorant and weak; [hisl officials did as they liked [literally, “they were licentious and extortionate”]. When merchant vessels came, these officials appropriated [the goods for themselves] without stop; so the foreign merchants complained to Yuan-jui. Yuan-jur asked for cangues, and wanted fo punish them [the foreign merchants?] by tying them all up. The group of foreigners were very angry. Then a Kun-tun [man] came straight into the office with a sword hidden in his sleeves and killed Yüan-jut and more than ten other people around him before he escaped. No one dared to get close [to this man]. He boarded a ship and entered the sea. [The port officials] gave chase, but jit was too late. ^(23){ }^{23} …广州市长卢元瑞 （Lu Yüan-jui） 被昆仑杀害。焉珠无知而软弱;[HISL 官员为所欲为[字面意思是“他们放荡和敲诈勒索”]。当商船来时，这些官员不停地侵占 [货物] ;于是外国商人向元瑞投诉。元珠要了 cangues，想把他们全部绑起来来惩罚他们 [外国商人？那群外国人非常生气。然后，一个坤屯[人]袖子里藏着一把剑，径直闯进办公室，杀死了元柱和他周围的十多人，才逃走了。没有人敢靠近 [这个男人]。他登上一艘船，进入了大海。[港口官员] 追赶，但为时已晚。 ^(23){ }^{23}
The passage not only shows who the dominant traders were, but also shows the relations between them and the Canton officials during this period. This was a dramatic climax to a period of great prosperity and brazen corruption. 这段话不仅显示了谁是占主导地位的商人，还显示了他们与这一时期广州官员之间的关系。这是一段繁荣和厚颜无耻的腐败时期的戏剧性高潮。
The event also marks the beginning of the second period, 684-758. The murder of a governor scemed to have inaugurated a period 这一事件也标志着第二个时期 684-758 的开始。一位州长被谋杀似乎开启了一个时期
of even better trading relations which lasted for half a century. The successor, Wang Fang-ch’ing, was described as a reformer who “held the post for several years without any exploitation lof the merchants].” ^(124){ }^{124} The account continues, 甚至更好的贸易关系持续了半个世纪。继任者王方庆被描述为“担任该职位数年，没有剥削商人”的改革家。 ^(124){ }^{124} 该帐户继续，
of all those who had governed Kwang-chou since the beginning of the T’ang dynasty, there is none to compare with Fang-ch’ing. ^(25){ }^{25} 自唐朝开始以来一直统治光州的人中，没有一个能与方青相提并论。 ^(25){ }^{25}
It was not till about 742-749 that there was trouble again with the officials at Canton, when two prefects were one after the other found guilty of corruption involving “great tens of thousands”. Lu Huan was thus sent to the “distant and remote territory [Canton], where corrupt officials abound” to investigate. ^(20){ }^{20} These two prefects were probably exceptions. The account on them is followed by a list of “the four incorruptible governors of Kwang-chou during the forty years after 713 [after 705?].” ^(27){ }^{27} This was a period of comparative honesty and good administration when there may not have been so many “corrupt officials”. This must have contributed to the growth of the Nanhai trade in no uncertain way. 直到 742-749 年左右，广州的官员才再次发生麻烦，当时两位地方长官相继被判犯有涉及“数万”的腐败罪。因此，吕欢被派往“贪官云集的遥远地区[广州]”进行调查。 ^(20){ }^{20} 这两位级长可能是例外。关于他们的叙述之后是“713 年 [705 年后] 四十年内四位清廉的广州总督”的名单。 ^(27){ }^{27} 这是一个相对诚实和良好管理的时期，可能没有那么多“腐败官员”。这一定以某种不确定的方式促进了南海贸易的增长。
The good administration may have been also due to the establishment of the post of the Superintendent of the Shipping Trade (who was mainly Chief Customs officer) sometime before 714-715. This was an act which recognised the revenue potentialities of a trade that had expanded steadily since 623 , and simplified the collection of taxes and the supervision of the port officials. On the other hand, one account says that “the Central (Government) Superintendents, too, did not dare break the law” during the governorship of Lu Huan (749752) which seems to point to their previous corrupt practices. ^(28){ }^{28} 良好的管理也可能是由于在 714-715 年之前的某个时候设立了航运贸易监督（主要是首席海关官）的职位。这是一项承认自 623 年以来稳步扩张的贸易的收入潜力的法案，并简化了税收和港口官员的监督。另一方面，有一种说法说，在鲁环（749752）年任期间，“中央（政府）监督也不敢违法”，这似乎表明了他们以前的腐败行为。 ^(28){ }^{28}
The rising of 684 near the Yangtse mouth was soon followed in 687 by a rising at Chiao-chih (Hanoi). ^(29){ }^{29} Though this was quickly crushed as was the first, it does serve as one of the first signs of the decline of authority resulting both from the constant wars in the north, north-west and north-east and from the intrigues at court. After the nominal change of dynasty from T’ang to Chou (690-704), even the able Empress Wu could not prevent the weakening of control of the southern borders. And although the “barbarian revolt” of Ling-nan in 694 was not followed by another major rising till that in An-nan (Tongking) in 722, all the troubles of South China between 722 and 684 年在长江口附近起义，紧随其后的是 687 年在桥池（河内）起义。 ^(29){ }^{29} 虽然这和第一次一样很快就被粉碎了，但它确实是北部、西北和东北部不断的战争以及宫廷阴谋导致权威衰落的最初迹象之一。在名义上由唐改周（690-704 年）后，即使是能干的武皇后也无法阻止对南部边境的控制减弱。尽管 694 年灵南的“蛮族起义”之后没有另一次重大起义，直到 722 年的安南（东京）起义，722 年到 722 年间南中国的所有麻烦都发生了。
728 could be attributed to that weakening of central control which had begun during the years of her usurpation. ^(30){ }^{30} 728 可以归因于在她篡位的那些年里开始的中央控制的削弱。 ^(30){ }^{30}
All these risings affected the trade route from Hanoi to Kweilin to some extent. They did not, however, disturb the great Canton to Yangchou route which continued throughout this time to supply the cities along the Yangtse and the Canal with Nanhai goods. In fact, it is recorded that the difficult route through the Ta-yü Mountains was opened and a road built in 728.^(31)728 .{ }^{31} The goods need no longer be “carried on backs” along small winding paths that “did not allow the use of cart.” ^(32){ }^{32} This meant that the only obstacle to a larger volume of the Nanhai trade between Canton and Yang-chou during the ycars 623-728 was now removed, and the builder of the Ta-yü Ling Road could say, 所有这些起义都在一定程度上影响了从河内到桂林的贸易路线。然而，他们并没有打扰广州到杨州的大路线，这条路线在这段时间里一直持续着，为长江和运河沿岸的城市提供南海货物。事实上，据记载，穿过大鸠山的艰难路线已经开通，一条在 728.^(31)728 .{ }^{31} 蜿蜒的小路上修建的道路不再需要沿着“不允许使用手推车”的小路“背着货物”。 ^(32){ }^{32} 这意味着在 ycars 623-728 期间广州和阳州之间进行大量南海贸易的唯一障碍现在已经消除，Ta-yü Ling Road 的建造者可以说：
The [merchants of the] various countries from across the sea may now daily transport their merchandise, so that the wealth of tusks [ivory], hides, feathers [kingfisher] and hairs [skins] and that of fish, salt, clams and oysters can, on the one hand, meet the needs of the treasury and, on the other hand, satisfy the demands of the Chiang-Huai region [the Yangtse Kiang and Huai Ho areas]. ^(3//){ }^{3 /} 来自大洋彼岸的各国商人现在可以每天运输他们的货物，这样，象牙、兽皮、羽毛和鱼、盐、蛤蝎和牡蛎的财富，一方面可以满足国库的需要，另一方面可以满足清淮地区的需求。 ^(3//){ }^{3 /}
It is clear from the above passage that the eastern capital, Lo-yang, and the cities along the Grand Canal had always been the chief markets, and that till this time they may have been suffering from the high prices of Nanhai goods caused by the difficulties of transportation. A greater supply of the goods was needed and this new road from Canton to Hung-chou was the climax of a century of peaceful and profitable trading in Nanhai products. 从上述段落可以清楚地看出，东部首都洛阳和大运河沿岸的城市一直是主要市场，直到此时，它们可能一直受到运输困难导致南海商品高价的困扰。需要更多的货物供应，这条从广州到红州的新道路是南海产品和平和有利可图的贸易的一个世纪的高潮。
The markets were only to enjoy this abundance and plenty for a short while. Less than thirty years later, the empire was shaken by a series of rebellions led by a number of non-Chinese generals in the imperial service. Beginning with the An Lu-shan revolt in 755, these risings were not crushed till 763 . While the risings did not spread to South China, they so devastated the cities along the Great Canal and Lo-yang that trading suffered in consequence. ^(3-1){ }^{3-1} 市场只是为了在短时间内享受这种丰富和丰富。不到 30 年后，帝国因一些非华裔将军领导的一系列叛乱而动摇。从 755 年的安鹿山起义开始，这些起义直到 763 年才被镇压。虽然起义没有蔓延到华南地区，但它们对大运河和洛阳沿线的城市造成了如此大的破坏，以至于贸易受到了影响。 ^(3-1){ }^{3-1}
The event that marks the close of this second period for the Nanhai trade, the sack of Canton by the Po-sse (non-Muslim Persians) and the Ta-shih (Muslim Arabs and Persians) in 758, must be linked 标志着南海贸易第二个时期结束的事件，即 758 年 Po-sse（非穆斯林波斯人）和 Ta-shih（穆斯林阿拉伯人和波斯人）洗劫广州的事件，必须与之相关
with the fall in tradc of the previous three years and the anarchy which encouraged excessive exactions by the Canton officials. ^(35){ }^{35} “The Posse and Ta-shih together sacked Kwang-chou [Canton], pillaged the godowns, burnt the buildings and then escaped by sea.” ^(36){ }^{36} The injustice must have been great and the dissatisfaction exceedingly acute to have caused two groups of merchants to risk their lives, their property and their future profits in an enterprise of this nature. This event shows how the Persian and lambda rab\lambda r a b merchants had advanced in the course of a century from newcomers to the Nanhai trade to men of power and wealth. It is likely that they retired from Canton and took their trade to Hanoi - the competition between the two ports would have made this a welcome move to the Hanoi authorities. It is interesting to note that in 760-761, the Ta-shih made vigorous advances to Ho-ling (Java). ^(37){ }^{37} This may be related to the decline in trade on the Chinese coasts, and the Ta-shih quest for a new base in the Nanhai. 随着前三年 TRADC 的衰落和无政府状态，这鼓励了广州官员的过度索取。 ^(35){ }^{35} “Posse 和 Ta-shih 一起洗劫了广州 [广州]，掠夺了仓库，烧毁了建筑物，然后通过海路逃脱。” ^(36){ }^{36} 这种不公正一定是巨大的，不满是极其尖锐的，以至于两组商人冒着生命、财产和未来利润的风险，从事这种性质的企业。这一事件展示了波斯人和 lambda rab\lambda r a b 商人如何在一个世纪的进程中从南海贸易的新移民发展成为有权势和财富的人。他们很可能从广州退休，将贸易带到河内——两个港口之间的竞争将使这成为河内当局欢迎的举动。有趣的是，在 760-761 年，Ta-shih 向 Ho-ling（爪哇）大力推进。 ^(37){ }^{37} 这可能与中国沿海贸易的减少以及 Ta-shih 在南海寻找新基地有关。
It is interesting to note that during the second period, only Linyi^(38)\mathrm{yi}^{38} and Srivijaya ^(39){ }^{39} came regularly with tribute. The civil war in Chenla (since about 681) limited its contact with China; ^(40){ }^{40} and nothing is heard of Ho-ling except that in the T’ien-pao period (742-755) its capital was moved from She-p’o to the east. ^(41){ }^{41} More important were the tributes from South India in 691, 710 and 720, ^(42){ }^{42} and those from Ceylon in 712, 742, 746 and 750. ^(43){ }^{43} They show the continued extension of the sea trade into the Indian Ocean. 有趣的是，在第二阶段，只有林和 yi^(38)\mathrm{yi}^{38} 室利佛逝 ^(39){ }^{39} 定期来致敬。真腊内战（自约 681 年以来）限制了它与中国的接触; ^(40){ }^{40} 除了在天宝年间（742-755 年）其首都从社埔向东迁外，没有听说过和陵。 ^(41){ }^{41} 更重要的是 691 年、710 年和 720 年来自南印度的贡品， ^(42){ }^{42} 以及 712 年、742 年、746 年和 750 年来自锡兰的贡品。 ^(43){ }^{43} 它们显示了海上贸易向印度洋的持续延伸。
With the sack of Canton and evacuation of the Persian and Arab merchants begins the third period of the Nanhai trade, 758-878. The year 758 marks the climax of the chaos in North and Central China and its effect on South China. By 760, there were also risings south of the Yangtse, in Kiangsu and Chekiang, and in Kwangsi, involving some of the great markets and one of the routes from Hanoi. These risings were not crushed till 762.^(.4)762 .{ }^{.4} In 760, Yang-chou was actually sacked and “several thousands of Po-sse and Ta-shih merchants were killed.” ^(45){ }^{45} 随着广州的洗劫和波斯和阿拉伯商人的撤离，南海贸易的第三个时期开始了，即 758-878 年。758 年标志着华北和华中混乱的高潮及其对华南的影响。到 760 年，长江以南、江苏、浙江和广西也发生了起义，涉及一些大型市场和一条从河内出发的路线。这些起义直到 760 年才被镇压 762.^(.4)762 .{ }^{.4} ，杨州实际上被洗劫一空，“数千名 Po-sse 和 Ta-shih 商人被杀”。 ^(45){ }^{45}
These troubles were reflected in the Canton areas. In 763, the eunuch-Superintendent of the Shipping Trade there, Lü T’ai-i got rid of the military governor and permitted his men to plunder the city. ^(16)A{ }^{16} \mathrm{~A} few years later in 769 , there was a rising near Canton which was not suppressed till 771.47 These two events had immediate adverse effects on the Nanhai trade, and till 772, “only four or five vessels of the barbarians of the south and west [or south-west] came each year.” ^(4s){ }^{4 s} 这些麻烦反映在广州地区。763 年，那里的船贸太监吕太仪摆脱了军事总督，并允许他的手下掠夺这座城市。 ^(16)A{ }^{16} \mathrm{~A} 几年后的 769 年，广州附近发生了一次起义，直到 771.47 年才被镇压。这两件事对南海贸易产生了立竿见影的不利影响，直到 772 年，“每年只有四五艘南西 [或西南] 的野蛮人的船只来。 ^(4s){ }^{4 s}
But in that year, the lenient administration of the governor Li Mien (769-773)^(19)(769-773)^{19} brought the desired results, and “more than forty came.” ^(50){ }^{50} This, however, did not continue for long. In 773, one of the officers mutinied and murdered his successor, held Canton as his headquarters, and vigorously resisted all imperial troops for three years. ^(51){ }^{51} And when Lu Sse-kung finally defeated him at the end of 775, he 但在那一年，总督李冕 (769-773)^(19)(769-773)^{19} 的宽大施政带来了预期的结果，“来了四十多人”。 ^(50){ }^{50} 然而，这种情况并没有持续太久。773 年，其中一名军官叛变并谋杀了他的继任者，以广州为总部，并极力抵抗所有帝国军队长达三年。 ^(51){ }^{51} 而当吕世公最终在 775 年底击败他时，他
punished many of the fellows of the trading ships leither Chincse or foreign merchants] who had supported the Huang [name of the rebel] affair … 惩罚了许多支持黄[叛乱者的名字]事件的商船 lincse 或外国商人......
… All in all, he confiscated their valuable family property worth several millions of strings lof cashl, and kept it for himself, sending nothing as tribute [to the emperor]. ^(32){ }^{32} …总而言之，他没收了他们价值数百万索的宝贵家族财产，并据为己有，没有送任何贡品给皇帝。 ^(32){ }^{32}
Thus from the sack of Canton in 758 to the years following the confiscation of the goods of the merchants in 775, Canton as a port was, except for one or two years, far from attractive. In fact, no large volume of sea trade could have been maintained in the face of the troubles there. 因此，从 758 年广州被洗劫到 775 年商人货物被没收后的几年里，广州作为一个港口，除了一两年之外，远没有吸引力。事实上，面对那里的麻烦，不可能维持大量的海上贸易。
The Hanoi area was comparatively peaceful during these years and drew the Nanhai merchants from the disturbed Canton. In fact, they were such prosperous years that the Tongking coasts were raided in 767 by the pcople from She-p’o (Java) and K’un-lun, ^(53){ }^{53} who most probably came north to establish their commercial supremacy in the Nanhai. In the same year, the “Laos” and “Mans” (barbarians) of Kwangsi began to make sporadic attacks on the towns along the overland route from Hanoi, ^(54){ }^{54} but there was no significant break in the prosperity of the port, and Hanoi remained the centre of the Nanhai trade till the end of the century. 在这些年里，河内地区相对和平，吸引了来自受干扰的南海商人。事实上，当时的繁荣年代是如此繁荣，以至于 767 年来自佘波（爪哇）和昆仑的 pcople 袭击了东京海岸， ^(53){ }^{53} 他们很可能北上来在南海建立了他们的商业霸权。同年，广西的“老挝”和“曼”（野蛮人）开始对从河内出发的陆路沿线城镇进行零星的袭击， ^(54){ }^{54} 但港口的繁荣并没有得到重大中断，河内一直是南海贸易的中心，直到本世纪末。
In fact, the prosperity of Hanoi so affected the trade of Canton that in 792, the governor of I,ing-nan petitioned, 事实上，河内的繁荣对广州的贸易产生了如此大的影响，以至于 792 年，宜英南总督请愿说：
Lately, the precious and strange [goods] brought by ocean-iunks have mostly been taken to An-nan Ithe port of Hanoi] to be traded there. I wish to send an officer to go to An-nan and close the market, and request that Your Imperial Majesty send one central [government] official to accompany him. ^(55){ }^{55} 最近，海盗带来的珍贵和奇特的[货物]大多被带到河内的安南港]在那里交易。我想派一名官员去安南关市，请求陛下派一名中央官员陪同。 ^(55){ }^{55}
This petition indicates that some years after 774, a slight recovery in Canton was effected; but this could not maintain itself against the competition of Hanoi, and after a dozen years, the fall in trade was so serious that imperial aid was sought. 这份请愿书表明，在 774 年之后的几年里，广州出现了轻微的恢复;但这无法在河内的竞争中维持下去，十几年后，贸易下降如此严重，以至于寻求帝国的援助。
When the emperor proposed to grant the request, 当皇帝提议批准这个请求时，
Lu Chih [a Chief Minister] submitted that the merchants of distant countries merely sought profits and that they would come if treated with moderation, but would leave if constantly troubled. Canton had always been the portl where the various junks lof merchants dealing in the Nanhai trade) assembled; now [the merchants] suddenly changed their minds and went to An-an [instead]. If this was not due to excessive taxation and interference, it must certainly have been because [the Canton officials] have not received them and guided them as they should have done. ^(56){ }^{56} 鲁智[一位首席部长]认为，远方的商人只是为了利益，如果受到适度的对待，他们就会来，但如果经常遇到麻烦，他们就会离开。广州一直是从事南海贸易的各种帆船商人聚集的港口;现在 [商人] 突然改变主意，去了安安 [转而]。如果这不是由于过度的税收和干预，那肯定是因为 [广州官员] 没有按照他们应该做的方式接待和指导他们。 ^(56){ }^{56}
That Canton had always been the port where “the various junks assemble” can apply only to the years before 758 - the plunders and confiscations since that date must have discouraged many of the Nanhai merchants. When Lu Chih adds that the Canton officials should blame themselves and not trouble the emperor, it illustrates the laissez-faire attitude of those in power and the autonomy of the port authorities concerning the extension of the Nanhai trade. It confirms that there was free competition between the two ports of Canton and Hanoi, but does not prove "the vigilance on the part of the Central Government. " ^(57){ }^{57} In fact, Lu Chih’s advice, though excellent in principles, shows that the central government was only vaguely aware of the foreign trade at Canton, and was frankly unconcerned about the behaviour of the local officials in their dealings with the Nanhai merchants. No questions would be asked so long as the port sent its tribute to the treasury regularly. 广州一直是“各种帆船聚集”的港口，这仅适用于 758 年之前的几年——自那天以来的掠夺和没收一定让许多南海商人灰心丧气。当吕智补充说，广州官员应该自责，不要麻烦皇帝时，这说明了当权者的自由放任态度和港务局对南海贸易扩展的自主权。它证实了广州港和河内港之间存在自由竞争，但并不能证明“中央政府的警惕性”。 ^(57){ }^{57} 事实上，吕智的建议虽然在原则上是极好的，但表明中央政府对广州的外贸只是模糊地了解，坦率地说，他对地方官员在与南海商人打交道时的行为并不关心。只要港口定期向财政部进贡，就不会提出任何问题。
This eclipse of Canton did not continue for long after 792. In 794, there was a series of barbarian risings in Kwangsi and western Kwangtung that made the Hanoi to Chiang-ling route most precarious till 808 . These barbarians were still not crushed and rose again in 816 to disturb the Kwangsi and Tongking areas for the next ten years. ^(3//){ }^{3 /} There were mutinies and revolts in An-nan itself in 803, in 819-820 and in 828, ^(59){ }^{59} and attacks by Huan-wang the name for Lin-yi after 这次广州日食在 792 年之后并没有持续太久。794 年，广西和广东西部发生了一系列野蛮人起义，使河内到清陵的路线变得最不稳定，直到 808 年。这些蛮族仍然没有被击垮，并在 816 年再次崛起，在接下来的十年里扰乱了广西和东京地区。 ^(3//){ }^{3 /} 803 年、819-820 年和 828 年，安南本身发生了叛乱和起义， ^(59){ }^{59} 以及 Huan-wang（临沂的名字）的攻击
758) in 803 and 809.^(60)809 .^{60} Thus, in the early years of the ninth century, the Nanhai trade turned once again to Canton where it remained, though not always very securely, to the end of the third period in 878. More risings in Tongking and in Kwangsi in 844, 846 and 857-858, and the attacks of Nan Chao in 860-66, ^(61){ }^{61} all contributed to the downfall of Hanoi as the Nanhai entrepot. 758 年 809.^(60)809 .^{60} ）因此 ，在 9 世纪初，南海贸易再次转向广州，尽管并不总是非常安全，但一直持续到 878 年第三时期结束。844 年、846 年和 857-858 年在东京和广西的更多起义，以及 860-66 年南朝的进攻， ^(61){ }^{61} 都导致了河内作为南海转口港的衰落。
That the post of governor of Ling-nan became again, throughout this period of the recovery of Canton, one of the most lucrative, can be seen in the case of the governor of 826-828826-828 who in three years accumulated much wealth, lived in great luxury and owned several hundred servants and slaves. He could even set up establishments on several streets in the capital, all displaying “the strange goods of the outer territories”, and was declared by those at the capital as “one of wealth”. ^(62)An{ }^{62} \mathrm{An} honest governor was so unusual that the man who was governor from 837 to 841 was specially mentioned as one who did not interfere with the work of the Superintendent of the Shipping Trade in spite of the fact that, 在广州收复的整个时期，岭南总督一职再次成为最有利可图的职位之一，这可以从总督 826-828826-828 的例子中看出 ，他在三年内积累了大量财富，过着极其奢侈的生活，拥有数百名仆人和奴隶。他甚至可以在首都的几条街道上设立机构，所有商店都展示“外围领土的奇特商品”，并被首都的人宣布为“财富之一”。 ^(62)An{ }^{62} \mathrm{An} 诚实的总督是如此不同寻常，以至于这位在 837 年至 841 年期间担任总督的人被特别提及为不干涉航运贸易总监工作的人，尽管事实是，
Canton enjoyed the profits of the barbarian ships [being the place], where all the valuable goods were gathered, and [that] all previous officials sought these profits and became rich. Of all those who served at Canton, not one returned without being fully laden [with the wealth they acquired). ^(alpha3){ }^{\alpha 3} 广州享受着野蛮船只的利润，那里聚集了所有有价值的货物，所有以前的官员都追求这些利润并变得富有。在所有在广州服役的人中，没有一个人没有满载而归。 ^(alpha3){ }^{\alpha 3}
Another account adds that when this governor took over, “the merchant vessels of the sea route began to come”. ^(64){ }^{64} This is an exaggeration, but it does indicate that honesty in the port and city authorities may have been one of the greatest encouragements to the Nanhai trade. 另一个说法补充说，当这位总督接任时，“海路的商船开始来”。 ^(64){ }^{64} 这有点夸张，但它确实表明，港口和城市当局的诚实可能是对南海贸易的最大鼓励之一。
During this third period, the markets of the Yangtse suffered several setbacks. Not long after the terrible risings of 755-763755-763 were suppressed with the greatest of difficulty, new risings led by powerful military governors began again, just north of the Yangtse in 775, and continued till 786. The loss of the Yangtse and the Canal markets was thus another reason for the decline of the Nanhai trade at Canton after 758 . On the other hand, by 763, the empire had completely lost control of the Central Asian route, and wars with the T’u-fan tribes (Tibetans of the Ch’inghai and Sik’ang areas) and the Nan Chao kingdom (a non-Chinese state in Yunnan) had upset the trade of 在这第三个时期，长江市场遭受了几次挫折。在可怕的起义 755-763755-763 被以最大的困难镇压后不久，由强大的军事长官领导的新起义于 775 年在长江以北再次开始，一直持续到 786 年。因此，长江和运河市场的丧失是 758 年后广州南海贸易衰落的另一个原因。另一方面，到 763 年，帝国已经完全失去了对中亚路线的控制，与土番部落（青海和泗康地区的藏人）和南朝王国（云南的一个非中国国家）的战争扰乱了
Szechuan. Whatever demand there was for luxury goods was, therefore, largely met by traders from Hanoi who had a relatively secure route to Chiang-ling and Ch’ang-an; this was a further reason why Hanoi usurped the place of Canton after 762, till the end of the century. 四川.因此，无论对奢侈品有什么需求，主要由来自河内的商人来满足，他们有一条相对安全的路线去清陵和昌安;这是河内在 762 年后直到本世纪末篡夺广州地位的另一个原因。
But some order returned to Chiang-nan in spite of the risings between 806 and 822 and the overt rivalry and jealousy of the various military governors of the area. After 822, trade between the recovered Canton and the virtually autonomous Chiang-nan cities was vigorously resumed. With the exception of the rising in 858, in both Kiangsi and Hunan, and the military encroachments on the Canton trade routes during the war with Nan-Chao in 860-66, there were no real obstacles to a fairly prosperous sea trade. ^(64){ }^{64} It was not till the great Huang Ch’ao rebellion which began near the Yangtse cities in 875 and spread south to Chekiang, Fukien, Kwangtung, and then An-nan, that this trade was seriously disturbed. But in 878, ^(65){ }^{65} with one stroke, Huang Ch’ao set back the trade for a century. With his burning and pillaging of Canton and his murder of foreign merchants, ends the third period of the Nanhai trade. 但是，尽管 806 年至 822 年间发生了起义，并且该地区各个军事总督公开竞争和嫉妒，但一些秩序还是回到了清南。822 年后，收复的广州与几乎自治的清南城市之间的贸易得到了大力恢复。除了 858 年江西和湖南的起义，以及 860-66 年与南朝的战争期间对广州贸易路线的军事侵占外，相当繁荣的海上贸易并没有真正的障碍。 ^(64){ }^{64} 直到 875 年长江城附近开始的黄姝大叛乱，向南蔓延到浙江、福建、广东和安南，这种贸易才受到严重干扰。但在 878 年， ^(65){ }^{65} 黄邵一举使贸易倒退了一个世纪。随着他对广州的焚烧和掠夺以及他对外国商人的谋杀，南海贸易的第三个时期结束了。
Tribute missions from the Nanhai fell off considerably during this third period, and in 120 years, there were only a few from the closest neighbours, Huan-wang (Lin-yi) and Chen-la (re-united after 802). ^(60){ }^{60} Missions from Ho-ling (Java) came more often, twice in 766779 and twice in 813-818; and from She-p’o (another name for Holing) came missions in 820,831, and once again in 860-873.67 From the Indian Ocean, there came only one mission, that from Ceylon in 762. ^(@8){ }^{\circ 8} None came from Srivijaya, ^(69){ }^{69} but in 853, and again in 871, there came missions from Chan-pei (Jambi) which suggest that Srivijaya’s hold on Sumatra may have been relaxed. ^(70){ }^{70} 在这第三个时期，来自南海的贡品任务大大减少，在 120 年里，只有少数来自最近的邻国桓王（临沂）和陈拉（802 年后重新统一）。 ^(60){ }^{60} 来自和陵（爪哇）的传教更频繁，766779 年两次，813-818 年两次;820,831 年从 She-p'o（Holing 的另一个名字）传教，860-873.67 年再次从印度洋传教，只有一个传教，即 762 年从锡兰传教。 ^(@8){ }^{\circ 8} 没有一个来自室利佛逝， ^(69){ }^{69} 但在 853 年和 871 年，来自占培（占碑）的传教表明，室利佛逝对苏门答腊的控制可能已经放松。 ^(70){ }^{70}
The fourth period, 878-960, begins with dismal years for the Chinese and foreign merchants who survived and remained in Canton. Huang Ch’ao and his men intended to make the port their headquarters and only the heavy loss of men through an epidemic drove them northwards in 880.^(71)880 .{ }^{71} That year, they ravaged all the great cities of the Yanglse as well as the two capitals, first Lo-yang and then Ch’ang-an. For the next four years, there was no peace in the country, fighting being fiercest just north of the Yangtse and in the southern provinces of Chekiang, Kiangsi and Fukien. After Huang was killed in 884, his rebel army grew even stronger under new leaders. More armies rose 第四个时期，即 878-960 年，以幸存并留在广州的中外商人的惨淡岁月开始。黄邵和他的手下打算把港口作为他们的总部，但一场瘟疫造成的大量人员损失迫使他们北上。 880.^(71)880 .{ }^{71} 那一年，他们蹂躏了杨孜的所有大城市以及两个首都，首先是洛阳，然后是长安。在接下来的四年里，该国没有和平，战斗在长江以北和南部的浙江、江西和福建省最为激烈。黄于 884 年被杀后，他的叛军在新领袖的领导下变得更加强大。更多的军队崛起
in South China, till in 887, the T’ang emperor was left with only scattered areas in the north. Then followed twenty years of war during which both Kwang-chou and An-nan, curiously enough, remained loyal though virtually independent of central control. ^(72){ }^{72} But neither Canton nor Hanoi could gain much from the relative peace they enjoyed, for the Yangtse was the bone over which military governors and petty generals contended incessantly. There had been no markets for the goods of the Nanhai ever since 878. In fact, so little trade of any kind was possible that several of the rebell leaders had to negotiate for truces in order to allow for some flow of goods. ^(73){ }^{73} Thus, by 906, when the T’ang dynasty was officially brought to an end, the Nanhai trade was recluced to a small trickle. It may well be that the mission from Fo-ch’i (another name for Srivijaya) which came to a port in Fukien in 904,^(74)904,{ }^{74} had come to inquire about a trade that had shrunk drastically in a quarter of a century. 在南华地区，直到 887 年，唐朝皇帝只剩下北方的零散地区。然后是 20 年的战争，奇怪的是，在这场战争中，光州和安男都保持忠诚，尽管实际上独立于中央控制。 ^(72){ }^{72} 但是，广州和河内都无法从他们所享受的相对和平中得到多少好处，因为长江是军事总督和小将领们无休止争夺的骨头。自 878 年以来，南海的货物就没有市场。事实上，任何形式的贸易都是不可能的，以至于几位叛乱领袖不得不谈判休战以允许一些货物流动。 ^(73){ }^{73} 因此，到 906 年，当唐朝正式结束时，南海贸易被排除在一小涓细流中。很可能是 Fo-ch'i（室利佛逝的另一个名字）的使团来到福建 904,^(74)904,{ }^{74} 的一个港口，询问一项在四分之一个世纪内急剧萎缩的贸易。
South China in 906 was still too undeveloped to be “a consolidated. economic area” and the following “natural geographical regions” became “practically independent regional units” (see Map 7). Chekiang and southern Kiangsu formed the kingdom of Wu Yüeh, 907-978; northern Kiangsu, Anhwei and Kiangsi formed that of Wu, 907-937, then that of Nan T’ang till 958; Fukien formed that of Min, 907-945, before it was cut up; ^(75){ }^{75} Ling-nan (Kwangtung and Kwangsi) formed that of Nan Han, 917-971; and An-inan, nominally under Nan Han, became the territory of the short Ngo dynasty, 939-954, a dynasty preceded and followed by bitter wars. ^(7//){ }^{7 /} For the next sixty to seventy years, there were incessant border disputes that made communication between these “natural geographical regions” very difficult. 906 年的南华仍然太未开发，无法成为“合并的。经济区“和随后的”自然地理区域“成为”实际上独立的区域单位“（见地图 7）。浙江和江苏南部组成了吴悦王国，907-978 年;北江苏、安徽和江西形成了吴国，907-937 年，然后是南唐，直到 958 年;福建在被切割之前形成了 Min，907-945 年; ^(75){ }^{75} 灵南（广东和广西）于 917-971 年形成南汉;安义南名义上在南汉之下，成为短吴王朝的领土，939-954 年，这个王朝前后都有激烈的战争。 ^(7//){ }^{7 /} 在接下来的 60 到 70 年里，边界争端不断，使这些“自然地理区域”之间的交流变得非常困难。
Of these states, Nan Han was the most concerned with the greatly recuced Nanhai trade, her port of Canton being still its collecting centre. In 917, Liu Yen declared himself emperor and 在这些国家中，南汉最关心的是大大减少的南海贸易，她的广州港仍然是其集邮中心。917 年，刘燕宣布自己为皇帝
collected all the valuable goods of the Nanhai to decorate his jade halls and pearl palaces … [and] often invited the merchants who had come to Canton from north of the Nan-ling, 收集了南海的所有贵重物品，用来装饰他的玉殿和明珠宫殿......[并]经常邀请从南岭北部来到广州的商人，
to see his collection of precious things. ^(13){ }^{13} His successors too encouraged the trade in luxuries, and when Nan Han was about to fall in 971, the last ruler could fill “more than ten sea-going junks with his valuables”. ^(79){ }^{79} 看看他收藏的珍贵物品。 ^(13){ }^{13} 他的继任者也鼓励奢侈品贸易，当南汉在 971 年即将沦陷时，最后一位统治者可以装满“十多艘远洋帆船 ”。 ^(79){ }^{79}
Map 7 地图 7
The Southern Kingdoms of the Five Dynasties 五代南国
In the sixty years of peace and new prosperity at Canton, the Nanhai traders quickly returned. 在广州六十年的和平与新的繁荣中，南海商人很快回归。
But they returned not only to Canton. For almost forty years, there was an independent kingdom in Fukien. Its founder, who was visited by a mission from Srivijaya in 904, “invited the 但他们不仅回到了广州。在将近四十年的时间里，福建有一个独立的王国。它的创始人于 904 年被室利佛逝的使团拜访，“邀请了
barbarian merchants of the sea to come,” and may even have had the rocks obstructing the harbour removed to facilitate trade. ^(80){ }^{80} Although his successors did not continue this trading policy, and chose to exact all they could from those who were wealthy, ^(s1){ }^{s 1} this was the beginning of the prosperity of the ports of Fukien. The neighbouring states of Wu Yüeh and Nan T’ang coveted Nanhai and the western products too, and in 945 , sent their armics into Fukien. The port of Fu-chou fell to Wu Yüeh. Nan T’ang, however, failed to defeat a Min general, Liu Ts’ung-hsiao, who, as the nominal military governor of Nan T’ang (until 975), was the ruler of two of the most important ports of later Chinese maritime history, Ch’üanchou and Chang-chou. ^(82){ }^{82} And it was under Liu that Ch’üan-chou began to gain some importance. It became a port that competed with Canton and Fu-chou as a centre for the Nanhai goods which met the demands of Nan T’ang. 海上的野蛮商人到来“，甚至可能已经移除了阻碍港口的岩石以促进贸易。 ^(80){ }^{80} 尽管他的继任者没有继续这种贸易政策，而是选择从富人那里榨取他们所能榨取的一切， ^(s1){ }^{s 1} 但这是福建港口繁荣的开始。邻国武悦和南唐也觊觎南海和西产，并于 945 年派遣军队进入福建。福州港落入伍悦之手。然而，南唐未能击败闽将刘宗孝，他作为南唐名义上的军事总督（直到 975 年），是后来中国航海史上最重要的两个港口——冠寿和长洲的统治者。 ^(82){ }^{82} 正是在刘的领导下，邱州开始变得有些重要。它成为一个与广州和福州竞争的港口，作为满足南唐需求的南海货物中心。
While new ports for the Nanhai trade rose with the political division of South China, the old ports of An-nan regained very little of their past importance. Since the fall of the T’ang dynasty, An-nan had been neglected by the Chinese. And it was only during the short Ngo and Ch’ü Yüeh dynasties that the area had a little peace. Its ports thus lost their status as ports for the Nanhai trade during these years of confusion. 虽然南海贸易的新港口随着南华地区的政治分裂而兴起，但安南的旧港口几乎没有恢复它们过去的重要性。自唐朝灭亡以来，安南一直被中国人忽视。只有在短暂的 Ngo 和 Ch'ü Yüeh 王朝期间，该地区才有一点和平。因此，在那些年的混乱中，它的港口失去了作为南海贸易港口的地位。
In 951, a mission from Chan-ch’eng came to the court of the Later Chou, and two others came in 958 and 959.^(83)959 .{ }^{83} A strong dynasty was once again established north of the Yangtse, and the demands of its markets attracted once again a country of the Nanhai. Then followed a mission from San-fo-ch’i in 960, which came too late, and was presented to the founder of the Sung dynasty instead. ^(34){ }^{34} A new era had come. The independence of the “natural regions” had served its purpose and promoted the wider distribution of Nanhai goods. The rise of more ports. and even more markets in South China, contributed to the consolidation of the whole region into one economic unit, and this consolidation was to bring about a further extension of the Nanhai trade. ^(85){ }^{85} With the mission of San-fo-ch’i, therefore, ends the last period to be examined in this study. 951 年，禅宗使团来到后周朝廷，958 年又有两人来到 ，一个强大的王朝再次在长江以北建立，其市场的需求再次吸引了南海国。 959.^(83)959 .{ }^{83} 然后是 960 年来自山佛池的使命，但来得太晚了，而是被提交给了宋朝的创始人。 ^(34){ }^{34} 一个新时代已经到来。“自然区域”的独立达到了它的目的，并促进了南海商品的更广泛分销。更多港口的崛起。甚至华南地区更多的市场，都有助于将整个地区整合为一个经济单位，而这种整合将导致南海贸易的进一步扩展。 ^(85){ }^{85} 因此，随着 San-fo-ch'i 的使命结束了本研究要研究的最后一个时期。
Endnotes 尾注
That Yang-chou was indeed the chief market for the Namhai trade, at least during the first half of the T’ang dynasty, is clear from the many references to it as a Persian centre. See T’ao Hsi-sheng and Chü Ch’ingyüan, T’ang Tai Ching Chi Shih, Shanghai, 1936, pp. 76-7; 80, n. 2; 834; 104, n. 14. 至少在唐朝上半叶，洋州确实是南海贸易的主要市场，这从多次提到南海是波斯中心可以清楚地看出。参见 T'ao Hsi-sheng 和 Chü Ch'ingyüan，T'ang Tai Ching Chi Shih，上海，1936 年，第 76-7 页;80，第 2 页;834;104，第 14 页。
On the rise of these cities, see Pai Shou-i, Chung Kuo Chiao T’ung Shih (History of communications in China), Shanghai, 1937, pp. 115-17, 121, 136-44: and T’ao Hsi-sheng and Chï Ch’ingyruan, op. cit., pp. 82-6. 关于这些城市的崛起，参见白寿仪，Chung Kuo Chiao T'ung Shih（中国通信史），上海，1937 年，第 115-17、121、136-44 页：以及 T'ao Hsi-sheng 和 Chï Ch'ingyruan，见上引，第 82-6 页。
Hsiang Ta, T’ang Tai Ch’ang An Yü Hsi Yüeh Wen Ming On Ch’ang-an and the lands of the west in the T’ang dynasty), p. 33, emphasises the second route saying that the merchants feared the difficult waters of the Yangtse. But T’ao Hsi-sheng and Chu Ch’ing-yüan, op. cit., p. 80, n. 2, rightly corrects this emphasis by pointing out that the merchants who had dared the perils of the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea would not have preferred the much longer route via Hang-chou to sailing down the Yangtse to the Canal junction. 湘大，《唐台昌安》《西庵》温明《唐朝西陆》），第33页，强调了第二条路线，说商人害怕长江的艰难水域。但是，敖希生和朱清允，见上，第80页，第2期，正确地纠正了这一强调，指出那些敢于冒着印度洋和南中国海危险的商人，宁愿走更长的路线，越不想走长江到运河交汇处。
The two areas were then administratively divided into three provinces and a protectorate: Chiang-nan East; Chiang-nan West; Ling-nan; and the An-nan Protectorate set up in 679. These were more or less “natural geographical regions”, Ch’ao-ting Ch’i, Key Economic Areas in Chinese History, London, 1936, p. 131. (Fukien in Chiang-nan East was really a separate “natural region.”) 这两个地区随后在行政上分为三个省和一个保护国：清南东部;清南西;凌南;以及 679 年建立的安南护国。这些或多或少是“自然地理区域”，Ch'ao-ting Ch'i，Key Economic Areas in Chinese History，伦敦，1936 年，第 131 页。（清南东部的福建实际上是一个独立的“自然区域”。
ChiuTS, 96, 7a, and T’angS, 124, 6b, describe how the governor of Kwang Chou had to teach the people to build houses of tiles in order to stop the frequent conflagrations that destroyed the fowns. There were apparently hardly any permanent buildings in Canton itself — this confirms Arab evidence of the ninth century, which speaks of fires destroying their goods. G. Hourani, Arab Searfaring, Princeton, 1951, p. 73. ChiuTS， 96， 7a 和 T'angS， 124， 6b 描述了广州总督如何不得不教人们建造瓦片房屋，以阻止频繁的烧毁羊皮的火灾。显然，广州本身几乎没有任何永久性建筑——这证实了 9 世纪的阿拉伯证据，其中提到大火会摧毁他们的货物。G. Hourani，《阿拉伯航行》，普林斯顿，1951 年，第 73 页。
How little the area was Chinesc may be scen from the policy of Lu Chun, the governor of Ling-nan, 837-841, who devised plans to assimilate the barbarians by encouraging mixed marriages. ChiuTS, 177, 9a, and Tangs, 182, 6 a. 中国的面积有多小，可以从灵南总督鲁淳（837-841 年）的政策中看出，鲁淳制定了通过鼓励混血通婚来同化野蛮人的计划。ChiuTS， 177， 9a， 和 Tangs， 182， 6 a.
6. W. Bingham, op. cit., pp. 62-3: Appendices D and E. 6. W. Bingham，同上，第 62-3 页：附录 D 和 E。
7. TChien, Chs. 185-90. 7. TChien，第 185-90 章。
8. Ibid. ChiuTS, 1, 6a-7a; and T’angS, 1, 6a-8a. 8. 同上 ChiuTS， 1， 6a-7a;和 T'angS， 1， 6a-8a.
9. TangS, 90, 7a-b. The prefect Ch’u Ho, was forced after 619 to recognize the overlordship of Hsiao Hsien, the ruler of most of Ling-nan. 9. 唐氏，90,7a-b。619 年后，知府楚和被迫承认萧县的宗主地位，萧县是岭南大部分地区的统治者。
10. ТнYao, 98, 1751 and 1752. 10. ТнYao， 98， 1751 和 1752.
11. Lin-yi sent missions in 625,628,630,631,640,642,653,657,669625,628,630,631,640,642,653,657,669 and 670; and Chen-la in 628 and “several in the reign of Kao-Tsung (650683).” See Appendix A. 11. 临义派出使团 625,628,630,631,640,642,653,657,669625,628,630,631,640,642,653,657,669 670 年;和 628 年的陈拉，以及“高宗 （650683） 年在位的几个”。见附录 A。
12. Among these were To-ho-lo in 638 and 649 (Dvaravati in the Menam Chao Phrya Valley), Nou-t’o-hoan in 644 and 647 (“North-west of Dvaravati” and “five months by sea to Canton”); Su-nai in 628 (“three months by sea to Chiao-chi”, peopled by K’un-lun); and Ko-lo-she-fen or Ch’ich-lo-she-fo in 660 and 662 (Grahia in Chaiya). 12. 其中包括 638 年和 649 年的 To-ho-lo（Menam Chao Phrya 山谷的 Dvaravati）、644 年和 647 年的 Nou-t'o-hoan（“Dvaravati 的西北部”和“乘海路五个月到达广州”）;628 年的苏奈（“乘海路三个月到巧池”，由昆仑居住）;以及 660 年和 662 年的 Ko-lo-she-fen 或 Ch'ich-lo-she-fo（猜亚的 Grahia）。
Some may have sent their missions by land, but many certainly came by sea. See Appendix Lambda\Lambda. 有些人可能通过陆路派遣使团，但许多人肯定是通过海路来的。见 附录 Lambda\Lambda 。
13. ChiuTS, 197, 3a. Ho-ling missions came again in 648 and 666 ; sec Appendix A. On the location of Ho-ling, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 265, suggests Java. G. Coedès, op. cit., pp. 137-8 tends to agree with this, while noting J.L. Moen’s location of the place on the Malay Peninsula in Crivijaya, Yava en Kataha (G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 137. n. 2). I have taken Pelliot’s view, which has been ably supported by several Chinese and Japanese scholars, particularly Feng Ch’eng-chun and Fujita Toyohachi. 13. ChiuTS，197,3a。Ho-ling 传教士在 648 年和 666 年再次出现;sec 附录 A.关于 Ho-ling 的位置，Pelliot，见上，第 265 页，建议爪哇。G. Coedès， op. cit.， pp. 137-8 倾向于同意这一点，同时注意到 J.L. Moen 在马来半岛上的位置在 Crivijaya， Yava en Kataha （G. Coedès， op. cit.， p. 137. n. 2）.我采纳了 Pelliot 的观点，该观点得到了几位中国和日本学者的大力支持，尤其是 Feng Ch'eng-chun 和 Fujita Toyohachi。
14. Chü-lou-mi was one month by sea from P’an-p’an, THYao, 100, 1794. On the tribute missions, see Appendix AA. 14. Chü-lou-mi 是从 P'an-p'an 乘海路走一个月，THYao，1794 年 100 月。关于贡品任务，见 附录 AA 。
15. The Mo-lo-yu mission was the only one recorded to have come from that country. For its location in Sumatra and its absorption by Srivijaya between 689 and 692, see Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 324 and 342. G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 145 is dubious about the Srivijayan mission of 670-673, but Tungs, 222C, 5a, makes it clear that a mission came in the years of Hsien-heng (670-673). 15. Mo-lo-yu 任务是唯一有记录的来自该国的任务。关于它位于苏门答腊的位置以及它在 689 年至 692 年间被室利佛逝吸收，参见 Pelliot，见上引，第 324 和 342 页。G. Coedès， op. cit.， p. 145 对于室利佛逝 670-673 年的传教持怀疑态度，但 Tungs， 222C， 5a 清楚地表明，传教是在显亨（670-673 年）的年间到来的。
16. Among these were Chan-po (Champapura), Kan-chih-fo (Kancipura), Shih-li-chun (unidentifled), and Mo-la (Malaya in South India?). See Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 359-63; and Appendix A. It is quite likely that some of these missions came by way of the Burma-Yunnan route, see TongS, 222C, 18a. 16. 其中包括 Chan-po （Champapura）、Kan-chih-fo （Kancipura）、Shih-li-chun （未识别）和 Mo-la（南印度的马来亚？参见 Pelliot，见上引，第 359-63 页;和附录 A。这些任务中很可能有一些是通过缅甸-云南路线来的，见 TongS， 222C， 18a。
17. T’angS, 221B, 8a. The earliest notice of sea-travel between China and Ceylon in T’ang times seems to have been that of Na-t’i-san-tsang’s (an Indian priest) arrival in China from Ceylon in about 655. Hsü Kao Seng Chuan, 5, quoted in Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., p. 58. 17. 唐氏，221B，8a。唐朝时代中国和锡兰之间海上旅行的最早通知似乎是 Na-t'i-san-tsang（一位印度牧师）于 655 年左右从锡兰抵达中国。《许高成川》，5，引自《冯正春》，见上引，第 58 页。
18. There is no doubt that the Persians arrived by sea in the early years of the T’ang dynasty, definitely before 671, the year when I-Ching boarded a Persian ship at Canton. Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., p. 47. Hadi Hasan, Persian Navigation, London, 1928, pp. 97-8, 18. 毫无疑问，波斯人在唐朝初年通过海路抵达，肯定是在 671 年之前，即易经在广州登上波斯船只的那一年。冯正春，同上，第47页。哈迪·哈桑，《波斯航海》，伦敦，1928 年，第 97-8 页。
19. Hadi Hasan, op, cit., pp. 97-106, shows how the Persian merchants increased in importance from the nature of the evidence presented in the century after 671: Vajrabhodi’s voyage to China in Persian ships in 19. 哈迪·哈桑，同上，第 97-106 页，从 671 年后一个世纪提供的证据的性质来看，波斯商人的重要性是如何增加的：金刚杵乘波斯船只航行到中国
717-720) Hui Ch’ao’s description of Persian trading in China (about 727); the Persian village on the island of Hainan observed in 748; and the sack of Canton in 758. 717-720 年）惠乔对波斯人在中国贸易的描述（约 727 年）;748 年观测到的海南岛上的波斯村庄;以及 758 年广州的洗劫。
It is not certain when the Arabs first arrived, but it must have been some time before 758, by which time they had already formed a community at Canton. G.F. Hourani, op. cit., pp. 62-3. 阿拉伯人第一次到达的时间不确定，但肯定是在 758 年之前的一段时间，那时他们已经在广州形成了一个社区。G.F. Hourani，见上，第 62-3 页。
20. The Hsü Ching-yieh rising, starting at Yang-chou. ChiuTS, 6, 1b-2a; and Tangs, 4, 2a. There were border troubles in the north, the north-east and the wesi before this, but there were no internal troubles, especially in south China. 20. 徐清义起义，从阳洲开始。ChiuTS， 6， 1b-2a;和 Tangs， 4， 2a.在此之前，北方、东北和魏西都有边乱，但没有内部动乱，尤其是在华南。
21. Trangs, 4, Ib. 21. 董里， 4， ib.
22. ChiuTS, 89, 8a. T’angS, 116, 1a. 22. ChiuTS，89,8a。唐氏， 116， 1a.
23. Thien, 203, 10b. 23. 蒂恩，203,10b。
24. ChiuTS. 89, 8a. TangS, 116, 1a. 24. 奇茨。89， 8a.唐氏，116,1a。
25. ChiuTS, 89, 8a. The account continues about his dealings with the Yüeh and other local chiefs which is interesting in so far as it confirms other records showing the absence of a large settled Chinese population in the Canton area. 25. ChiuTS，89,8a。该记述继续讲述了他与 Yüeh 和其他当地酋长的交往，这很有趣，因为它证实了其他记录，表明广州地区没有大量定居的中国人口。
… previously, when many of the local chiefs had been avaricious and the people had submitted complaints to the Government, the officials had received bribes from these chiefs and never made investigations. Fang-ching gathered these officials together and forbade them to have any dealings [with these chiefst, and flhen] had the chiefs who continued to exploil the peoplel all arrested. Thus was the whole area cleansed. …以前，当许多地方酋长贪婪，人们向政府提交投诉时，官员们从这些酋长那里收受贿赂，从未进行过调查。方庆把这些官员召集起来，禁止他们与[这些首领]有任何来往，并把那些继续驱使人民的首领全部逮捕。这样，整个地区都得到了净化。
ChiuTS, 98, 3b. T’angS, 126, 3b-4a. The ChiuTS, 9, 7b and 8a records the banishment of one in 747 and the exccution of the other in 749. ChiuTS，98,3b。唐氏， 126， 3b-4a.ChiuTS、9、7b 和 8a 记录了 747 年一个被放逐，另一个在 749 年被驱逐。
ChiuTS, 98, 5b. This is incorrect if the dare is 713 , because one of those named Pei Chou-hsien, was governor in the reign of Chung-Tsung (705710). TangS, 126, 4a omits his name. On the other hand, Pei was known as an incorruptible man, T’angS, 117, 2b. ChiuTS，98,5b。如果 dare 是 713 ，这是不正确的，因为其中一位名叫裴周贤的人是忠宗 （705710） 年间的总督。TangS， 126， 4a 省略了他的名字。另一方面，贝聿铭被称为廉洁之人，T'angS， 117， 2b.
The ChiuTS, 98, 5b account differs from that in the TangS, 126, 4a. I have in this case taken the latter account. The former implies that the superintendents “did not break the law” during the governorships of the incorruptibles (705?-752) which would mean that they never “broke the law”, since the post was created in about 713, and there would not be any need to mention it at all. ChiuTS， 98， 5b 的叙述与 TangS， 126， 4a 中的叙述不同。在这种情况下，我采用了后一种解释。前者意味着监督在廉洁者担任总督期间（705？-752 年）“没有违法”，这意味着他们从未“违法”，因为该职位创建于 713 年左右，因此根本不需要提及。
T’angS, 4, 3a, the rising of Li Sse-hsien. T'angS， 4， 3a， 李世贤的崛起.
Tongs, 4, 7a; 5, 7a and 7b-8b. During this period, there were also constant battles with the T’u-fan, and troubles in Yurman with Nan Chao. 钳子，4,7a;5、7a 和 7b-8b。在此期间，与图范的战斗不断，在尤尔曼与南超的麻烦不断。
T’ao Hisi-sheng and Chü Ch’ing-yüan, op. cit., pp. 76 and 80 , n. 1 quoting the Ch’üan T’ang Wen, 291 implies that this was done in 716. But from the T’angS, 43A, 1 b (in a note about the district of Shih-hsing) it is stated that “in 728, an edict ordered Chang Chiu-ling to open it (the Ta-yü Ling Road).” This is confirmed by the biography of Chang (ChiuTS, 99, 6a8b), in which (7a-b) he is described as having gone to Hung-chou and then Ling-nan only after 727 (till 733). 敖海生和朱清允，见上，第 76 页和第 80 页，第 1 期引用《楚唐温》，291 暗示这是在 716 年完成的。但从唐世，43A，1 b（在关于世兴区的注释中）中指出，“728 年，一项法令命令张秋龄开通它（大鱼岭道）。张传记 （ChiuTS， 99， 6a8b） 证实了这一点，其中 （7a-b） 描述他只是在 727 年（直到 733 年）之后才去过红州，然后去了岭南。
Quoted from Ch’üan T’ang Wen, 291 in T’ao Hsi-sheng and Chü Ch’ingyüan, op. cit., p. 76. 引自《周唐温》，《沣西生》和《楚清云》第291页，见上，第76页。
Quoted from Ch’üan T’ang Wen, 291. 引自 Ch'üan T'ang 温，291。
Thien, Chs. 217-23. ChiuTS, 200a, 1a-5a and 6a-10a: TungS, 225A, 1a-8b and 9a-14b, the biographies of An Lu-shan and Shih Ssu-ming and their sons. Thien，第 217-23 章。ChiuTS， 200a， 1a-5a 和 6a-10a： TungS， 225A， 1a-8b 和 9a-14b，安禄山和施寿明及其儿子的传记。
In 686, 691, 695, 699, 702, 703, 706, 707, 709, 711, 712, 713 and 731; Ts’e Fu Yüan Kuei, Chs. 970-1, quoted by G. Maspero, Le Royaume de Champa, Paris et Bruxelles, 1928, p. 93, n. 1. And another mission in 749; THYao, 98, 1751. The THYoo also says that a mission came in the K’ai-yuan period (713-741): this probably relers to the mission of 731 noted in the Ts’e Fu Yüan Kuei. 在 686、691、695、699、702、703、706、707、709、711、712、713 和 731 年;Ts'e Fu Yüan Kuei， Chs. 970-1， 引自 G. Maspero， Le Royaume de Champa， Paris et Bruxelles， 1928， p. 93， n. 1.749 年还有一次任务;THYao，98 年，1751 年。THYoo 还说，在开元年间（713-741 年）出现了一个任务：这可能与《子府云桂》中提到的 731 年的任务有关。
In 702, 716, 724, 728 and 742. Tse Fu Yüan Kuei, Chs. 970-1, quoted in P. Pelliot, op. cit. pp. 334-5. The mission of 724 is also recorded in TangS, 222C, 4a. In the THYao, 100, 1798, there is an edict of 695 ordering that the envoys of Shih-li-fo-shih, Ho-ling and Chen-la be given five months’ provisions to return to their countries. This may not be taken to mean that there were missions from these countries that year, but only that their missions had come before 695. Sce P. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 334. 在 702、716、724、728 和 742 年。Tse Fu Yüan Kuei， Chs. 970-1， 引自 P. Pelliot， op. cit. pp. 334-5.724 的任务也记录在 TangS， 222C， 4a 中。在 1798 年 100 年的 THYAO 中，有一项 695 年的法令，命令给予 Shih-li-fo-shih、Ho-ling 和 Chen-la 的使者五个月的食物回国。这可能并不意味着那一年有来自这些国家的传教士，而只是说他们的传教士是在 695 年之前完成的。Sce P. Pelliot，同上，第 334 页。
Civil war in Chen-la brought about its division into Land and Water Chen-la in 705-706. Before that, there came one mission in 698: THYao, 98, 1752. 陈拉的内战导致其在 705-706 年分裂为陆和水陈拉。在此之前，698 年有一个任务：THYAO，98,1752。
T’angS, 222C, 3b. P. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 225 and n. 2. Nso see G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 156 and n. 3, and p. 157. T'angS， 222C， 3b. P. Pelliot， 见上， p. 225 和 n. 2.参见 G. Coedès，见上引，第 156 页和第 3 页，以及第 157 页。
ChiuTS, 198, 12a. THYao, 100, 1787, says a mission came in 692 (instead of 691), and describes the one that came in 720. ChiuTS， 198， 12a. THYAO， 100， 1787 说一个任务是在 692 年（而不是 691 年）到来的，并描述了在 720 年到来的那个。
43．Ts＇e Fu Yüan Kuei，quoted in T＇u Shu C＇hi Ch＇eng，Vol．214，Ch．66，p． 34a，describes the missions that came in 712， 746 and 750．T＇angS， 43.Ts'e Fu Yüan Kuei，引自《T'u Shu C'hi Ch'eng》，Vol.214，Ch.66，p. 34a，描述了 712 年、746 年和 750 年到来的传教。221B,8a221 \mathrm{~B}, 8 \mathrm{a} ．describes the one that came in 742. .描述了 742 中出现的那个。
44．For Kwangsi barbarian risings，see T＇angS，222C，18a．Op．cit．，6，4b－6b． ChiuTS，10，12a－14b．There were also risings in eastern Chekiang in 762－763，ChiuTS，11，2b and T＇angS，6，8b． 44. 关于广西蛮族起义，见唐氏，222C，18a.Op.cit.，6,4b-6b。邱氏，10,12a-14b.762-763 年，浙江东部也有起义，邱氏，11,2b 和唐氏，6,8b。
45．ChiuTS， 124,5 a and T＇angS， 144,2 b，under the biography of T＇ien Ch＇eng－ kung the general who plundered the city．This was done in the process of crushing a rebellion in the Yangtse area．These foreign merchants were probably thought to have given financial aid to the non－Chinese governors of Hopei and Shangtung who had started the series of risings since 755. 45. ChiuTS， 124,5 a 和 T'angS， 144,2 b，在掠夺该城的将军 T'ien Ch'eng- kung 的传记下，这是在镇压长江地区叛乱的过程中完成的，这些外国商人可能被认为向自 755 年以来开始了一系列起义的和孝和上东的非中国总督提供了经济援助。
46．ChiuTS，11，5a and TrangS，6，8a．TChien，223，9b，says he was soon crushed． 46.ChiuTS，11,5a 和 TrangS，6,8a.TChien，223,9b，说他很快就被压垮了。
47．T＇angS，6，10a－b；131，3a－b． 47.唐氏 S，6,10a-b;131,3a-b.
48．ChiuTS，131，2a；T＇angS，131，3b． 48.ChiuTS，131,2a;T'angS，131,3b。
49．ChiuTS，131，2a says＂Mien was not corruptible by nature，and when the ships came，he did not examine any of them．＂ 49.ChiuTS，131,2a 说：“Mien 天生就不朽坏，当船只来的时候，他没有检查任何一艘。
50．TrangS，131，36．The ChiuTS，131，2a says＂more than four thousand （四十）came．＂This must be an error for forty（四 1）．Though the Hsü Tung Chih（Wan Yu Wen K＇u edition，Shanghai，1936，Vol．II，254，p． 4711A）quotes the Tangs（ 50.TrangS，131,36.The ChiuTS，131,2a 说“四千（四十）来了.”这一定是四十（四）的错误.虽然《徐同志》（万语温 K'u 版，上海，1936 年，第二卷，254，p. 4711A）引用了唐朝（131,3b131,3 \mathrm{~b} ）as saying＂forty thousand＂，I believe this is due to an error made after Sung times，for both the Sung editions of the ChiuTS（based mainly on that published in 1136－1162）and the TangS （based mainly on the earliest edition of 1056－1063）photographically reproduced in the Sse－pu－ts＇ung－k＇an（Po－na－pen）edition，Shanghai， 1937, say＂forty＂；ChiuTS，131，2a and T＇angS，131，3a． ）说“四万”，我相信这是由于宋代之后的一个错误，因为宋代的《邱经》版本（主要基于 1136-1162 年出版的）和唐代（主要基于 1056-1063 年的最早版本）都照相复制在上海，1937 年上海的《普那笔》版中，写着“四十”;ChiuTS，131,2a 和 T'angS，131,3a。
51．ChiuTS，11，20a－23a；TangS，6，10b－11b． 51．ChiuTS，11，20a－23a； TangS，6，10b－11b．
52．ChiuTS，122，2b．The account also describes the killing of more than 10，000 people who took part in the rising．T＇angS，138，5b says that these merchants were execuled before their property was confiscated． 52.ChiuTS，122,2b.该记载还描述了 10,000 多名参与起义的人被杀害。T'angS，138,5b 说，这些商人在财产被没收之前就被解雇了。
53．From Annamite sources，G．Maspero，op．cit．，pp．97－8． 53.来自安南语资料，G.Maspero，见上引，第 97-8 页。
54．These attacks continued till 770．T＇angS，6，9b－10b． 54. 这些攻击一直持续到 770.T'angS，6,9b-10b。
55．Thien， 234, p．5b．The central government official most probably referred to a（eunuch－）Superintendent of the Shipping Trade：see Fujita Toyohachi，op．cit．（Chinese translation），p．247．It is likely that no such superintendent was on the spot at that time because of the steady fall in trade．Paraphrased in T＇ien－tse Chang，Sino－Portuguese Trade，Leiden， 1934，p． 11. 55.Thien， 234， p.5b.中央政府官员很可能指的是一位（太监-）航运贸易监督员：见藤田丰八，见上引，第 247 页。由于贸易量的持续下降，当时很可能没有这样的监督在场。
56. TChien, 234, 5b. Ju Chih continued saying that both Ling-nan and Annan were imperial lands, and both central and local officials were in the imperial service, and advised the emperor not to show discrimination. Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (Chinese translation), p. 247, thinks this illustrates the power of the (eunuch-) Superintendent of the Shipping Trade who was an equal of the governor of Ling-nan, and quotes Liu Tsung-yüan to confirm this. 56. TChien， 234， 5b. 居志继续说，岭南和安南都是皇国的土地，中央和地方官员都为皇帝服务，并建议皇帝不要表现出歧视。藤田丰八，同上（中文翻译），第 247 页，认为这说明了与岭南总督同等的（太监）航运贸易监督的权力，并引用刘宗韵来证实这一点。
57. T’ien-tse Chang, op. cit., p. II.
58. TangS, 222C, 18b-19b; also 7, 11a-15a and 8, 1b-3b. 58. 唐氏，222C，18b-19b;还有 7， 11a-15a 和 8， 1b-3b。
59. ChiuTS, 13, 19a; 15, 18a; T’angS, 7, 9a and 15a; 8, 2a; 8, 5a. 59. ChiuTS， 13， 19a;15， 18a;T'angS， 7， 9a 和 15a;8， 2a;8， 5a.
60. T’angS, 7, 9a and 12a. Sec G. Maspero, op. cit., p. 105, and ns. 6 and 7.
61. Thien, 247, 17a; 248, 17a; 249, 15a-b, 17b, 19b-21a and 250, 9b-23a.
62. ChiuTS, 163, 2b. This man, Hu Chen, was also described as unusually astute; he was probably much more successful than his predccessors. 62. ChiuTS，163,2b。这个人，胡 Chen，也被描述为异常精明;他可能比他的前任们成功得多。
63. Op. cit., 177, 9a. TangS, 182; 6a, says that the previous officials tushed to sell at very low prices the valuables which they had acquired (as gifts. or goods in excess of the customs dues). 63. 同上，177,9a。唐氏，182;6a，说以前的官员们以非常低的价格出售他们获得的贵重物品（作为礼物或超过关税的商品）。
64. TChien, 249, 19b-22b; and 250, 9b-23a. It is interesting to note that during the campaigns against Nan Chao in An-nan, the sea-route from the mouth of the Yangtse to the Gulf of Tongking was officially used. It was uscd for the transportation of grain, equipment and men to the scenes of fighting. 64. TChien， 249， 19b-22b;和 250， 9b-23a.有趣的是，在安南讨伐南巢的战役中，正式使用了从长江口到东京湾的海路。它是用于将粮食、设备和人员运送到战斗现场的。
65. The Wang Hisen-chih and Huang Ch’ao rising; ChiuTS, 200B, 4b-8b, and T’angS, 225C, 1a-8a, in the biographies of Huang Ch’ao. Also ChiuTS, 19B, 4a-17b and T’ongs, 9, 4a-9a. 65. 王希森智和黄长起义;ChiuTS， 200B， 4b-8b， 和 T'angS， 225C， 1a-8a，在黄章的传记中。还有 ChiuTS， 19B， 4a-17b 和 T'ongs， 9， 4a-9a。
On the date of the sack of Canton, and the problem of whether the Khanfu of the Arab account (G.F. Hourani, op. cit., pp. 77-8) was Canton or Hang-chou, see J. Kuwabara, “On the Problem of Khanfu and the Date of Its Fall,” the Chinese translation by Yang Lien, Tang Sung Mo I Kang Yien Chiu (A study of the trading ports of the T’ang and Sung dynasties), Shanghai, 1935, pp. 47-60. 关于广州被洗劫的日期，以及阿拉伯记载的汗府是广州还是杭州的问题（G.F. Hourani，同上，第 77-8 页），见 J. Kuwabara，“论汗府问题及其沦陷的日期”，杨连的中文译本，Tang Sung Mo I Kang Yien Chiu（唐宋朝贸易港口研究）， 上海，1935 年，第 47-60 页。
66. One mission came from Lin-yi in 793; THYao, 98, 1751. And one from Chen-la in 813; THYao, 98, 1752 and ChiuTS, 297, 2b. 66. 793 年，临沂传来了一个使团;THYao，98 年，1751 年。1 次来自 813 年的 Chen-la;THYao， 98， 1752 和 ChiuTS， 297， 2b.
67. She-pio was originally the name for the whole island, and then the name of the capital of Ho-ling. About 820, it began to be used for Ho-ling. On the missions, sec P. Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 286-7, and Appendix lambda\lambda. 67. She-pio 最初是整个岛屿的名称，然后是 Ho-ling 首都的名称。大约 820 年，它开始用于和陵。关于任务，P. Pelliot 第 2 节，见上引，第 286-7 页和附录 lambda\lambda 。
68. Ts’e Fu Yüan Kuei, quoted in T’u Shu Chi Ch’eng, Vol. 214, Ch. 66, p. 34b. 68. Ts'e Fu Yüan Kuei，引自《T'u Shu Chi Ch'eng》，第 214 卷，第 66 章，第 34b 页。
69. The rise of Palembang as the entrepot where the Persian and Arab middlemen gathered took place about this period. See G. Coedès, op. 69. 巨港作为波斯和阿拉伯中间商聚集的转口港的崛起大约发生在这一时期。见 G. Coedès， op.
cit., p. 222. This new importance as a trading centre may have encouraged the rulers of Srivijaya to neglect official relations with China. 同上，第 222 页。作为贸易中心的新重要性可能鼓励了室利佛逝的统治者忽视与中国的官方关系。
70. ТНYao, 100, 1795. 70. ТНYao，100,1795 年。
71. ChiuTS, 200B, 5a. In the months of spring and summer, three or four out of every ten of his men died of the epidemic. 71. ChiuTS，200B，5a。在春季和夏季的几个月里，他的每十个手下中就有三四个死于流行病。
72. TChien, Chs. 253-5. ChiuTS, 19B, 17b-23b; 20A, 1b-28a; T’angS, 9. 9a-11a; and Ch. 10. There was a rising in An-nan in 880-881 after the Huang Ch’ao armics had left, but both Kwang-chou and An-nan seemed to have been so subdued by Huang Ch’ao, that their governors maintained some kind of neutrality in the civil wars after 880. They were loyal in so far as they continued to be the “servants” of the emperor. 72. TChien，第 253-5 章。ChiuTS， 19B， 17b-23b;20A、1b-28a;唐 S， 9.9a-11a;和第 10 章。黄洲军队离开后，安南于 880-881 年起义，但广州和安南似乎都被黄洲所征服，以至于他们的总督在 880 年后的内战中保持了某种中立。他们是忠诚的，因为他们继续是皇帝的“仆人”。
73. TChien, Ch. 259, passim. 73. TChien， Ch. 259， passim.
74. THYao, 100, 1799. G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 223, says the mission came in 904-905. 74. THYAO， 100， 1799.G. Coedès，见上引，第 223 页，说传教士是在 904-905 年到来的。
75. Ch’ao-ting Chi, Key Fconomic Areas in Chinese History, p. 131. 75. Ch'ao-ting Chi，《中国历史的关键经济领域》，第 131 页。
76. The territories of Wu Yüeh, Wu and Min were independent of T’ang some twenty years before its fall. The respective founders were Chien Liu (d. 930); Yang Hsing-mi (d. 905; his second son Yang Lung-yen declared himself “Emperor of Wu” in 919); and Wang Ch’ao (d. 897, succeeded by his brother, Wang Sheng-chih, who ruled till 925). 76. 吴悦、吴、闽的领土在唐朝灭亡前大约二十年就独立于唐朝。各自的创始人是 Chien Liu（卒于 930 年）;杨兴美（卒于 905 年;他的次子杨龙燕于 919 年宣布自己为“吴帝”）;和王攵（卒于 897 年，由他的兄弟王圣智继位，王圣智在位至 925 年）。
The Wu emperor was removed by Li Sheng (alias Hsu Chih-kao) in 937. The Nan T’ang dynasty survived till 958 when it lost the lands north of the Yangtse; it continued in the south as a tributary state of Later Chou and Sung till 975. 吴帝于 937 年被李生（别名许志高）罢免。南唐王朝一直存在到 958 年，当时它失去了长江以北的土地;它作为后周和宋的支流在南方继续存在，直到 975 年。
Min was cut up by Wu Yüch and Nan-T"ang in 945, Wu Yüeh taking the northern areas, including Foo-chou, and Nan T’ang taking the western areas. Southern Min, including the ports of Ch’uan-chou and Chang-chou, was nominally under Nan T’ang, but actually ruled by Liu Ts’ung-hsiao. 945 年，闵被吴玉和南唐瓜分，吴玉拿下了北方地区，包括福州，南唐拿下了西地区。闽南，包括楚州和昌州港口，名义上在南唐之下，但实际上由刘宗孝统治。
77. Nan Han was founded by Jiu Yin (d. 911). His brother, Liu Yen (d. 942) declared himself “emperor” in 917. 77. 南汉由九音（卒于 911 年）创立。他的兄弟刘燕（卒于 942 年）于 917 年宣布自己为“皇帝”。
An-nan, nominally under Nan Han, was fought over by its governors till 939 when the Ngo (or Wu ) dynasty was founded by WuCh^(')uan\mathrm{Wu} \mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} \mathrm{uan}. After 954, another period of anarchy followed, till in 968, the Ding dynasty (968-980) of Ch’u Yüch was founded. 安南，名义上在南汉的统治下，一直被其总督争夺，直到 939 年吴（或吴）王朝建立 WuCh^(')uan\mathrm{Wu} \mathrm{Ch}^{\prime} \mathrm{uan} 。954 年后，另一个无政府时期接踵而至，直到 968 年，楚玉克的定朝（968-980 年）建立。
78. Hsin Wu Tai Shih, 65, 2a and b. 78. 新吴大石，65,2a 和 b。
79. Op. cit., 65, 6b. 79. 同上，65,6b。
80. Op. cit., 68, 1b. The obstruction in the harbour was said to have been removed during a night of “wind, rain, lightning and thunder”; this was 80. 同上，68,1b。据说港口的障碍物是在“风、雨、闪电和雷声”的夜晚被拆除的;这是
attributed to the virtues of the Min ruler. It is probable that he himself ordered the removal. 归功于闽统治者的美德。很可能是他本人下令搬迁。
81. Op. cit., 68, 2a-5b. The exactions tended to discourage traders. On the other hand, there seems to have been considerable trade with Silla (Korea). 81. 同上，68,2a-5b。这些苛求往往会让交易者望而却步。另一方面，似乎与新罗（韩国）有相当大的贸易。
82. Thien, 286 16a-17a; 288, 22a. For the events leading up to the attack of Min, see TChien, Chs. 283-5. 82. 蒂恩，286 16a-17a;288， 22a.关于导致闵氏遇袭的事件，见 TChien， Chs. 283-5.
83. Hsin Wu Tai Shih, 74, 8b, records only the mission of 958. G. Maspero, op. cit., p. 119, and ns. 2 and 5, quotes the Ts’e Fu Yüan Kuel on the missions of 951 and 959. 83. 新无大石，74,8b，只记录了 958 的任务。G. Maspero，见上引，第 119 页和 ns.2 和 5，引用了 Ts'e Fu Yüan Kuel 对 951 年和 959 年任务的描述。
One mission arrived in January 961; Sung Shih, 489, 2b, and G. Maspero, op. cit., p. 120 and n. 1. 一个任务于 961 年 1 月到达;Sung Shih， 489， 2b， 和 G. Maspero， op. cit.， p. 120 和 n. 1.
84. Sung Shih, 489, 7a. 84. Sung Shih， 489， 7a.
85. Nan Han continued to trade independently with the Nanhai till 971 ; Nan T’ang (through Ch’üan-chou govemed by Liu Ts’ung-hsiao) had a trade till 975; and Wu Yüch (at Foo-chou, and probably at Ning-po and at Hang-chou) till 978. None of these states possessed the great markets, but they brought about a greater distribution of Nanhai goods to these new markets. The most significant development was the coming of age of Ch’üan-chou. 85. 南汉继续与南海独立贸易，直到 971 年;南唐（通过刘宗孝统治的钱州）一直从事贸易直到 975 年;和吴裕赫（在福州，可能在宁埔和杭州）直到 978 年。这些国家都没有拥有大市场，但它们为这些新市场带来了南海商品的更多分销。最重要的发展是 Ch'üan-chou 的成年。
CHAPTER 章
The Middlemen and the Spices, 618-960 (II) 中间商和香料，618-960 （II）
The previous chapter related certain political and economic conditions of South China to the Nanhai trade. This chapter will extend the examination of such conditions to the countries of the South China Sea (see Map 8). As with the earlier periods, the examination is based on the importance of “state trading” in Southeast Asian countries, whether through their own merchants or Chinese and other foreign middlemen. That importance derives chiefly from the great dependence of the travelling traders on the “harbour princes” of the Nanhai markets. ^(1){ }^{1} 上一章将华南地区的某些政治和经济状况与南海贸易联系起来。本章将把这些条件的考察扩展到南中国海国家（见地图 8）。与早期一样，该审查基于东南亚国家“国家贸易”的重要性，无论是通过本国商人还是中国和其他外国中间商。这种重要性主要源于旅行商人对南海市场的“港口王子”的高度依赖。 ^(1){ }^{1}
The ports and markets between Annam and the tip of the Malay Peninsula were those with whom the Chinese had had coastal trade since ancient times. The Cham state of Lin-yi, the closest of these countries, ^(2){ }^{2} had recovered from the attacks of the Suigeneral Liu Fang (in 605), and had re-established its capital at Tra-kieu near Tourane (the early site of Amaravati). ^(3){ }^{3} Its trade with China was mainly in its local products - ivory, rhinoceros horns, gharu-woods, tortoise-shell, amber and manufactured articles of gold and silver. ^(4){ }^{4} While most of these were not rare, they did constitute some of the most essential of the imports of Canton and Hanoi. The peace regained by Fan Fan- 安南和马来半岛顶端之间的港口和市场是华人自古以来就与之进行沿海贸易的地方。占婆国临沂是这些国家中最近的一个， ^(2){ }^{2} 已经从隋将军刘芳的攻击中恢复过来（605 年），并在图拉内附近的 Tra-kieu（阿玛拉瓦蒂的早期遗址）重新建立了首都。 ^(3){ }^{3} 它与中国的贸易主要集中在当地产品——象牙、犀牛角、gharu-wood、龟甲、琥珀和金银制成品。 ^(4){ }^{4} 虽然其中大多数并不罕见，但它们确实构成了 Canton 和 Hanoi 最重要的进口产品。范范恢复的平静——
chil (Sambhuvarman) was maintained throughout the seventh century (with possibly one short break for a few years after 645) and the first half of the eighth century, ^(5){ }^{5} and coincided with the greatest years of the T’ang dynasty. Thus some of the most essential of the Nanhai Iuxury goods were steadily supplied to China in exchange for silks and other manufactured goods. The prosperity of Lin-yi must be recognised as a major factor in making the first century after 623 the most successful period of the Nanhai trade. chil （Sambhuvarman） 在整个 7 世纪（可能在 645 年后短暂中断了几年）和 8 世纪上半叶一直存在， ^(5){ }^{5} 并且与唐朝最伟大的时期相吻合。因此，一些最重要的南海 Iuxury 商品稳定地供应到中国，以换取丝绸和其他制成品。必须承认临沂的繁荣是使 623 年后的第一个世纪成为南海贸易最成功时期的主要因素。
In 749, Lin-yi sent a mission with “a hundred strings of pearls, thirty chin [katis] of gharu-wood, fresh pai-ti [cotton| and twenty tame elephants.” This was the last mission from Lin-yi. " Lambda\Lambda critical period" followed (from 758 onwards) during which for an unknown reason, the Chinese began to call it Huan-wang instead. ^(8){ }^{8} Its centres had moved to the south, to Kauthara (in the region of Nha-trang) and Panduranga (at Phan-rang). The kingdom was apparently weakened for it was successfully attacked by Malay and Javancse bands in 774, and again in 787. Its trade with China must have suffered during this period. 749 年，临义派遣使团，带着“一百串珍珠、三十个下巴 [katis] 的 gharu-wood、新鲜的 pai-ti [棉花|和二十头驯服的大象。这是林逸的最后一个任务。接下来是“ Lambda\Lambda 关键时期”（从 758 年开始），在此期间，由于未知原因，中国人开始称它为“欢王”。 ^(8){ }^{8} 它的中心已经向南移动，到 Kauthara（在 Nha-trang 地区）和 Panduranga（在 Phan-rang）。这个王国显然被削弱了，因为它在 774 年和 787 年分别被马来人和爪哇人乐队成功攻击。在此期间，它与中国的贸易一定受到了影响。
There is no strong evidence of a trade recovery. In 803 and in 809, the armies of Huan-wang attacked the Chinese protectorate of An-nan, and after the second attack, ^(9){ }^{9} Huan-wang disappears from Chincse records. These attacks show that the country was strong and even covetous of the wealth of China, but they also show that ordinary trading was either not in itself profitable enough or suffered too much interference from the port authorities of An-nan. ^(10){ }^{10} It must be noted that during this period the level of prosperity in China was falling off and it is quite likely that there was a similar fall in the trade with Champa. On the other hand, it was also during this period that Mentu (Qui Nhon), Ku-ta (Kauthara) and Pen-to-lang (Panthuranga) in Champa were mentioned as being stops on the great highway between the Persian Gulf and Canton. ^(11){ }^{11} It may be that direct Champa-China trade fell in the face of the strong competition from the great middlemen of the time, the Persians and the Arabs. 没有强有力的证据表明贸易正在复苏。803 年和 809 年，桓王的军队袭击了中国的安南保护国，第二次袭击后， ^(9){ }^{9} 桓王从钦色的记录中消失了。这些攻击表明中国强大，甚至觊觎中国的财富，但它们也表明，普通贸易本身要么不够有利可图，要么受到安南港务局的过多干预。 ^(10){ }^{10} 必须指出的是，在此期间，中国的繁荣水平正在下降，与 Champa 的贸易很可能也出现了类似的下降。另一方面，也是在这一时期，占城的 Mentu （Qui Nhon）、Ku-ta （Kauthara） 和 Pen-to-lang （Panthuranga） 被提及为波斯湾和广州之间高速公路上的停靠站。 ^(11){ }^{11} 也许占城与中国的直接贸易在面对当时最大的中间商波斯人和阿拉伯人的激烈竞争时失败了。
In 877, a mission came from Chan-ch’eng, the name for another dynasty in Champa. This dynasty in the north (centred at Indrapura, in the province of Quang-nam) had begun to rule some time before this and now sought to begin relations with China. But by 877, the downfall of the T’ang dynasty had begun, and both Canton and Hanoi suffered 877 年，Chan-ch'eng 传来了一个任务，Chan-ch'eng 是占城另一个朝代的名称。这个北方的王朝（以广南省的因德拉普拉为中心）在此之前的一段时间就已经开始统治，现在寻求与中国建立关系。但到了 877 年，唐朝开始灭亡，广州和河内都遭受了损失
from the ravages of the great markets to their north. No profitable trade was possible till after 906, when one after another, little “empires” with their own capitals appeared from Annam to the Yangtse, and so the markets were brought to the very borders of the South China Sea. And when a poweriul dynasty appeared (the Later Chou, 951-959), Chanch’eng, closely in touch with the developments of the empire, was the first to send missions. ^(12){ }^{12} Its intimacy with the trading conditions of China must have been responsible for the promptness in staking its claim on the potentially great markets of the Yangtse. 从大市场的蹂躏到他们的北方。直到 906 年之后，从安南到长江，一个接一个地出现了拥有自己首都的小“帝国”，因此市场被带到了南中国海的边界。当一个强朝出现时（后周，951-959 年），灿昌与帝国的发展密切相关，是第一个派遣使团的人。 ^(12){ }^{12} 它与中国贸易条件的密切关系，一定是它迅速对长江潜在的巨大市场提出要求的原因。
Lin-yi’s neighbour to the west and south-west, the Klumer kingdom of Chen-la, went through uncertain years at the beginning of the T’ang dynasty. But from 657 to 681 under the able rule of layavarman I, it became a successor to some of the glory that was Fu-nan: and for some years after his death, Chen-la supplied the markets of China with its local products. ^(13){ }^{13} In 700 , an imperial edict was issued making Chen-la the southernmost of the countries within the Chinese fold the countries south of it being merely “distant lands”. ^(14){ }^{14} This suggests that the close diplomatic relations and commercial ties with Chen-la (and even closer ones with Lin-yi) now received official recognition; on account of its resources, it was made an important adjunct of the Chinese economy. 临沂在西部和西南部的邻居陈拉的克鲁默王国在唐朝初期经历了不确定的岁月。但从 657 年到 681 年，在莱耶跋摩一世的英明统治下，它成为福南一些荣耀的继承者：在他去世后的几年里，陈拉向中国市场供应当地产品。 ^(13){ }^{13} 700 年，颁布了一道诏书，使陈拉成为中国最南端的国家，而它以南的国家只是“遥远的土地”。 ^(14){ }^{14} 这表明与陈拉的密切外交关系和商业关系（甚至与临沂更密切的关系）现在得到了官方的认可;由于其资源，它成为中国经济的重要附属品。
But after 706, civil war in Chen-la caused it to be divided into two states. This division continued during the whole of the eighth century. Land Chen-la (or Upper Chen-Ja) in northern Cambodia, southern Laos and eastern Siam, continued to trade overland via Tongking during this period of division. ^(15){ }^{15} But the sea trade with Water Chen-la (or Maritime Chen-la) in southern Cambodia and most of Cochin-China was limited. This was probably because most of the products in demand in China, like ivory, rhinoceros horns, gharuwoods and kingfisher feathers, were found further inland in the less developed areas of Indo-China. The Nanhai trade in the first half of the eighth century, therefore, depended more on the ports of Champa. ^(10){ }^{10} 但在 706 年之后，陈拉的内战导致它分裂为两个国家。这种分裂贯穿了整个 8 世纪。柬埔寨北部、老挝南部和暹罗东部的 Land Chen-la（或上 Chen-Ja）在分裂时期继续通过东京进行陆路贸易。 ^(15){ }^{15} 但与柬埔寨南部和交趾支那大部分地区的 Water Chen-la（或海上 Chen-la）的海上贸易受到限制。这可能是因为中国需要的大部分产品，如象牙、犀牛角、gharuwoods 和翠鸟羽毛，都位于印度支那较不发达地区的内陆地区。因此，八世纪上半叶的南海贸易更多地依赖于占城的港口。 ^(10){ }^{10}
Jayavaman II (802-850) reunited Chen-la and renewed relations with China. But only one mission in 813 is recorded and no more is heard of the country in Chinese records till the Sung dynasty. ^(17){ }^{17} This can be understood if it is noted how, by this ime, the great routes of the Persian and Arab middlemen in the Nanhai trade completely bypassed Chen-la. The troubles in Chen-la had helped in the decline 贾亚瓦曼二世 （802-850） 重新统一了陈拉并恢复了与中国的关系。但 813 年只记录了一次任务，直到宋朝，中国记录中才听到更多关于该国的消息。 ^(17){ }^{17} 如果注意到波斯和阿拉伯中间商在南海贸易中的大路线是如何完全绕过陈拉的，就可以理解这一点。辰拉的麻烦助长了衰落
of its sea trade, but the rise of these middlemen further cclipsed Chenla as a commercial power. 的海上贸易，但这些中间商的崛起进一步使真腊成为商业强国。
West of Chen-la was the Mon country of To-ho-lo, or To-Io-po-ti (Dvaravati) which centred on the Menam Chao Phraya. ^(18){ }^{18} There is no evidence of any direct sea trade between China and this country, although Chinese merchants did visit it by sea. I-ching records that Ta-ch’en-teng sailed with his parents when he was a boy to Tu-ho-lo-po-ti (another form for Dvaravati) where he became a priest. ^(19){ }^{19} His father could have been a merchant trading in this area, who decided to bring his family out to join him. This is the only record of people from Chinese territory settling in the Nanhai before Sung times, and may be used as evidence of the coastal trading actually done by the Chinese before this time. The tribute missions of 638 and 649 from To-ho-lo did not, in fact, come with those of Ho-ling (Java) as the T’ang Shu claims, ^(20){ }^{20} but could have come overland through northeastern Siam and Laos to Tongking. It is interesting to note that their envoys asked for “good horses” in exchange for their ivory and pearls ^(21){ }^{21} and that there was no trade in horses at either Canton or Hanoi at this time. Apart from its “excellent rhinoceros (horns)”, it produced little that could distinguish it from Champa and Chen-la. ^(22){ }^{22} If it had a sea trade with China, it was insignificant. There was no further record of this country. 陈拉以西是 To-ho-lo 或 To-Io-po-ti （Dvaravati） 的孟族国家，以 Menam Chao Phraya 为中心。 ^(18){ }^{18} 没有证据表明中国和这个国家之间有任何直接的海上贸易，尽管中国商人确实通过海路访问了它。易经记载，Ta-ch'en-teng 小时候随父母乘船前往 Tu-ho-lo-po-ti（Dvaravati 的另一种形式），在那里他成为了一名牧师。 ^(19){ }^{19} 他的父亲可能是在这个地区做生意的商人，他决定带着家人出来加入他。这是宋代之前中国领土上人们在南海定居的唯一记录，可以作为此之前中国人实际进行沿海贸易的证据。事实上，638 年和 649 年从东湖罗出发的贡品任务并不像唐书所说的那样与和陵（爪哇）的进贡任务一起出现， ^(20){ }^{20} 而是可能通过陆路通过暹罗东北部和老挝到达东京。有趣的是，他们的使节要求用“好马”来换取他们的象牙和珍珠 ^(21){ }^{21} ， 而当时广州或河内都没有马匹贸易。除了“出色的犀牛（角）”外，它出产的犀牛几乎没有什么能与占婆和陈拉区分开来的东西。 ^(22){ }^{22} 如果它与中国有海上贸易，那也是微不足道的。没有关于这个国家的进一步记录。
South of To-ho-lo were several small states, which included P’an-p’an, Chü-lou-mi, Lang-ch’ich-shu, Tan-tan and Ch’ih-t’u on the east coast, Ko-lo on the west coast, and Lo-yüch, which could have been Johore. The east coast states had, by the beginning of the T’ang dynasty, lost their old importance as overland stops on the main route between the Nanhai and the Indian Ocean. With the coming of the Persian sailors, the merchants carrying this trade preferred the direct route by the open sea. Having then to fall back on a trade in their own products, which were similar to those of Chen-la and Lin-yi, these areas could not compete for the markets of China. Ch’ih-t’u shrank quickly in importance and P’an-p’an, Chü-lou-mi and Tan-tan struggled for commercial recognition till the last quarter of the seventh century. ^(23){ }^{23} But after that, no more is heard of these states. Lang-ch’ieh-shu, though surviving till the Sung dynasty (960-1267), was only visited by Buddhist pilgrims during this period. ^(2-4){ }^{2-4} To-ho-lo 以南有几个小州，其中包括东海岸的 P'an-p'an、Chü-lou-mi、Lang-ch'ich-shu、Tan-tan 和 Ch'ih-t'u、西海岸的 Ko-lo 和可能是柔佛州的 Lo-yüch。到唐朝初期，东海岸国家已经失去了作为南海和印度洋之间主要路线上的陆路停靠站的昔日重要性。随着波斯水手的到来，从事这种贸易的商人更喜欢通过公海的直接路线。然后，这些地区不得不依靠自己的产品贸易，这些贸易类似于陈拉和临沂的产品，无法竞争中国市场。Ch'ih-t'u 的重要性迅速缩小，P'an-p'an、Chü-lou-mi 和 Tan-tan 一直在努力争取商业认可，直到 7 世纪最后 25 年。 ^(23){ }^{23} 但在那之后，就再也没有听到这些州的消息了。Lang-ch'ieh-shu 虽然一直存活到宋朝（960-1267 年），但在此期间只有佛教朝圣者参观。 ^(2-4){ }^{2-4}
Ko-lo (Kalah?) was known from the beginning of the dynasty as a prosperous state “south-east of P’an-p’an”. ^(25){ }^{25} While no official relations with China are recorded, the amount of information about the country in the dynastic histories shows that it was important, with great armies and stone-walled towns. The T’ang Shu account says that the kingdom “had no silks and had only ku-pei (cotton)”. It is obvious that the country did not produce silks; this statement could mean that it did not import silks either, that is, it had no trade with China. On the other hand, it implies that the country had to trade with China for this reason, at least it had to buy the silks that merchants brought. From the fact that Ko-lo was an important port in the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries, the second interpretation seems the more likely one. ^(26){ }^{26} Ko-lo （Kalah？） 从王朝开始就被称为“P'an-p'an 东南部”的一个繁荣国家。 ^(25){ }^{25} 虽然没有与中国的官方关系记录，但朝代历史中有关该国的大量信息表明，它很重要，拥有强大的军队和石墙城镇。唐书记载说，这个王国“没有丝绸，只有 ku-pei（棉花）”。很明显，这个国家不生产丝绸;这一声明可能意味着它也没有进口丝绸，也就是说，它与中国没有贸易。另一方面，这意味着该国因此不得不与中国进行贸易，至少它必须购买商人带来的丝绸。从科洛在 8 世纪、9 世纪和 10 世纪是一个重要港口的事实来看，第二种解释似乎更有可能。 ^(26){ }^{26}
Lo-yüeh (possibly Johore) ^(27){ }^{27} was clearly described (in a record of the mission from Tan-tan in 666-669) as a place “where the merchants and traders that come and go [are wont to] gather,” and a place made known to the officials at Canton because “annually [merchants from Lo-yüeh] board ships and arrive at Canton.” ^(28){ }^{28} This indicates that by the end of the seventh century, Lo-yüch was both a small entrepôt for the neighbouring areas and an important port for the Nanhai trade. It managed to kcep this position throughout the eighth century, and it was mentioned at the beginning of the ninth as being on a route of the Nanhai trade. In fact, it was then more closely linked to the great merchant countries of Java and Sumatra across the Straits than to those on the mainland. ^(27){ }^{27} （ 在 666-669 年陈潭使团的记录中）明确描述为“来来往往的商人和商人聚集的地方”，并且是广州官员知道的地方，因为“每年 [罗雨商人] 登船抵达广州”。 ^(28){ }^{28} 这表明，到 7 世纪末，Lo-yüch 既是邻近地区的一个小转口港，也是南海贸易的重要港口。它在整个 8 世纪都成功地占据了这个位置，并且在 9 世纪初被提到位于南海贸易的路线上。事实上，当时它与海峡对岸的爪哇和苏门答腊大商国的联系比与大陆上的联系更紧密。
Across the sea from Lo-yüeh were the states of Java-Sumatra, which form the second group of ports and markets of the Nanhai trade to be examined. The earliest mentioned were those of P’o-li (Bali), Ho-ling (Java), and Mo-lo-yu (Jambi). P’o-li disappears from Chinese records after its mission of 630 , and its trade with China really belongs to an earlier period. ^(29){ }^{29} The T’ang Shu records that “trading here was done at night with [the merchants] shading their faces,” ^(30){ }^{30} but this does not prove that there was any trade with China after the carly T’ang years. The state might have been absorbed by the neighbouring Ho-ling, of which the first mention was made in 640. 与 Lo-yüeh 隔海相望的是爪哇-苏门答腊邦，它们是南海贸易的第二组港口和市场。最早提到的是 P'o-li（巴厘岛）、Ho-ling（爪哇）和 Mo-lo-yu（占碑）的那些。P'o-li 在 630 年的任务后从中国的记录中消失了，它与中国的贸易确实属于更早的时期。 ^(29){ }^{29} 《唐书》记载，“这里的贸易是在晚上进行的，[商人]会遮住他们的脸”， ^(30){ }^{30} 但这并不能证明在唐朝时代之后，与中国有任何贸易往来。该邦可能已被邻近的和陵吞并，第一次提及是在 640 年。
Mo-lo-yu too sent only one mission to T’ang China in 644, and was, thereafter, only mentioned by l-ching (as Mo-lo-yü) in 671-672. By 695 , it was absorbed by its great neighbour Srivijaya. ^(31){ }^{31} Its share of 莫罗玉也在 644 年只向唐朝中国派遣了一个使团，此后，仅在 671-672 年被 l-ching（即 Mo-lo-yü）提及。到 695 年，它被它的伟大邻居 Srivijaya 吸收。 ^(31){ }^{31} 它的份额
the Nanhai trade was thus taken away by an empire aiming at commercial monopoly. But early in 853, a mission came to China from Chan-pei (Jambi) for the first time. Another came in 871, though no more came again till the eleventh century. ^(32){ }^{32} This may indicate a short period of independence from Srivijayan rule when it could claim to have its own trade with China. 南海贸易就这样被一个以商业垄断为目标的帝国夺走了。但在 853 年初，一个使团第一次从占碑 （占碑） 来到中国。另一次出现在 871 年，但直到 11 世纪才再次出现。 ^(32){ }^{32} 这可能表明它从室利佛逝的统治中独立出来的短暂时期，当时它可以声称与中国有自己的贸易。
Ho-ling was a great maritime nation. From the first, it was an important stop between Canton (or Hanoi) and South India (or the island of Ceylon). I-ching describes a priest sailing in a merchantvessel “heavily loaded with goods” from China to Ho-ling. ^(33){ }^{33} But after 666, there is no mention of Ho-ling’s relations with China for a whole century. This long break coincides first with the rise of Srivijaya, and then apparently also with the extension of Sailendra power towards Central Java. ^(3//4){ }^{3 / 4} 和岭是一个伟大的海洋国家。从一开始，它就是广州（或河内）和南印度（或锡兰岛）之间的重要站点。《易经》描述了一位神父乘坐一艘“满载货物”的商船从中国航行到和岭。 ^(33){ }^{33} 但在 666 年之后，整整一个世纪都没有提到和灵与中国的关系。这个漫长的中断首先与室利佛逝的崛起相吻合，然后显然也与 Sailendra 权力向中爪哇的扩张相吻合。 ^(3//4){ }^{3 / 4}
There soon followed a revival of Ho-ling power when after sending two missions in China in 767 and 768, it began a series of raids on the coasts of An-nan and Champa which went on till the end of the century. How far this was stimulated by the arrival of some Ta-shih traders (Muslim Arabs or Persians), there is no evidence to show. But the arrival of the Ta-shih is significant. They came in about 760-761,^(35)760-761,{ }^{35} a few years after they (or their fellow merchants) had with the Po-sse (non-Muslim Persians) sacked Canton. This may not have been their first visit, but it was the arrival apparently of a band of men with designs on the state itself - desperate and restless men who were seeking a new centre for their trade. But the Ho-ling ruler impressed them, and they probably stayed on to serve the state. ^(36){ }^{36} Their knowledge of the Chinese and Cham ports and their success at Canton could have been both a guide and a spur to the rising ambitions of the Javanese state. 不久，和灵政权复兴，在 767 年和 768 年两次派遣使团到中国后，它开始对安南和占婆海岸进行一系列袭击，一直持续到本世纪末。这在多大程度上受到一些 Ta-shih 商人（穆斯林阿拉伯人或波斯人）的到来的刺激，没有证据可以证明。但 Ta-shih 的到来意义重大。他们是在他们（或他们的商人同伴）与 Po-sse（非穆斯林波斯人）一起洗劫了广州几年后才来到 760-761,^(35)760-761,{ }^{35} 这里的。这可能不是他们第一次来，但显然是一群对国家本身有图谋的人的到来——绝望而焦躁不安的人，他们正在为他们的贸易寻找新的中心。但和陵统治者给他们留下了深刻的印象，他们可能留下来为国家服务。 ^(36){ }^{36} 他们对中国和占婆港口的了解以及他们在广州的成功，可能既可以指导，也可以激励爪哇国家不断增长的雄心壮志。
After 820, Ho-ling (from then known as She-p’o to the Chinese) seemed to have regained its power over Central lava. ^(37){ }^{37} It maintained trading relations with the Chinese, but these relations were overshadowed by the growing importance of the routes followed by the Persian and Arab middlemen. Srivijaya was closer to the direct route, and dominated the Nanhai side of a trade extended into the western shores of the Indian Ocean. The Chinese sources mention Ho-ling as “the largest island in the south”, but it was off the main route, being "four or five days’ sea journey towards the east from 820 年后，和陵（当时中国人称为 She-p'o）似乎重新获得了对中央熔岩的控制力。 ^(37){ }^{37} 它与中国保持着贸易关系，但这些关系被波斯和阿拉伯中间商所走的路线日益增长的重要性所掩盖。室利佛逝更接近直接路线，并在延伸到印度洋西海岸的贸易的南海一侧占据主导地位。中国资料提到和岭是“南方最大的岛屿”，但它不在主要路线上，“从东边要经过四五天的海上旅程
Srivijaya." ^(38){ }^{38} The Arab sources, too, indicate that Jaba (Java) was off the main route to China. ^(39){ }^{39} The western middlemen had come to stay, and the Namhai trade of Ho-ling suffered in consequence. 室利佛逝。 ^(38){ }^{38} 阿拉伯消息来源也表明，贾巴（爪哇）不在通往中国的主要路线上。 ^(39){ }^{39} 西方中间商来了，和岭的南海贸易也因此受到了影响。
There remains to be examined the greatest of the Nanhai nation in T’ang times, Srivijaya. From its first mission to China in 670-673 till its conquest of Mo-lo-yu in about 695, it rose from a centre of Buddhist learning to a commercial power. It expanded to the northwest towards the Straits of Maiacca and Singapore and to the southeast towards the Sunda Straits, and gained “the commercial hegemony” of island Southeast Asia. ^(40){ }^{40} For more than fifty years, it dominated other Nanhai traders. During these years, Srivijaya 唐朝时代南海民族中最伟大的 Srivijaya 仍有待研究。从 670-673 年首次访问中国到大约 695 年征服 Mo-lo-yu，它从佛教学习中心崛起为商业强国。它向西北向迈阿卡海峡和新加坡海峡扩张，向东南向巽他海峡扩张，并获得了东南亚岛屿的“商业霸权”。 ^(40){ }^{40} 五十多年来，它主导着其他南海商人。在这些年里，室利佛逝
Sent several missions to the [Chinese] court to submit complaints about border officials seizing [their goods], and an edict was issued ordering [the officials at] Canton to appease them [by making inquiries|. ^(11){ }^{11} 派出数次使团到[中国]法院提出关于边防官员没收[他们的货物]的投诉，并颁布了一项法令，命令[通过询问]来安抚他们。 ^(11){ }^{11}
This is the only mention in T’ang records of any mission from the Nanhat successfully inducing the central government to act on behalf of the merchants at Canton. This is evidence that Srivijaya was the dominant trading power and had already carned the respect of the Chinese. The response to such petitions might have made Srivijayan traders leaders of the foreign merchant community in Canton. This leadership at Canton probably ended after the sending of a mission in 742 (the last till 904). ^(+2){ }^{+2} It is not clear why official relations with China ceased. Srivijaya in 755 was still a great empire astride the Malacca and Sunda Straits. It may well be that “from 732 onwards, interest was concentrated in Central lava.” ^(43){ }^{43} On the other hand, it is likely that by this time the Persian and Arab success as middlemen had persuaded the rulers of Srivijaya to concentrate on making Palembang an entrepot for the Nanhai trade. This could have been more profitable than trading directly with China as the Persians and Arabs would be taking the risks instead. 这是唐朝记录中唯一提及南帽使团成功诱使中央政府代表广州商人行事。这证明室利佛逝是占主导地位的贸易力量，并且已经赢得了中国人的尊重。对此类请愿的回应可能使室利佛逝商人成为广州外国商人社区的领导者。广州的这种领导可能在 742 年（最后一次直到 904 年）派遣使团后结束。 ^(+2){ }^{+2} 目前尚不清楚与中国的官方关系为何终止。755 年的室利佛逝仍然是一个横跨马六甲海峡和巽他海峡的大帝国。很可能是“从 732 年开始，人们的兴趣集中在中央熔岩上”。 ^(43){ }^{43} 另一方面，此时波斯和阿拉伯作为中间人的成功很可能已经说服了室利佛逝的统治者专注于使巨港成为南海贸易的转口港。这可能比直接与中国交易更有利可图，因为波斯人和阿拉伯人反而会承担风险。
The importance of Palembang as an entrepot is shown both by Chia Tan and the Arabs. Although the routes described show that Foshih (or al-Zabag) was not on the shortest and most direct route between China and the West, it can be seen that it was a key port that in most cases had to be visited. ^(4+){ }^{4+} Thus in the latter half of the eighth 巨港作为转口港的重要性在 Chia Tan 和阿拉伯人身上都得到了体现。尽管所描述的路线表明 Foshih（或 al-Zabag）并不是中国与西方之间最短、最直接的路线，但可以看出，在大多数情况下，它是一个必须参观的关键港口。 ^(4+){ }^{4+} 因此，在第八世纪的后半部分
century and throughout the ninth, Srivijaya maintained its commercial position in the Nanhai without appearing at the Chincse court. The last two missions before the beginning of the Sung dynasty, one in 904 to Fukien in the last years of the T’ang, and the other in 960 which was intended for the Later Chou court, may be tentatively explained as missions from a new dynasty of an empire with even greater commercial ambitions. ^(45){ }^{45} 世纪和整个第九世纪，室利佛逝在南海保持了其商业地位，没有出现在钦塞宫廷。宋朝开始前的最后两次任务，一次是 904 年前往唐末年的福建，另一次是在 960 年，旨在前往后周朝廷，可以暂时解释为来自一个具有更大商业野心的新帝国王朝的任务。 ^(45){ }^{45}
The Nanhai trade had expanded considerably since the time of Han Wu-ti and the extended trade into the Bay of Bengal had at least twice threatened to engulf it. But never was the expansion great enough, nor sustained enough. Till the beginning of the T’ang dynasty, that trade was not more than supplementary to that of the Nanhai. But from the above examination of the individual Nanhai countries and the following examination of the post of shih-p’o-shih (after 713) and of the main trade-routes (after 750), it can be seen that the tide was turning in favour of the Tahai (Indian Ocean) trade extended into the South China Sea. ^(46){ }^{46} 自汉武帝时代以来，南海贸易已大大扩展，而向孟加拉湾的延伸贸易至少两次威胁要吞噬它。但这种扩张从来都不够大，也不够持久。直到唐朝初期，这种贸易只不过是南海贸易的补充。但是，从上述对南海各国的考察以及下面对 shih-p'o-shih 职位（713 年后）和主要贸易路线（750 年后）的考察中，可以看出潮流正在转向向南中国海延伸的 Tahai（印度洋）贸易。 ^(46){ }^{46}
The shih-p’o-shih (Superintendent of the Shipping Trade) was first heard of in 714-715 when Chou Ch’ing-li, with the help of a Posse monk (a Nestorian?), “sent to court many strange implements that they had arranged to be made on a large scale.” ^(47){ }^{47} Another account says that Chou was the shih-p’o-shih of An-nan. ^(48){ }^{48} No details of this post have been found. Its chief characteristics were its frequent independence of the provincial authorities and its domination by eunuchs. All appointments were made by the central government and imperial representatives were sent out. And in the later accounts of these officers it is indicated that they were eunuchs. ^(49){ }^{49} 714-715 年，周庆礼在一位 Posse 僧侣（聂斯托里教徒）的帮助下，“将许多他们安排大规模制造的奇怪工具送上宫廷”。 ^(47){ }^{47} 另一种说法说，周是安南的 shih-p'o-shih。 ^(48){ }^{48} 没有找到这篇文章的细节。它的主要特点是它经常独立于省级当局和由宦官统治。所有任命均由中央政府做出，并派出帝国代表。在这些官员后来的叙述中，表明他们是太监。 ^(49){ }^{49}
The following record at the beginning of the ninth century describes their duties: 以下 9 世纪初的记录描述了他们的职责：
When [the laden Nanhai ships] arrive, a report is sent to the Court and announcements are made in all the cities. The captains who commanded them [or chicf merchants] are made to register with the Superintendent of the Shipping Trade their names and their cargo [or submit their manifests]. [The Superintendent] collects the duties on the goods and sees that there are no [prohibited] precious and fure goods lof which the government had a monopoly]. There were 当[满载的南海船]到达时，向朝廷报告，并在所有城市发布公告。指挥他们的船长 [或 chicf 商人] 被要求向航运贸易主管登记他们的名字和货物 [或提交他们的舱单]。[监管局长] 征收货物关税，并看到没有政府垄断的 [违禁] 贵重物品和毛皮商品]。曾经有
some foreign merchants who were imprisoned for trying io deceive [him]. ^(50){ }^{50} 一些因企图伊奥而被监禁的外国商人欺骗了他。 ^(50){ }^{50}
Another record of the same period contrasts his work with that of the governor. The governor was in charge of the administration of the province, the organisation of military campaigns and the issue of all orders. 同一时期的另一份记录将他的工作与总督的工作进行了对比。总督负责该省的行政管理、军事行动的组织以及所有命令的发布。
Outside of the province was the sea across which were many [kinds of barbarians, from Liu-ch’iu [Formosa] and Ho-ling [Java] to the western lands of Ta-hsia and K’ang-chü [Central Asian lands in the hands of the Arabs, in other words, to the Arab territories]. These were under the jurisdiction of the ya-fan-p’o-shih [the Superintendent of Barbarian Shipping, presumably another form of the shih-p’o-shih]. He controlled the thousands outside [the empire], dealt with the translation of languages, the offering of valuable gifts, and every vear conducted the sending of tributes [either sending those due from the province itself or arranging for forcign tribute missions to go to the capital]. ^(51){ }^{51} 省外是大海，海对面有许多[各种野蛮人，从六秋[福尔摩沙]和陵[爪哇]到西部的大夏和康秋[阿拉伯人手中的中亚土地，换句话说，到阿拉伯领土]。这些都属于 ya-fan-p'o-shih [野蛮人航运总监，可能是 shih-p'o-shih 的另一种形式] 的管辖范围。他控制着 [帝国] 以外的数千人，处理语言的翻译，提供珍贵的礼物，并且每个 vear 都进行贡品的发送 [要么从行省本身发送到期的贡品，要么安排强行进贡使团前往首都]。 ^(51){ }^{51}
This suggests that he was more than a Chief Customs Officer and was at the same time acting as a receptionist for a sort of Foreign-cumvassal Affairs Office at the capital. A third record, describing the work of a governor of Ling-nan (K’ung K’uei, 817-820), indicates that the governor could interfere with the work of the Superintendent. 这表明他不仅仅是一名首席海关官，同时在首都担任某种外国附庸事务办公室的接待员。第三份记录描述了岭南总督（K'ung K'uei，817-820 年）的工作，表明总督可以干预总督的工作。
When the foreign ships arrive and are docking, they are charged a lowering-anchor-tax [tonnage dues]. [When the cargo is landed], there is the examination of the merchandise. Rhinoceros [horns] and pearls were so numerous that bribes were offered to the servants and retainers: the Governor stopped this [practice]. 当外国船只抵达并停靠时，他们被收取较低的锚税 [吨位税]。[货物上岸时]，要对商品进行检查。犀牛 [角] 和珍珠如此之多，以至于向仆人和家臣行贿：总督制止了这种 [做法]。
Far across the sea in the South, there were those [merchants] who died in the countries there. The officials [the Superintendent and his subordinates?] held their goods. And if their wives or their sons did not come within three months to claim them, these would be confiscated. The governor [stopping this practice] said, "The sea journey back and forth is calculated in years; why fix the time in months. If anyone has proof [of his relationship with a dead man], 在遥远的南方，那些 [商人] 死在那里的国家。官员们[警司和他的下属]持有他们的货物。如果他们的妻子或儿子在三个月内没有来认领，这些钱将被没收。总督[停止这种做法]说，“来回的海上旅程是以年为单位的;为什么要以月为单位固定时间。如果有人有证据证明他与死人的关系，
no matter whether he comes early or late, let him have all [the goods]. ^(32){ }^{32} 无论他来得早还是晚，都让他得着一切。 ^(32){ }^{32}
The powers of the Superintendent here may be contrasted with those stated in the first two records. It is clear that the governor could overrule the imporial representative. The ordinary duties ^(53){ }^{53} described in all the accounts are confirmed by the Akhbar al-Sin w-al-Hind (reports colicated in 851 ) except that they are here described in greater detail, and that there is no mention of the thirty per cent tax on the merchandise. ^(5-1){ }^{5-1} 此处的监督权力可能与前两份记录中陈述的权力形成对比。很明显，州长可以推翻这位不公正的代表。 Akhbar al-Sin w-al-Hind （报告于 851 年编纂）证实了所有记述中描述的普通职责，只是它们在这里进行了更详细的描述，并且没有提到对商品征收 30% 的税。 ^(53){ }^{53}^(5-1){ }^{5-1}
It is clear that the post of Superintendent had been created sometime before 714. How early this was done is not known, but regular appointments were not made before 713. It is perhaps possible to link up two events with the creation of this permanent post - the murder of an extortionate governor by foreign merchants at Canton in 684 and the complaints submitted by Srivijayan envoys between 670 and 742. But the raison d’etre of the post was clearly to channel the great wealth passing through Canton and Hanoi into the imperial treasury. It had been known for too long that the governorship of Ling-nan was one of the most lucrative in the empire; and the first century of the T’ang dynasty had seen the Nanhai trade rise to new heights. With the coming of the Persians and then the Arabs, that trade was infused with the spirit and enterprise of an even more ancient trade. The new standards of this inter-ocean trading and the sophistication and vast experience of these great middlemen called for new methods of port and revenue control. The appointment of the shih-p’o-shih, therefore, was a recognition of the new needs. 很明显，警司一职是在 714 年之前的某个时候设立的。这做得有多早尚不清楚，但在 713 年之前没有定期预约。也许可以将两个事件与这个常设职位的创建联系起来——684 年外国商人在广州谋杀了一位敲诈勒索的总督，以及 670 年至 742 年间室利佛逝使节提交的投诉。但该职位存在的理由显然是将经广州和河内转移的巨额财富引入帝国金库。人们早就知道灵南总督是帝国最赚钱的职位之一;而唐朝的第一个世纪见证了南海贸易上升到新的高度。随着波斯人和阿拉伯人的到来，这种贸易被注入了更古老贸易的精神和进取心。这种跨洋贸易的新标准以及这些伟大中间商的成熟和丰富经验要求采用新的港口和收入控制方法。因此，任命 shih-p'o-shih 是对新需求的认可。
There are no records of the sea-routes used before 750 besides those taken by Buddhist pilgrims on their various pilgrimages to India and Ceylon (see Map 8). These records constantly refer to centres of culture and religion at Ho-ling and Fo-shih (Java and Sumatra), and also to direct sailing from China to these countries. In fact, many of the pilgrims did not go further beyond these countrics and many others did not survive the journey in the Nanhai itself. ^(55){ }^{55} These records are only a guide to the common trade routes. The fact that the pilgrims were only in search of Buddhist nations must be recognised as a limitation on the use of these records to estimate the progress of the 除了佛教朝圣者在前往印度和锡兰的各种朝圣之旅中所走的路线外，没有关于 750 年之前使用的海路记录（见地图 8）。这些记录不断提到 Ho-ling 和 Fo-shih（爪哇和苏门答腊）的文化和宗教中心，以及从中国到这些国家的直接航行。事实上，许多朝圣者并没有走出这些国家，而许多其他人也没有在南海本身的旅程中幸存下来。 ^(55){ }^{55} 这些记录只是常见贸易路线的指南。朝圣者只是为了寻找佛教国家这一事实必须被承认为使用这些记录来估计
Nanhai trade. On the other hand, they do show which were among the great nations of Southeast Asia. 南海贸易。另一方面，它们确实显示了哪些是东南亚的伟大国家。
The most common routc was that from Canton to a port in Srivijaya (probably Palembang). The priest Wu-hsing is recorded to have taken one month to sail between these ports. I-ching, however, once took twenty days and on another occasion more than a month. ^(56){ }^{56} This was the main route for those who wished to travel to India, but there were other routes. One was from Hanoi (or even Liu-chou) ^(57){ }^{57} to the Champa poits, and then to Chen-la, to To-lo-po-ti and to Lang-ch’ich-hsu; another was from Canton to Ho-ling; others were from Ho-ling to Fo-shih, from Fo-shih to Mo-lo-yu, and from Fo-shih to Chieh-ch’a. The ships used by most of these pilgrims were either K’unJun merchant ships, that is, ships owned or used by Cham, Khmer, Malay (Srivijayan) and Javanese merchants, or Indian ships. I-ching’s use of a Persian vessel in 671 was exceptional. ^(58){ }^{58} It could not yet be said that the route to India and Ceylon was dominant. In fact, the western missions that came in the seventh century ^(59){ }^{59} mercly show the revival of the trade with the Indian Ocean after the beginning of the T’ang dynasty, 最常见的路线是从广州到室利佛逝（可能是巨港）的一个港口。据记载，僧侣吴兴花了一个月的时间在这些港口之间航行。然而，易经一次花了二十天，另一次花了一个多月。 ^(56){ }^{56} 这是那些希望前往印度的人的主要路线，但还有其他路线。一次是从河内（甚至柳州） ^(57){ }^{57} 到占婆镇，然后是陈拉、土罗波堤和浪池湖;另一次是从广洲到和岭;其他从河岭到佛市，从佛市到莫罗鱼，从佛市到界家。这些朝圣者中的大多数使用的船只要么是 K'unJun 商船，即占族、高棉、马来（室里佛逝）和爪哇商人拥有或使用的船只，要么是印度船只。易经在 671 年使用波斯器皿是例外的。 ^(58){ }^{58} 目前还不能说通往印度和锡兰的路线占主导地位。事实上，7 世纪 ^(59){ }^{59} 出现的西方传教士仁慈地展示了唐朝开始后与印度洋贸易的复兴。
It was not evident till after 750 that a new trade had started in the South China Sea. The K’un-lun merchants who were the most important in the previous century, were giving way to the Persians and Arabs. These western merchants could be found in Canton, Hanoi and Yang-chou, and even in Hung-chou. ^(60){ }^{60} (In 758, they were numerous enough to sack Canton, and in 760, thousands of them were robbed or killed at Yang-chou.) By the time Chia Tan described the route to the Persian Gulf (c. 800-801), it was clear that this new trade, the extended Tahai trade, had gained on that of the Nanhai. The Persian merchants and sailors who had come before the fall of the Sassanid Empire during the rise of the T’ang dynasty, and the Arabs who followed soon after the fall of Persia, had become the middlemen of the Nanhai. And both the native merchants of the Nanhai and the Chinese merchants at Canton and Hanoi were to find it more profitable and less dangerous to leave the main transportation of merchandise over the sea in their hands. This did not mean the complete monopoly of the trade by these middlemen. Chinese merchants continued to trade abroad, but it is probable that till the end of the T’ang dynasty, they often sailed the Nanhai in Persian or Arab ships. 直到 750 年之后，南中国海才开始了新的贸易。上个世纪最重要的昆仑商人正在让位于波斯人和阿拉伯人。这些西方商人可以在广州、河内和杨州找到，甚至在红州。 ^(60){ }^{60} （758 年，他们的人数足以洗劫广州，760 年，数千人在阳州被抢劫或杀害。当 Chia Tan 描述通往波斯湾的路线（约 800-801 年）时，很明显，这种新的贸易，即扩展的塔海贸易，已经比南海贸易有所收获。在唐朝崛起期间萨珊帝国灭亡之前来到这里的波斯商人和水手，以及在波斯灭亡后不久跟随的阿拉伯人，都成为了南海的中间人。南海的当地商人以及广州和河内的中国商人都发现，将海上商品的主要运输交给他们更有利可图，危险性更小。这并不意味着这些中间商完全垄断了贸易。中国商人继续在国外进行贸易，但很可能直到唐朝末期，他们经常乘坐波斯或阿拉伯船只在南海航行。
Map 8 地图 8
The Nanhai during the T’ang Dynasty 唐朝的南海
The great trade route of the South China Sea was that described by Chia Tan in about 800^("it ")800^{\text {it }} (and confirmed half a century later by the Arabs) ^(@2){ }^{\circ 2} (see Map 8). Chia Tan says, 南中国海的伟大贸易路线是 Chia Tan 在大约 800^("it ")800^{\text {it }} 在半个世纪后被阿拉伯人证实的（ ^(@2){ }^{\circ 2} 见地图 8）。Chia Tan 说：
Sailing from Canton, it is 200 li to the south-east, to Tun-men Shan [an anchorage south of Pao-an and opposite the north coast of Lantao Island], and two days towards the west to Chiu-chou Shih [Ch’i Islands or Taya Islands, north-east point of Hainan], and two days towards the south to Hsiang Shih [Tu-chu-shen or Tinhosa Island, or even further south], and three days towards the southwest to Chan-pu-lau Shan, which is in the sea 200 li cast of Huanwang [Culao Cham], and two days towards the south to Ling Shan [possibly Cape Sa-hoi, north of Qui Nhon] and one day [towards the south] to Men-tu Kuo [Qui Nhon?] and one more day [towards the south] to Ku-ta Kuo [Kauthara, the ancient Sanskrit name for Nha-trang] and half a day [towards the south] to Pen-to-land Chou [Panduranga, now Phan-rang, or an island off the coast] and two days (towards the south-east) to Chun-tu-nung Shan lthe island of Pulo Condore] and five days (further to the south-east) to a Straits, 100 li from north to south, which the barbarians call che [Straits of Malacca, perhaps including the Straits of Singaporel, and three days sailing westwards out of the Straits to Ko-Ko-seng-ii Kuo, many of whose people were devoled to robbery and plunder, and were much feared by those who travel in ships Ipossibly Brouwers islands, or an island at the mouth of the Siak River?] and four or five days [towards the north-west?] to Sheng-teng Chou [east coast of Sumatra, near Deli?l, and five days towards the west to P’o-lu Kuo [north-west Sumatra, Perlak or Perkir or Baros, the P’o-lu-shih of I-chingl and six days (fowards the west or north-west) to Chieh-lan Chou lone of the Nicobar Islands]. ^("a3 "){ }^{\text {a3 }} 从广州出发，向东南方向航行 200 里，到屯门山 [宝安以南的一个锚地，与大屿山北海岸相对】，向西行驶两天到邱州市 [池岛或大亚群岛，海南省东北角]，向南行驶两天到湘市 [吐竹神或蒂霍萨岛， 甚至更南，向西南方向走三天到浣旺 [Culao Cham] 海里 200 里的 Chan-pu-lau Shan，向南走两天到灵山 [可能是归仁以北的沙海角]，向南走一天到门土国 [归仁？]，再向南走一天到 Ku-ta Kuo [Kauthara， Nha-trang 的古梵文名称]，半天 [向南] 到 Pen-to-land Chou [Panduranga，现在的 Phan-rang，或沿海的一个岛屿] 和两天（向东南）到 Pulo Condore 岛的 Chun-tu-nung 山]和五天 （再向东南） 到一个海峡，从北到南 100 里，野蛮人称之为 che [马六甲海峡， 也许包括新加坡海峡，以及向西航行三天，从海峡驶向 Ko-Ko-seng-ii Kuo，那里的许多人热衷于抢劫和掠夺，那些乘船旅行的人非常害怕 Imight Brouwers 群岛，或者 Siak 河口的岛屿？四五天[向西北方向？]到盛腾洲[苏门答腊东海岸，在德里尔附近]，向西五天到 P'o-lu Kuo[苏门答腊西北部、Perlak 或 Perkir 或 Baros，I-chingl 的 P'o-lu-shih]，六天（向西或向西北）到尼科巴群岛的 Chieh-lan Chou lone]。 ^("a3 "){ }^{\text {a3 }}
The route then led on to Ceylon, Malabar and the Persian Gulf. ^(64){ }^{64} 然后，这条路线通向锡兰、马拉巴尔和波斯湾。 ^(64){ }^{64}
Two secondary routes were noted. After reaching the che (Straits of Malacca), the ships could also stop at Lo-yüeh (southern or western coast of Johore) or at Fo-shih (Palembang). From Fo-shih the ships could sail east, that is, before entering the straits for four or five days to Ho-ling (the coast of Central or East Java). The other route was from Ko-ko-sengti north to Ko-lo (Kalah Bar), and thence west to Ko-ku-lo (Qaq-la?). ^(65){ }^{65} 注意到两条次要路线。到达车（马六甲海峡）后，船只还可以停在 Lo-yüeh（柔佛州南部或西部海岸）或 Fo-shih（巨港）。船只可以从火石向东航行，也就是说，在进入海峡之前，需要四到五天才能到达和岭（中爪哇或东爪哇的海岸）。另一条路线是从 Ko-ko-sengti 向北到 Ko-lo （Kalah Bar），然后向西到 Ko-ku-lo （Qaq-la？）。 ^(65){ }^{65}
On all these routes sailed the Chinese and K’un-lun as well as Arab, Persian, Ceylonese and Indian ships. Only past the Nicobars, and especially past Malabar, is it doubtful whether Chinese and K’unlun vessels were ever found at this time. “The ships of China” and “Chinese ships” in Arab sources, it has been argued, were more likely Arab, Persian or some other ships of the West “in the Chinese trade”, or on the China run. ^(60){ }^{60} That problem, however, does not directly concern the Nanhai trade. It is enough to be certain that all the great ships of the time carried trade in the Nanhai with the Arab vesscls gaining a greater importance over the others in the ninth and tenth centuries. 在所有这些航线上，中国和昆仑以及阿拉伯、波斯、锡兰和印度的船只都航行着。只有经过尼科巴斯，尤其是经过马拉巴尔，才值得怀疑，当时是否曾发现过中国和昆仑的船只。有人认为，阿拉伯资料中的“中国船只”和“中国船只”更有可能是阿拉伯、波斯或其他西方船只“从事中国贸易”或在中国航行。 ^(60){ }^{60} 然而，这个问题并不直接涉及南海贸易。可以肯定的是，当时所有的大船都在南海进行贸易，在 9 世纪和 10 世纪，阿拉伯船只比其他船只更重要。
In the middle of the T’ang period, the ships of Ceylon were said to be the largest of the foreign ships. ^(67){ }^{67} The description that “the large [ships] were 200 feet long and could hold six to seven hundred men” ^(48){ }^{48} might have been of these ships. The Persian and Arab ships never seem to have had a reputation for size, but according to one account, they too, probably were “so high out of water that ladders several tens of feet in length had to be used to get aboard.” ^(69){ }^{69} 在唐朝中期，锡兰的船只据说是外国船只中最大的。 ^(67){ }^{67} “大型 [船只] 长 200 英尺，可容纳 6 到 700 人” ^(48){ }^{48} 的描述可能是这些船只。波斯和阿拉伯的船只似乎从来没有以大小著称，但根据一种说法，它们也可能“离水太高，以至于必须使用几十英尺长的梯子才能上船”。 ^(69){ }^{69}
Many of these ships could have been built in China. The timber resources of the coastal areas were excellent at Chang-chou in Fukien, and in Ch’ao-chou, Hsun-chou, Lui-chou, Ch’in-chou in Kwangtung. All these areas seem to have had an abundance of various kinds of cedar (the nan, the machilus nammu) ^(70){ }^{70} and pine (the shan, the cryptomeria), ^(7){ }^{7} and especially the chang tree (the cinnamonum camphora). These woods had long been used as timber for shipbuilding. ^(72){ }^{72} 其中许多船只可能是在中国建造的。福建省昌州和广东的 Ch'ao-chou、Hsun-chou、Lui-chou、Ch'in-chou 等沿海地区的木材资源极佳。所有这些地区似乎都盛产各种雪松（楠树、楠树） ^(70){ }^{70} 和松树（掸树、柳杉树）， ^(7){ }^{7} 尤其是长树（樟树）。这些木材长期以来一直被用作造船的木材。 ^(72){ }^{72}
All the “ships of the merchants”, probably including those built by the Chinese. 所有的 “商船”，可能包括那些由中国人建造的船。
… do not use iron nails; their [boards] are strapped together with the fibres of coir-palms. All seams are caulked with an olive paste which is very hard when dry and acts like point when mixed with water." …不要使用铁钉;他们的 [木板] 用椰壳棕榈的纤维绑在一起。所有接缝都用橄榄酱填缝，橄榄酱干燥时非常坚硬，与水混合时就像点一样。
Thus the cordage and caulking resources were also found in the southem coasts. Coir-palms grew close to the coast; ^(7+){ }^{7+} and olive-trees grew 因此，在南部海岸也发现了绳索和填缝资源。椰壳棕榈生长在靠近海岸的地方; ^(7+){ }^{7+} 橄榄树长了
in the prefectures of Fukien and Kwangtung along the sea coast and along the river banks and on the islands. ^(75){ }^{75} 在福建县和广东县沿海岸、河岸和岛屿上。 ^(75){ }^{75}
There are no T’ang records of large Chinese ocean-junks sailing the Nanhai though it is known that Chinese vessels sailed across the occan to Korea and Japan. There is only a record of small Chinese ships being specially sent to bring the merchandise of the Nanhai to Canton. The governor of Ling-nan, Wang Ngo, who was appointed in 795, made his fortune by shrewd manipulation of the local taxes and by confiscation of the taxes on products “brought by the ships of various countries in the south-western great ocean.” With the fortune as his capital, 没有唐朝关于中国大型远洋帆船航行南海的记录，但众所周知，中国船只曾穿越奥干河前往韩国和日本。只有中国小船被专门派去将南海号的商品运到广州的记录。795 年上任的岭南都督王吾通过精明地纵地方税收和没收“各国船只在西南大洋带来的”产品的税收而发家致富。以财富为资本，
[he] sent out daily more than ten ships [t’ing, small boats] heavily lader with rhinoceros [horns], elephants [tusks], pearls and various shells, and officially deciared them as merchant ships, to the various [foreign] territories. Each trip taking a year, such ships came back and forth without stop. ^(70){ }^{70} 他每天派出十多艘船，满载着犀牛角、象牙、珍珠和各种贝壳，正式把它们当作商船，运往各个地区。每次旅行需要一年时间，这样的船只来回来回，不停地。 ^(70){ }^{70}
He traded in this way till 801, at a time when Arab merchants and sailors had begun to dominate the Nanhai trade. These ships only sailed in the Nanhai as each trip took a year. ^(77){ }^{77} They were smaller, but otherwise not far different from those of the Sung dynasty. 他以这种方式进行交易，直到 801 年，当时阿拉伯商人和水手已经开始主导南海贸易。这些船只只在南海航行，因为每次航行需要一年时间。 ^(77){ }^{77} 他们更小，但其他方面与宋朝的那些没有太大区别。
The summary below of the information on early Sung ships can also apply to those of the late T’ang and Five Dynasties period. ^(78){ }^{78} 以下关于宋早期船只的信息摘要也适用于晚唐和五朝时期的船只。 ^(78){ }^{78}
In every ship, there was a captain, his deputy and junior officers, who could punish their men with the bamboo. 每艘船都有一名船长、他的副手和下级军官，他们可以用竹子惩罚他们的人。
The captain was given by the Superintendent a chu-chi (a vermilion pass) in which was filled the names of the captain and his deputy, the number of passengers and the size and structure of the ship. 船长由总监颁发了 chu-chi（朱红色通行证），上面写满了船长和他的副手的姓名、乘客人数以及船只的大小和结构。
The ships were armed against pirates, especially with bowmen. 这些船只都配备了武器来对抗海盗，尤其是弓箭手。
They had oars as well as sails. Every boat had about ten oars, each being worked by at least four men. 他们有桨和帆。每艘船大约有十支桨，每支桨至少由四个人作。
They had two anchors, both at the bows, which were attached to the ships by rattans and let down with windlasses. 他们有两个锚，都在船头，用藤条固定在船上，然后用起锚机放下。
There were no cabins, the passengers being alloted several feet of space each. 没有客舱，每个乘客被分配了几英尺的空间。
The ships each towed a small boat which was chiefly used for landing purposes. 两艘船各自拖着一艘主要用于登陆目的的小船。
The odd jobs on board were done by “black slaves”. 船上的零工是由“黑奴”完成的。
When sailing, a hook on a long rope was often used to bring up the mud of the sea. The quality of the mud would help the captain to estimate the position of the ship. ^(79){ }^{79} 航行时，经常使用长绳上的钩子来提起海泥。泥浆的质量将有助于船长估计船只的位置。 ^(79){ }^{79}
The extension of the Nanhai trade during the T’ang dynasty came about because of the developing economy of China (especially in the first century of peace (623-755) since the first century A.D.), the rise of the Persian and Arab middlemen, and the advances in shipbuilding, navigation and trading methods. But most of all, the extension came because of the continued quest for useful and valuable goods. The Chinese quest had been first for decorative goods like pearls, fivory and colourful feathers of birds. Then it became one for perfumes, incense and various types of dyes. By the time of the T’ang dynasty, the quest had further broadened, and was to extend to drugs, medicines and a few kinds of spices. ^(30){ }^{30} 唐朝南海贸易的扩展是由于中国经济的发展（特别是在公元一世纪以来的和平第一世纪（623-755 年））、波斯和阿拉伯中间商的崛起以及造船、航海和贸易方式的进步。但最重要的是，延期是因为对有用和有价值的商品的持续追求。中国人首先寻求珍珠、象牙和五颜六色的鸟类羽毛等装饰品。然后它变成了香水、熏香和各种染料的工厂。到了唐朝时期，人们的追求进一步扩大，并扩展到药物、药物和一些香料。 ^(30){ }^{30}
The following products stand out to illustrate the changing nature of the Nanhai trade made possible by a growing economy and better means of transportation. They may be divided into two groups. To the first group belong those that had come to China previously over the Central Asian route. Most of these were the goods of Persia, Syria, Arabia, eastern Africa and North India. To the second belong those that did not seem to have been traded in with China before T’ang times. These were partly from Arabia, Persia and Africa and partly from the Nanhai itself. 以下产品脱颖而出，说明了不断增长的经济和更好的运输方式使南海贸易的性质发生变化。他们可分为两组。第一类属于那些之前通过中亚路线来到中国的人。其中大部分是波斯、叙利亚、阿拉伯、东非和北印度的商品。第二类属于那些在唐朝之前似乎没有与中国交易过的地区。这些部分来自阿拉伯、波斯和非洲，部分来自南海本身。
The first group included many of those given in the lists of Posse products in pre-T’ang dynastic histories. ^(81){ }^{81} These have been examined and shown to have come overland in Appendix B of this study. Many of them had never been part of the Nanhai trade before. The most important are storax, ^(82){ }^{82} myrobalan ^(83){ }^{83} and gall-nuts, ^(8-1){ }^{8-1} malachite, ^(85){ }^{85} and pin (damask steel?) ^(80){ }^{80} and possibly Syrian textiles (damasks and muslins). Their exportation to China by sea was due to 第一组包括前唐朝历史上 Posse 产品清单中给出的许多产品。 ^(81){ }^{81} 这些已经被检查并显示在本研究的附录 B 中是通过陆地传播的。他们中的许多人以前从未参加过南海贸易。最重要的是 storax、 ^(82){ }^{82} myrobalan ^(83){ }^{83} 和胆子、 ^(8-1){ }^{8-1} 孔雀石 ^(85){ }^{85} 和针（锦缎钢？ ^(80){ }^{80} 可能还有叙利亚纺织品（锦缎和平纹细布）。它们通过海运出口到中国是由于
the growth of Central and South China markets for western goods. These markets were far from Tun-huang, Chang-ych and even Ch’angan, and the advances in Persian and then in Arab navigation made it cheaper and quicker ^(87){ }^{87} to bring the goods via the Nanhai. 中南华地区市场对西方商品的增长。这些市场远离屯煌、长夷甚至长安，波斯和阿拉伯航海的进步使得通过南海运送货物变得更便宜、更快捷 ^(87){ }^{87} 。
The second group includes western goods. These were later introductions like aloes, ^(89){ }^{89} and ambergris; ^(-89){ }^{-89} limonite, ^(90){ }^{90} indigo ^(91){ }^{91} and “rose-water”; ^(92){ }^{92} and possibly “dragon’s blood”. ^(93){ }^{93} As for the new trading products from the Nanhai itself, they were lallangs" and the interesting psoralea ^(95){ }^{95}; storax, myrobalan and benzoin; ^(96){ }^{96} and cardamons, ^(97){ }^{97} cloves, ^(98){ }^{98} mace and nutmegs, ^(99){ }^{99} the very spices that were later to move the world. 第二组包括西方商品。这些是后来引入的，如沉香和 ^(89){ }^{89} 龙涎香; ^(-89){ }^{-89} 褐铁矿、 ^(90){ }^{90} 靛蓝 ^(91){ }^{91} 和“玫瑰水”; ^(92){ }^{92} 可能还有“Dragon's Blood”。 ^(93){ }^{93} 至于南海本身的新贸易产品，它们是 lallangs“和有趣的补骨脂; ^(95){ }^{95} storax、myrobalan 和安息香; ^(96){ }^{96} 以及豆蔻、 ^(97){ }^{97} 丁香、 ^(98){ }^{98} 肉豆蔻和肉豆蔻， ^(99){ }^{99} 这些香料后来感动了世界。
The introduction of such goods into China from or through the Nanhai was accompanied by an export of utility goods from China. T’ang porcelain and pottery ware had improved considerably, and the kilns of Kiangsi and Fukien were already gaining fame throughout the empire. The export of this ware to the Nanhai, though still in small quantities, probably began at the end of the period under survey. ^(100){ }^{100} The trade now had a broader base, set up mainly by the commercial efficiency and navigational skill of the Persian and Arab middlemen. There followed a rise in the volume of trade that roused the Chinese merchants from the passive role in which they had been content to play. With their increasing interest in the Nanhai trade begins a new epoch of sea trading. 从南海或通过南海引入中国的此类商品伴随着从中国出口的实用产品。唐瓷和陶器有了很大的改进，江西和福建的窑已经在整个帝国享有盛誉。这种器皿出口到南海，虽然数量仍然很少，但可能始于调查时期的结束。 ^(100){ }^{100} 贸易现在有了更广泛的基础，主要是由波斯和阿拉伯中间商的商业效率和航海技能建立的。随之而来的是贸易量的增加，使中国商人从他们原本满足于扮演的被动角色中醒来。随着他们对南海贸易的兴趣日益浓厚，开始了海上贸易的新纪元。
Endnotes 尾注
This is in support of J.C. van Leur’s distinction between the “travelling peddler” and the “financiers” (the harbour princes) in early Asian trade. The phrase “state trading”, however, is my own. It is defined here to cover the large volume of trading done by royalty and the aristocracy as well as by officers of state. 这支持 J.C. van Leur 在早期亚洲贸易中区分“旅行小贩”和“金融家”（港口王子）的做法。然而，“state trading” 这个词是我自己的。这里的定义是涵盖皇室和贵族以及国家官员进行的大量交易。
The theories set forth by van Jeur on the nature of carly Asian trade are introduced by W.F. Werthein, “Early Asian Trade: An Appreciation of J.C. van Leur,” Far Eastem Quarterly, Vol. XIII, n. 1, pp. 167-73. W.F. Werthein 介绍了 van Jeur 提出的关于卡利亚洲贸易性质的理论，“早期亚洲贸易：对 J.C. van Leur 的欣赏”，远东季刊，第 XIII 卷，第 1 期，第 167-73 页。
2. According to L.P. Briggs, op. cit., p. 47, n. 7, who located a country called T’o-hoan in the region of Hoanh-an, near Porte d’Annam, his T’o-hoan 2. 根据 L.P. Briggs，见上引，第 47 页，第 7 条，他在 Hoanh-an 地区找到了一个叫 T'o-hoan 的国家，靠近他的 T'o-hoan。
would be closer to China than Lin－yi．But his T＇o－hoan（陀泹）is an alternative pronunciation of T＇o－yüan（陀演），which is also called Kan－ t＇o－yüan（T＇angS，222C，3a）and Nout＇o－yüan（THYao，99，1779），and Chen－to－hoan（T＇angS，222C，5a）． 但是他的陀泹是陀演的另一种发音，也被称为 Kan- t'o-yüan（T'angS，222C，3a）和 Nout'o-yüan（THYao，99,1779），以及陈土还（T'angS，222C，5a）。
The T＇ang，222C，4a（and the ChiuTS，197，2b）puts T＇o－yüan，＂In the sea south－west of Huan－wang and adjoining To－ho－lo，［and］ 90 days＇ journey from Chiao－chou．＂ 唐，222C，4a（和 ChiuTS，197,2b）将 T'o-yüan，“在环王西南的海域，毗邻的 To-ho-lo，[和] 从侨州出发需要 90 天的旅程。
The THYoo，99，1779，says that（Nou）－to－yuan was＂north－west of To－ ho－lo ．．．and five months＇journey by sea to Canton．＂And both these accounts agree roughly with Briggs＇（op．cit．，p．48，n．9）own location of T＇o－ytian as ＂a Mon settlement，apparently just north of the Khmer settlement of Chantabun，which was on the coast．＂This was centrally much further away from the Chinese border than was Iluan－wang（Iin－yi）． 1779 年 99 月的 THYoo 说（Nou）-to-yuan 是“To-ho-lo 的西北......，经过五个月的时间才到达广州”。这两个记载与布里格斯（同上，第 48 页，n.9）自己将 T'o-ytian 的位置大致吻合为“一个孟族定居点，显然就在高棉定居点 Chantabun 的北部，位于沿海地区。”这比 Iluan-wang（Iin-yi）离中国边境要远得多。
3．G．Coedès，op．cit．，p． 121. 3.G.Coedès，见上引，第 121 页。
4．Based on various accounts of Lin－yi since Liu Sung times．SShu，97，1b； NCHS 58，4b；LgS，54，1b；SuiS，82，1a－b；ChiuTS，197，1a，and T＇angS， 222C，1a．Also sce TK＇ao，331，2600B． 4.根据刘宋时代以来临义的各种记载.SShu，97,1b;NCHS 58,4b;LgS，54,1b;SuiS，82,1a-b;ChiuTS，197,1a;T'angS， 222C，1a.Also sce TK'ao，331,2600B.
5．ChiuTS，197，1a－b；T＇angS，222C，Ia－b．G．Coedès，op．cit．，pp．121－3． On the missions during this period，see Appendix A． 5.ChiuTS，197,1a-b;T'angS，222C，Ia-b.G.Coedès，op.cit.，pp.121-3。关于这一时期的任务，见附录 A。
6．THYao，98， 1751. 6.THYao，98,1751 年。
7．G．Cocdès，op．cit．，p． 163. 7.G.Cocdès，见上，第 163 页。
8．THYao，98，1751；TangS，222C，1b．ChiuTS，197，1a－b，however，only calls it Lin－yi． 8.THYao，98,1751;TangS，222C，1b.ChiuTS，197,1a-b，然而，只称其为临义。
9．The second attack in 809 was less forlunate than the first．The Chinese general＂killed more than 30,000 men，captured 59 of its princes as well as weapons，warships and war－elephants．＂THYoo，98， 1751. 9. 809 年的第二次进攻比第一次要少一些，中国将军“杀死了 30,000 多人，俘虏了 59 名王子以及武器、军舰和战象”，THYoo，98,1751 年。
ChiuTS，197，Ib，says＂．．．captured war－clephants，small ships and ［sets of］metal armour：＂ ChiuTS，197，Ib，说“...俘获了战舰、小船和[成套]金属盔甲：”
10．Cham traders found it convenient to frequent the ports of An－nan，but it has been shown that An－nan was troubled by the Si－yüan barbarians （794－808，816－824）and by the Nan Chao barbarians（860－866）． Furthermore，the THYao，98，1751－2，in an explanatory note，says that in 859 ，the An－nan governor was avaricious in his dealings with the barbarians，a term which would include the Charns to the south． 10. 占婆商人发现经常出入安南的港口很方便，但事实证明，安南受到思云蛮族（794-808,816-824）和南朝蛮族（860-866）的困扰。此外，THYAO，98,1751-2 在解释性注释中说，在 859 年，安南总督在与蛮族打交道时贪婪无情，这个词包括南方的查恩人。
11．Chia Tan＇s＂itinerary＂（c．800）．The Arab accounts mention several ports in Sani（Champa）．Both are discussed later in the chapter． 11.Chia Tan 的“行程”（c.800）.阿拉伯记载提到了 Sani（占城）的几个港口，这两者都在本章后面讨论。
12．In 951， 958 and 959；see Appendix A． 12.In 951、958 和 959;见附录 A。
13．Tributes from Chen－la came from Jayavarman I in the period of Kao－ Tsung＇s reign（650－683）；and after his death in 698 （THYao，98，1752）， 13. 陈拉的贡品来自阇耶跋摩一世在高宗在位时期（650-683 年）;以及他于 698 年去世后（THYYA，98,1752 年）。
and in 690-704 (ChiuTS, 197, 2b). This is evidence that commercial relations were recognised till the years just before the division. Also sec L.P. Briggs, op. cit., pp. 53-7. 以及 690-704 年（ChiuTS， 197， 2b）。这证明，直到分裂之前的几年，商业关系才得到承认。另见 L.P. Briggs，见上引，第 53-7 页。
14. THYao, 100, 1798. Within the Chinese family of nations were all the “countries” extending “to the east of Koguryo [North Korea], to the south to Chen-la, to the west to Po-sse lthe remnants of the Persian empire in Central Asia], T’u-fan [in eastern Tibet] and Chien-k’un [a tribe in western Sinkiang at that timel, and to the north to Ki-tan [in Manchuria], T’uchüeh [in Mongolia and northern Sinkiang] and Mo-ho lin eastern Manchurial.” 14. THYAO，100,1798 年。在中华民族大家庭中，所有的“国家”都延伸到“高句丽[朝鲜]以东，南至陈拉，西至中亚波斯帝国的残余波瑟]、土邑[在西藏东部]和建昆[当时在新疆西部的一个部落]，向北到[满洲里]的吉潭]。 T'uchüeh [在蒙古和新疆北部] 和 Mo-ho lin 在满洲东部。
The importance of Chen-la can also be gauged from its place among all these great tribes and nations of Asia. Chen-la 的重要性也可以从它在亚洲所有这些伟大部落和国家中的地位来衡量。
15. THYao, 98, 1752, mentions missions from Land Chen-la in 717, 750; the Tse Fu Yüan Kuei, Chs. 975 and 976 (quoted from P. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 212), mentions others in 753 and 799; ChiuTS, 197, 2b, says that they came in 713-755, and 11, 18a, says in 771, and 12, 1b, says in 780; TangS, 222C, 3a, says that they came in 713-755, in 766-779, and in 780. 15. THYAO， 98， 1752， 提到了 717， 750 年来自陈拉大陆的使团;《谢福云归》第 975 章和第 976 章（引自 P. Pelliot，同上，第 212 页）在 753 和 799 年提到了其他文献;ChiuTS， 197， 2b， 说他们在 713-755 年来到这里，11， 18a， 说在 771 年，12， 1b， 说在 780 年;TangS， 222C， 3a 说他们在 713-755 年、766-779 年和 780 年出现。
16. There were no missions from Water Chen-la at all. That from “Water Chen-la” in 806-820 (probably the one in 813) came really from a reunified Chen-la, TangS, 222C, 3a. 16. 水辰拉根本没有任务。这句话来自 806-820 年的“水辰拉”（可能是 813 年的那个）实际上来自一个重新统一的辰拉，TangS，222C，3a。
17. THYao, 98, 1752 and ChiuTS, 197, 2b. On whether this mission from Chen-la or Water Chen-la, see P. Pelliot, op. cit., p. 215, n. 1 and L.P. Briggs, op. cit., p. 91. 17. THYao， 98， 1752 和 ChiuTS， 197， 2b.关于这个任务是来自陈拉还是水陈拉，见 P. Pelliot， op. cit.， p. 215， n. 1 和 L.P. Briggs， op. cit.， p. 91.
18. On the identification of To-ho-lo or To-lo-po-ti with Dvaravati, sec P. Pelliot, op. cit., especially p. 360, n. 1 . On its location in the valley of the Menam Chao Phraya, G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 131. 18. 关于 To-ho-lo 或 To-lo-po-ti 与 Dvaravati 的鉴定，P. Pelliot，见上引，特别是第 360 页，n. 1。关于它在湄南湄南河谷的位置，G. Coedès，同上，第 131 页。
19. T-ching, Tu T’ang Chitu Fa Kao Seng Chuan, quoted in Feng Ch’engchün, op. cit., p. 54. Ta-ch’en-teng was a native of Ai-chou (in northern Annam), who later was a student under Hsuan-chuang himself. He must have sailed to Dvaravati in early T"ang times, probably in the first years of Chen-Kuan (627-649). 19. T-ching， Tu T'ang Chitu Fa Kao Seng Chuan， 引自冯正春，见上，第 54 页。Ta-ch'en-teng 是爱州（在安南北部）本地人，后来成为 Hsuan-chuang 本人的学生。他一定是在唐朝早期航行到达瓦拉瓦蒂的，可能是在陈宽（627-649 年）的最初几年。
20. TrangS, 222C, 3b, says that “in the Chen-Kuan period, Ho-ling came with tribute along with To-ho-10 and To-po-teng,” which implics that the mission from To-ho-lo came by sea with that from Java. But in actual fact, the To-ho-lo missions had come in 638 and 649 (ChiuTS, 197, 3a), while those from Ho-ling came in 640 (ibid) and 648 (THYao, 100, 1782) and that from To-p’o-teng in 647 (THYao, 100, 1782-3; ChiuTS, 197, 3a). The T’angS was wrong in grouping these missions between 627 and 649 as having come together to the Chinese court. 20. TrangS， 222C， 3b 说，“在陈宽时期，和陵与土湖十和土埔藤一起带着贡品而来”，这意味着土湖湖的使团与爪哇的使团一起通过海路来。但实际上，To-ho-lo 传教团分别在 638 年和 649 年（ChiuTS， 197， 3a）出现，而来自和陵的传教士出现在 640 年（同上）和 648 年（THYao， 100， 1782），来自 To-p'o-teng 的传教士在 647 年（THYao， 100， 1782-3;ChiuTS， 197， 3a）。唐氏将 627 年至 649 年之间的这些使团归为聚集到中国朝廷是错误的。
21. ChiuTS, 197, 3a, and T’angs, 222C, 3b. 21. ChiuTS， 197， 3a 和 T'angs， 222C， 3b。
22. TongS, 222C, 3b-4a, speaks of its abundance of famous “To-ho-lo rhinoceros [homs].” 22. TongS， 222C， 3b-4a，谈到其丰富的著名“To-ho-lo rhinoceros [homs]”。
23. No missions came from Ch’ih-t’u at all in T’ang times, but the name is mentioned several times as being “between Fu-nan and Tan-tan”, on the way to P’o-li (ChiuTS, 197, 1b-2a) and on the way to P’o-li from Chiao-chih (T’angS, 222C, 1b). Missions from P’an-p’an, Chu-lou-mi and Tan-tan came between 635 and 669, sec Appendix A. 23. 在唐朝时代，Ch'ih-t'u 根本没有传教士，但这个名字被多次提及，因为“在福南和丹潭之间”，在去 P'o-li 的路上 （ChiuTS， 197， 1b-2a） 和从巧志到 P'o-li 的路上 （T'angS， 222C， 1b）。来自 P'an-p'an、Chu-lou-mi 和 Tan-tan 的使团在 635 年至 669 年之间完成，第二章附录 A。
I-ching records the visit and death of a pricst (before 670?) at P’o 《易经》记录了一位教士（670 年之前）在 P'o 的访问和死亡pp 'un ( '一 （pp 'un-p’un, another form of P’an-p’an), quoted by Feng Ch’engchün, op. cit., p. 54. 'un-p'un，P'an-p'an 的另一种形式），引自冯正春，同上，第 54 页。
24. According to I-ching, I-lang and Tao-lin stopped at Lang-ch’ich-shu on their way to India, and the young I-huel actually died there, Ta Tang Chiu Fa Kao Seng Chuan, quoted in Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., pp. 52 and 55. In Sung times, it was known as Iing-ya-sse-chia. 24. 根据《易经》记载，义郎和陶林在前往印度的途中在浪池树停留，年轻的义骏实际上死在那里，《大唐邱法高成川》，引自《冯正春》，见上，第 52 页和第 55 页。在宋代，它被称为 Iing-ya-sse-chia。
25. T’angS, 222C, 2b. On the difficulties of locating Ko-lo (and Kalah), see P. Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 349-54. 25. 唐氏，222C，2b。关于寻找 Ko-lo（和 Kalah）的困难，参见 P. Pelliot，见上引，第 349-54 页。
26. As Ko-lo, it is mentioned in Chia Tan’s sea-route to the Persian Gulf as an important stop; as Kalah Bar, it is mentioned in Arab sources. If it was Kedah, it would be related to Chieh-ch’a (or t’u), where I-ching stopped both on his journey to India and on his journey back, Feng Ch’eng-chun, op. cit., pp. 47-50. 26. 作为 Ko-lo，它在 Chia Tan 通往波斯湾的海上航线中被提及为一个重要的停靠点;作为 Kalah Bar，它在阿拉伯资料中被提及。如果是吉打州，那将与 Chieh-ch'a（或 t'u）有关，易经在前往印度和返回途中都停在那里，冯正群，同上，第 47-50 页。
27. In Chia Tan’s route, Lo-yüeh was described as being the coast north of the “straits which the barbarians call chin (selat?)”. If the straits mentioned was the Straits of Malacca (P. Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 217 and 231), Lo-yuch could have been the west coast of Johore; if it was the Straits of Singapore (G.E. Gerini, in Hith and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 11, 17. 4), then Lo-yüeh might have been up the Johore River. In any case, Johore seems to be the place meant. For a detailed study of Lo-yüeh, see Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 231-9. 27. 在 Chia Tan 的路线中，Lo-yüeh 被描述为“野蛮人称之为 Chin （selat？）的海峡”以北的海岸。如果提到的海峡是马六甲海峡（P. Pelliot， op. cit.， pp. 217 and 231），那么罗尤赫可能是柔佛的西海岸;如果这是新加坡海峡（G.E. Gerini， in Hith and Rockhill， op. cit.， p. 11， 17. 4），那么 Lo-yüeh 可能在柔佛河上游。无论如何，柔佛似乎就是这个地方的意思。关于罗叶的详细研究，见佩利奥特，见上引，第 231-9 页。
28. Tongs, 28. 人字拖，222C,5a222 \mathrm{C}, 5 \mathrm{a}, which thus distinguishes the country from others which were officially known through their tribute missions to the Chinese. ，从而将该国与其他通过向中国进贡使团而正式了解的国家区分开来。
29. ChiuTS, 197, 2a; see Chapter IV, 29. ChiuTS，197,2a;见第四章，
30. T’angS, 222C, 2a. The THYao, 99, 1769, says this of the people of Loch’a, a country bordering P’o-li (and according to TongS, 222C, 2a, east of it). 30. 唐氏，222C，2a。THYao，99,1769 年，这样描述与 P'o-li 接壤的国家 Loch'a 的人民（根据 TongS，222C，2a，以东）。
31. G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 142, quoting I. Takakusu, A Record of I-ching, p. 10. 31. G. Coedès，同上，第 142 页，引自 I. Takakusu，《易经实录》，第 10 页。
32. THYoo, 100, 1795. On Chan-pei in the eleventh century; G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 300. 32. THYoo，100,1795 年。11 世纪的 Chan-pei ;G. Coedès，同上，第 300 页。
33. The ship then went on to Mo-lo-yu, but after passing it, the ship was sunk in a storm because it was overladen. The priest Ch’ang Min was drowned. I-ching, op. cit., quoted in Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., p. 52. 33. 然后，船继续前往 Mo-lo-yu，但在经过它后，船因为超载而在暴风雨中沉没。牧师 Ch'ang Min 被淹死了。I-ching， op. cit.， 引自 Feng Ch'eng-chün， op. cit.， p. 52.
34. Chinese records speak of the Ho-ling capital being driven east in the T’ien-pao period (742-755); G. Coedès, op. cit., pp. 156, 184. The relation between the rise of the Sailendras and the gap in Chinese records on Srivijaya is not clear and awaits further study. 34. 中国的记载提到，和陵都于天保年间（742-755 年）被东迁;G. Coedès，同上，第 156、184 页。Sailendras 的崛起与中国关于室利佛逝的记录之间的差距之间的关系尚不清楚，有待进一步研究。
35. TongS, 222C, 3b, says that they came in the Shang-yüan period. There were two Shang-yüan periods, one in Kao-Tsung’s reign (from 674675), and the other in Shu-Tsung’s (from 760-761). Considering that the first Ta-shih missions to China came overland only in 651, and that there is no other mention of Ta-shih before Canton was sacked in 758, this reference probably applies to the second period. Furthermore, immediately after this account of the Ta-shih in Ho-ling, there are records of “three missions [coming] in 766-779, one in 813 , one in 827-835 and one in 860-873,” which seem to suggest the second Shangyüan period. 35. TongS， 222C， 3b，说他们在上云时期来到这里。上云时期有两个时期，一个是高宗年间（674675 年起），另一个是淑宗时期（760-761 年）。考虑到第一次达施传教士是在 651 年才通过陆路进行的，而且在 758 年广州被洗劫之前没有其他提及达施，这个引用可能适用于第二个时期。此外，紧接在这段关于和陵大石的记载之后，有“766-779 年三次出团，813 年一次，827-835 年一次，860-873 年一次”的记载，这似乎暗示了第二上云时期。
36. Ibid. The account describes the Ta-shih (ruler) coming to present a bag of gold to the ruler, a woman, of Ho-ling. When the Ta-shih heard of her ability and justice, “they were afraid, and did not dare raise troops.” 36. 同上。该记载描述了 Ta-shih（统治者）前来向 Ho-ling 的一位女性统治者赠送一袋黄金。当塔施听说她的能力和正义时，“他们害怕，不敢起兵。
37. G. Cocdès, op. cit., pp. 183-4. She-p’o was the name of the Ho-ling capital. The ruler had moved to the east of it and now seem to have returned. Henceforth, till the end of the Sung dynasty, the Chincse called the kingdom She-p’o instead. 37. G. Cocdès，同上，第 183-4 页。She-p'o 是和岭首都的名字。统治者已经搬到了它的东边，现在似乎已经回来了。从此，直到宋朝末期，钦塞人才称这个王国为舍波王国。
38. T’angS, 43B, 18b, quoting Chia Tan’s record of the routes. 38. T'angS， 43B， 18b，引用 Chia Tan 的路线记录。
39. G.F. Hourani, op. cit., p. 71. 39. G.F. Hourani，见上引。同上，第 71 页。
40. G. Coedes, op. cit., pp. 145-6. 40. G. Coedes，见上引。同上，第 145-6 页。
41. Tongs, 41. 人字拖，222C,5a222 \mathrm{C}, 5 \mathrm{a}. The record suggests that the complaints were submitted by the mission coming in the years between the period of Hsien-Heng (670-673) and that of K’ai-Yüan (713-741). It does not state when the edict was issued, but that was presumably before 741. .记录表明，这些投诉是由传教团在贤亨时期（670-673 年）和开运时期（713-741 年）之间提交的。它没有说明法令是何时发布的，但大概是在 741 年之前。
42. This leadership was probably lost to the Persians and the Arabs who were strong enough some fifteen years later to sack Canton; TangS, 6 , 4a and ChiuTS, 198, 14b. 42. 这个领导权可能已经被波斯人和阿拉伯人夺走了，他们在大约 15 年后足够强大，可以洗劫广州;TangS， 6 ， 4a 和 ChiuTS， 198， 14b。
43. G. Coedès, op. cit., p. 148. 43. G. Coedès，见上引。同上，第 148 页。
44. Chia Tan says that Fo-shih was just south of the che (the straits) and shows that ships went to Ho-ling from there. Arab sources, according to G.F. Hourani, op. cit., p. 71, say more of the voyages to China, but also describe voyages to Sumatra and Java. 44. Chia Tan 说，佛石就在车（海峡）以南，并表明船只从那里前往和岭。根据 G.F. Hourani 的说法，阿拉伯资料，见上，第 71 页，更多地描述了前往中国的航行，但也描述了前往苏门答腊和爪哇的航行。
45. THYao, 100,1799 , says that officials at Eukien were ordered to give a military title to the chief envoy from Fo-ch’i (or San-fo-ch’i, another form of the name Fo-shih), P’u-ho-shu (or P’u-ho-Ii, which may be Abu Ali). The 960 mission is recorded in Sung Shih 489, 7a. 45. THYAO， 100,1799 说，係建的官员奉命给来自佛爾（或三禄熬，佛炳的另一种形式）、P'u-ho-shu（或 P'u-ho-Ii，可能是阿布·阿里）的首席使者授予军事头衔。960 任务记录在 Sung Shih 489， 7a.
46. The Chinese referred to the sea west of Narhai as the Thai (the Great Sea). This was the Bay of Bengal. They also referred to the sea south of T’ien-chu (North India), Ta-ch’in (Roman Orient) and An-hsi (Parthia) as the Tahai (the Great Sca). This was the Arabian Sea. They did not appear to realise before the T’ang dynasty the existence of an occan which was divided by the peninsula of India into these two parts. The name of Hai (Tahai) is, therefore, used for the occan in this chapter on the T’ang period. 46. 中国人将 Narhai 以西的海称为 Thai（大海）。这就是孟加拉湾。他们还将 T'ien-chu（北印度）、Ta-ch'in（罗马东方）和 An-his（帕提亚）以南的海称为 Tahai（大斯卡）。这就是阿拉伯海。在唐朝之前，他们似乎没有意识到 occan 的存在，occan 被印度半岛分为这两个部分。因此，Hai （Tahai） 这个名字在关于唐朝时期的这一章中被用来指代 occan。
The Tahai trade was that of the Sabacans and Syrians, the Greeks and Romans, the Persians and Arabs. as well as the Indians and Ceylonese. It was the trade of the Indian Ocean concentrated more on the Marc Erythracum (Arabian Sea), and extended into the South China Sea. But it was not till T’ang times that this trade from the Persian Gulf to the mouth of the Pearl River began to surpass in importance. and, in fact, to include and comprise the Nanhai trade. 塔海贸易是萨巴坎人和叙利亚人、希腊人和罗马人、波斯人和阿拉伯人的贸易。以及印度人和锡兰人。印度洋的贸易更多地集中在 Marc Erythracum（阿拉伯海），并延伸到南中国海。但直到唐朝时代，从波斯湾到珠江口的贸易才开始变得重要。事实上，包括并包括南海贸易。
47. Ts’e Fu Yuan Kuei, 546, quoted in J. Kuwabara, "On P’u Shou-keng " (Chinese translation by Ch’en Yü-ching), Shanghai, 1929, p. 8 (the English translation, “On P"u Shou Keng, a Man of the Western Regions, together with a general sketch of trade with Arabs in China during the T’ang and Sung,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 11, 1928, pp. 1-79, is not available). Kuwabara thinks that the Po-sse monk, whose name was Chi-lieh or Gap-lict (Gabriel?), was a Nestorian. Also in TangS, 112, 9b-10a. 47. 《蔡福园桂》，546 页，引自 J. Kuwabara，《论普寿铿》（陈玉青中文译），上海，1929 年，第 8 页（英文译本，《论西域人邑邳寿铿，连同唐宋朝时期与中国阿拉伯人贸易概况》，《东洋文库研究部回忆录》）， 11,1928 年，第 1-79 页，不可用）。桑原认为 Po-sse 僧侣，他的名字是 Chi-lieh 或 Gap-lict （Gabriel？），是一位聂斯托里教徒。也见 TangS， 112， 9b-10a。
48. ChiuTS, 8, 6a. This suggests that the post was first created in An-nan (at Hanoi). The first record of “a central [government] representative” on the shipping trade at Canton was in 749-752. 48. ChiuTS，8,6a。这表明该帖子最初是在 An-nan（在河内）创建的。“中央 [政府] 代表” 在广州航运贸易中的第一次记录是在 749-752 年。
49. Only in the case of Lü T’ai-i was it specifically stated that he was a eunuch. The other references call him “the central representative”, that is, the representative of the court and often personal representative of the emperor. During the T’ang dynasty, such representatives would very often be cunuchs. 49. 只有在吕太仪的案例中，才明确指出他是一名太监。其他参考资料称他为“中央代表”，即朝廷的代表，通常是皇帝的私人代表。在唐朝，这样的代表通常是阉人。
In Tu Chih’s advice to the emperot in 792 against favouring Canton over Hanoi, he shows that there was often conflict between the imperial representatives and the provincial governors (TChien, 234, 5b). It is interesting to note that the Ling-nan governor asked for “a central [government] official” to accompany his man to An-nan to close down the markets there. This shows that there was no Superintendent at that 在 792 年屠智对 emperot 的建议中，他反对偏袒广州而不是河内，他表明帝国代表和省长之间经常发生冲突（TChien， 234， 5b）。有趣的是，岭南省省长要求“一名中央[政府]官员”陪同他的人到安南关闭那里的市场。这表明当时没有学监
time in the province. The appointment may not have been so regular after all. Sce Ch. 6, n. S5. 省内时间。毕竟，这次约会可能不是那么定期。Sce 第 6 章，n. S5。
50. From Li Chao’s T’ung Kuo Shih Pu. The book concerns the facts of the period 713-825. The passage has been variously quoted; and paraphrased by F. Hirth and WW. Rockhill, op. cit., p. 9. 50. 摘自李超的《通国民世谱》。这本书涉及 713-825 年期间的事实。这段话被多次引用;并由 F. Hirth 和 WW 转述。罗克希尔，见上引，第 9 页。
51. Liu Tsung-yüan, “Ling Nan Chich Tu Shih Hsiang Chun Chi” (An essay on the Ling-nan governorship), in the Collected Works of Liu Tsung-yüan, 26, quoted in Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (Chinese translation), p. 247. The record places the Superintendent on an equal basis with the governor, showing the division of duties and powers. This may, however, be a simplification. 51. 刘宗韵，〈岭南总督〉，《刘宗韵文集》第26页，引自《藤田丰八》，同上，页247。该记录将总监置于与总督平等的地位，显示了职责和权力的划分。但是，这可能是一种简化。
52. Han Yü, K’ung K’uei Mo Chih Ming (Epitaph of K’ung K’uei), quoted in Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (Chinese transiation), p. 28. Aso TangS, 163, 2a and ChiuTS, 154, 2b. This is a simplification of what might have been a great conflict between the governor and the Superintendent, and between a reformer and officials applying traditional methods of extortion and exploitation. 52. 韩宇，《孔功功墓志铭》，引自《藤田丰八》，见上引，第 28 页。Aso TangS， 163， 2a 和 ChiuTS， 154， 2b。这是对州长和学监之间，以及改革者与采用传统勒索和剥削方法的官员之间可能的巨大冲突的简化。
53. These duties were not much different from those set out in Sung times, which have been summarised by I. Kuwabara, op. cit., pp. 10-11 (Chinese translation), as follows: 53. 这些职责与宋代规定的职责没有太大区别，I. Kuwabara，见上引，第 10-11 页（中文译本）总结如下：
Concerning foreign ships and merchants, the Superintendent exammes the boats entering the harbour for “prohibited goods”, takes into the godowns all the legal imports, collects the taxes due on these goods, buys on behalf of the government those goods of which it has the monopoly, and examines the boats leaving the harbour for “prohibitted goods”. He further protects the foreign merchants while they are at the port. 关于外国船只和商船，总监检查进入港口的船只是否有“违禁物品”，将所有合法进口的货物带入仓库，收取这些货物的应缴税款，代表政府购买其垄断的货物，并检查离开港口的船只是否有“违禁物品”。他进一步保护了在港口的外国商人。
Concerning Chinese ships and merchants, the Superintendent examines the cargo of the ships when they leave for the Nanhai und when they retum, and collects the laxes due on their goods. 关于中国船只和商人，总监在船只出发前往南海时检查船只的货物，并收取他们货物的欠款。
The Akhbar account is quoted in G.F. Hourani, op. cit., p. 72, based on an edition by I. Sauvaget, Relation de la Chine et de l’Inde, Paris, 1948. This edition supersedes the earlier one by J.T. Reinaud, Relations des voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l’Inde et la Chine, Paris, 1845. Which has been used by F. Firth and W.W. Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 15-16 and Hadi Hasan, op. cit., p. 110. Akhbar 的叙述引自 G.F. Hourani，见上引，第 72 页，基于 I. Sauvaget 的版本，Relation de la Chine et de l'Inde，巴黎，1948 年。此版本取代了 J.T. Reinaud 的早期版本，Relations des voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l'Inde et la Chine，巴黎，1845 年。F. Firth 和 W.W. Rockhill，见上，第 15-16 页和 Hadi Hasan，见上，第 110 页。
Of the thirty-three pilgrims recorded by I-ching in his Ta T’ang Chiu Fa Kao Seng Chuan, fourteen reached only the Nanhai countries and did not appear to be going further west, and eight died of illness or by drowning in the Nanhai, Feng Ch’eng-chün, op. cit., pp. 52-8. 在易经在他的《大唐超法高成传》中记录的 33 名朝圣者中，有 14 人只到达了南海国家，似乎没有继续向西走，还有 8 人死于疾病或溺水在南海，冯正春，见上，第 52-8 页。
On Wu-shing, op. cit., p. 36; I-ching’s first trip, op. cit., p.48; and the second trip (accompanied by Fa-lang), op. cit., pp. 57-8. 论吴成，见上引，第 36 页;《易经的第一次旅行》，见上，第48页;和第二次旅行（法郎陪同），同上，第 57-8 页。
The priest I-lang, set forth from Wu-lui, a port on the east coast of the Luichou peninsula close to the present Kwang-chou Wan. Op. cit., p. 52. 神父 I-lang 从吕寿半岛东海岸的一个港口乌鲁伊出发，靠近现在的广州湾。同上，第 52 页。
There were no pilgrim ships in T’ang limes. AII ships mentioned were merchant ships - mostly K’un-lun. Only I-ching on his outward journey mentions a Po-sse ship. Op. cit., p. 47. 唐石灰没有朝圣船。提到的 AII 船只是商船——主要是 K'un-lun。只有 I-ching 在他向外的旅程中提到了一艘 Po-sse 船。同上，第 47 页。
Missions from India first came in 656-658, and from Ceylon in 670. Sec Ch. 6, n. 16. 来自印度的传教士最早出现在 656-658 年，来自锡兰的传教士于 670 年。第 6 章，第 16 条。
At Hanoi, there is the record of a Persian working with the An-nan Superintendent of the Shipping Trade in 714-715. On Po-sse merchants at Hung-chou, T’ao Hsi-sheng and Chü Ch’ing-yüan, op. cit., p. 80, n. 2, quotes the T’ai P’ing Kuang Chi, 802, section where Li Kuan quotes the Tu-I-chih as saying that the Hung-chou people hated the Po-sse (merchants). 在河内，有 714-715 年一位波斯人与安南航运贸易主管合作的记录。关于洪州的 Po-sse 商人，T'ao Hsi-sheng 和 Ch'ing-yüan，见上，第 80 页，第 2 号，引用了《太平光记》第 802 页，其中李宽引用了 Tu-I-chih 说洪州人憎恨 Po-sse（商人）。
Accounts of Po-sse ili l (business-cum-rest houses) in Yang-chou and in Canton, are also found in the T’ai P’ing Kuang Chi. The section in chüan 34 on “Ts’ui Wei” is quoted in Pai Shou-i, op. cit., p. 149. 关于养州和广州的 Po-sse ili l （商业兼休息所）的记述，也可在《太平光记》中找到。第 34 章中关于“Ts'ui Wei”的部分引自《白寿仪》，见上，第 149 页。
61. Tongs, 43B, 18b, records merely the essentials. Op. cit., 13, 18a, records that Chia Tan submitted his forty chüan great work on the geography of the empire to the emperor in SO1. His description of the great traderoutes must then apply to the period immediately preceding 801. This work, unfortunately, has been lost. 61. Tongs， 43B， 18b， 仅记录了要点。同上，13,18a，记载嘉潭在 SO1 向皇帝提交了他的四十部关于帝国地理的伟大著作。他对大贸易路线的描述必须适用于公元 801 年之前的时期。不幸的是，这项工作已经丢失了。
62. G.F. Hourani, op. cit., pp. 71-2, describes briefly the routes found in the Akhbar al-Sin w-ai-Hind and Ibn-Khurdadhbib’s Kitab al-Masalik w-alMamalik. 62. G.F. Hourani，见上引，第 71-2 页，简要描述了在 Akhbar al-Sin w-ai-Hind 和 Ibn-Khurdadhbib 的 Kitab al-Masalik w-alMamalik 中发现的路线。
63. The identifications suggested here in brackets are based on the discussions of Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 200-19 and pp. 349-55; Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 10-12 and 51. 63. 括号中建议的标识基于 Pelliot 的讨论，见上引，第 200-19 页和第 349-55 页;Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上引，第 10-12 页和第 51 页。
64. T’angS, 43B, 18b-19b. The great detail known of the routes in the Indian Ocean suggests that Chia Tan heard of the routes from the Arabs. This may be contrasted with the simple routes in the Nanhai - nothing in the Gulf of Siam, nothing on the coasts of Borneo and the Philippines, and nothing east of Java. 64. 唐氏，43B，18b-19b。印度洋路线的大量细节表明，Chia Tan 是从阿拉伯人那里听说过这些路线的。这可能与南海的简单路线形成鲜明对比——暹罗湾没有路线，婆罗洲和菲律宾海岸没有路线，爪哇以东也没有路线。
It must be noted that the Arabs describe the route from Sanf Fulan (or Sandar Fulat, Culao Cham) into the Gulf of Tongking to Luqin, which may have been Hanoi, but more likely to have been an error for Lupin, that is Lung-pien (near modem Nam Dinh). G.F. Hourani, op. cit., pp. 71-2, says that Luqin was Ilanoi, but J. Kuwabara shows that it would have been Lung-pien, op. cit. (Chinese translation), p. 20, n. 11. 必须指出的是，阿拉伯人描述了从 Sanf Fulan（或 Sandar Fulat，Culao Cham）进入东京湾到鹿沁的路线，这可能是河内的，但更有可能是 Lupin 的错误，即 Lung-pien（靠近现代 Nam Dinh）。G.F. Hourani，同上，第 71-2 页说鲁琴是 Ilanoi，但 J. Kuwabara 表明应该是 Lung-pien，见上（中文翻译），第 20 页，第 11 号。
65. Ko-lo was possibly Kedah or Kra on the Malay Peninsula while Ko-kulo, which was west or north-west of it could have been an island or a fort on the mainland between Kau Phuket (south of Takua Pa) and Mergui (or the Mergui archipelago). See Pelliot, op. cit., pp. 349-54 and G.H. Luce, op. cit., in the Journal of the Burma Research Society, XIV, 1924, pp. 182-9. 65. Ko-lo 可能是马来半岛的吉打州或 Kra，而位于其西部或西北部的 Ko-kulo 可能是 Kau Phuket（Takua Pa 以南）和 Mergui（或丹老群岛）之间大陆上的一个岛屿或堡垒。参见 Pelliot，见上，第 349-54 页和 G.H. Luce，见上，《缅甸研究学会杂志》，XIV，1924 年，第 182-9 页。
In the Arab sources, Kalah Bar (KO-lo) in the tenth century was one of the important stops on the route, G.F. Hourani, op. cit., p. 71. But in Chia Tan’s time, it was not on the main route. 在阿拉伯资料中，10 世纪的 Kalah Bar （KO-lo） 是这条路线上的重要站点之一，G.F. Hourani，见上，第 71 页。但在 Chia Tan 的时代，它并不在主干道上。
66. G.F. Hourani, op. eit., p. 47 (Appendix to Chapter I) and p. 75. There is, however, one passage that makes it just possible that some Chinese ships did sail to the Persian Gulf, pp. 75-6. 66. G.F. Hourani，见上，第 47 页（第一章附录）和第 75 页。然而，有一段话表明，一些中国船只确实驶向了波斯湾，第 75-6 页。
67. Li Chan, T’ang Kuo Shih Pu quoted in Fujita Toyohachi, op. cit. (Chinese translation), p. 249. 67. 李灿，《唐国世普》，引自《藤田丰八》，见上，第249页。
68. From I Ch’ich Ching Yin I, by a Buddhist priest, Hsüan Yin of the T’ang’ dynasty, quoted by I. Kuwabara, op. cit., p. 94, n. 31 (Chinese translation). 68. 摘自《易经贤 I》，唐朝僧侣宣音著，引自桑原一书，同上，第 94 页，第 31 号。
69. From Li Chao’s Tang Kuo Shih Pu, a much quoted passage. The translation is that of Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, St. Petersburg, 1911, p. 9. 69. 摘自李超的《唐国时谱》，一段被广泛引用的段落。译本是 Hirth 和 Rockhill 的译文，Chau Ju-kua，圣彼得堡，1911 年，第 9 页。
70. Pen Ts’ao, 34, p. 106, where Ch’en Ts’ang-ch’i, Pen Ts’ao Shih II, of the beginning of the eighth century, describes the nan tree as being found only in the hills of the South, and where K’ou Tsung-pi, Pen TS’oo Yen I, of the Sung dynasty says, “the wood of the nan tree is used by everybody south of the Yangtse for shipbuilding; it is hard and can stand water.” 70. Pen Ts'ao， 34， p. 106， 其中 Ch'en Ts'ang-ch'i， Pen Ts'ao Shih II ， 八世纪初，描述楠树只在南方的山丘上发现，而宋朝的 K'ou Tsung-pi， Pen TS'oo Yen I 说，“楠树的木材被长江以南的每个人都用来造船;它很硬，可以承受水。
71. Pen Ts’ao, 34, p. 87, where Su Sung, T’u Ching Pen Ts’ao, quotes Kuo P’o, Notes lo Er Ya, as saying that the wood of the shan tree “grew south of the Yangtse, and could be used to build ships and coffins.” 71. Pen Ts'ao，34，第 87 页，其中 Su Sung， T'u Ching Pen Ts'ao， 引用 Kuo P'o， Notes lo Er Ya，说山树的木材“生长在长江以南，可以用来造船和造棺材”。
72. Pen Ts’ao, 34, pp. 106-7, where Ch’en Ts’ang-ch’i, Pen Ts’ao Shih II, says first that “the eastern Yangtse ships are mostly made of the wood of the chang tree,” and then that “the chen tree [a variety of the chang] grows in the hills and valleys of Nanhai [Canton] and is used to build ships.” 72. 《笔草》，第 34 期，第 106-7 页，其中陈赞哲，《笔草石 II 》一书，首先说“东部长江船只大多是用长树的木头制成的”，然后说“陈树 [长江的一种] 生长在南海 [广州] 的丘陵和山谷中，用来造船。
73. Liu I sun, Ling Piao Lu I (late T’ang work). 1, quoted in I. Kuwabara, op. cit., p. 95,n.3195, \mathrm{n} .31. The passage does imply that some ships used iron but I have found no reference to them. 73. 刘一孙，《凌飘录一世》（唐晚期作品）。1，引自 I. Kuwabara，见上引，第 95,n.3195, \mathrm{n} .31 . .这段话确实暗示了一些船只使用铁，但我没有找到任何关于它们的参考资料。
74. Pen Ts’ao, 31, p. 19a, where Su Sung. Tu Ching Pen Ts’ao, described it as being found in Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and later quotes another passage from Liu Hsün’s Ling Pico Lu I as saying that some people used coir-palm fibre to bind ship boards, and that these people did not use iron nails. 74. Pen Ts'ao，31，第 19a 页，Su Sung.涂经本撇敖 （Tu Ching Pen Ts'ao） 描述说，它分布在广东和广西，后来又引用了刘勋的《玲皮柯录一》中的另一段话，说有些人用椰壳纤维来绑船板，这些人没有用铁钉。
75. Pen Ts’ao, 31, p. 5, where Li Hsün, Hai Yao Pen Ts’ao (written at the end of the T’ang dynasty) quotes Nan Chou I Wu Chih, by Wan Chen of the 75. 《彭曹》，第 31 卷，第 5 页，其中李勋，《海瑶彭曹》（写于唐朝末年）引用了万琛
132. The Nanhai Trade: Early Chinese Trade in the South China Sea 132. 南海贸易：中国在南海的早期贸易
third century A.D. as saying this, Ma Chih, K’ai Pao Pen Ts’ao (early in the Sung dynasty), confirms this for the later periods. 公元三世纪，马 Chih， K'ai Pao Pen Ts'ao（（宋朝早期）在后期证实了这一点。
76. ChiuTS, 151, 6a. Also T’angS, 170, 5a. The agents of the governor competed very successfully with the foreign merchants. In seven years, his wealth was weil known and acknowledged by all the rich and powerful people at the capital. 76. ChiuTS，151,6a。还有 T'angS， 170， 5a.总督的代理人与外国商人的竞争非常成功。七年时间里，他的财富被首都所有有钱有势的人所熟知和认可。
77. G.F. Hourani, op. cit., pp. 74-5, calculates the time taken by Arab ships for a round trip to China and back as being one ycar and a half. Chinese records of the Sung dynasty say that the round trip took about two years. These trips of a year each could not, therefore, have been across the Indian Ocean. 77. G.F. Hourani，见上引，第 74-5 页，计算出阿拉伯船只往返中国的时间是 1 年半。中国宋朝的记录表明，往返大约需要两年时间。因此，这些一年的旅行不可能跨越印度洋。
78. This summary concerning early Sung ships is based on that given on Sung ships in general by J. Kuwabara, op. cit. (Chinese translation), pp. 96-896-8, sections from his long note 31 . I have omitted the dubious sections on the shape of the ships and their passenger capacity. 78. 本关于早期宋船的总结，是基于桑原（J. Kuwabara）对宋船的一般描述，见上（中文翻译），页 96-896-8 ，他的长注 31 中的部分。我省略了关于船只形状及其载客量的可疑部分。
Much of this material is found in Chu Yü’s P’ing Chou K’o T’an, parts of which are translated by Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 29-33. 这些材料大部分可以在朱玉的《P'ing Chou K'o T'an》中找到，其中部分内容由 Hirth 和 Rockhill 翻译，见上引，第 29-33 页。
79. Not till the carly twelfth century was there a record of the use of compasses, Chu Yü, P’ing Chou K’o T’an, translated in Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 32. 79. 直到十二世纪，才有使用指南针的记录，Chu Yu，P'ing Chou K'o T'an，译于 Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上，第 32 页。
80. It has not been possible to trace when this extension first came about. Some of the drugs and medicines were first imported during the period of the Southern Dynasties, and new perfumes, incense and dyes were also introduced in the T’ang dynasty. But the Irends are clear, and drugs, medicines and spices were the main new trading products of the T’any dynasty. 80. 无法追溯这一扩展最初出现的时间。一些药物和药物最早是在南朝时期进口的，新的香水、熏香和染料也在唐朝引入。但 Irends 是明确的，药物、药物和香料是 T'any 王朝的主要新贸易产品。
On the introduction of foreign drugs, see Ch’en Pang-hsien. Chung Kuo 1 Hsüch Shih (History of Chinese medicine), Shanghai, 1937, pp. 91-115. 关于外药的引入，见 Ch'en Pang-hsien。Chung Kuo 1 Hsüch Shih （《中医史》），上海，1937 年，第 91-115 页。
81. SuiS, 83, 9a-b and Pet Shih, 97, 10a. The Wei Shu, 102, 7a, list is the same as that in Pei Shih, which was probably based on that in SuiS. 81. SuiS， 83， 9a-b 和 Pet Shih， 97， 10a.《魏书》102,7a，与《隋史》中的列表相同，后者可能是基于《隋史》中的列表。
82. Storax was imported in both liquid and solid forms. The storax from the styrax officinalis of Syria was used more in perfumes which the liquid storax from the liquidumbar orientalis of Asia Minor was more medicinal, I.H. Burkhill, A Dictionary of the Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula, London, 1935, p. 117. 82. Storax 以液体和固体形式进口。来自叙利亚 styrax officinalis 的 storax 更多地用于香水，而来自小亚细亚 liquidumbar orientalis 的液体 storax 更具有药用性，I.H. Burkhill，马来半岛经济产品词典，伦敦，1935 年，第 117 页。
The species from Eastern Sumatra and from Annam, altingia excelsa and altingia gracilipes respectively were introduced in T’ang times. Pen Ts’ao, 34, p. 119, quoting Su Kung, T’ung Pen Ts’ao of the T’ang dynasty which says that storax also came from K’un-lun (Malaysia). T’ai P’ing Huan Yu Chi, of the early Sung dynasty, is also quoted as saying that storax came irom An-nam and San-fo-ch’i (Srivijaya). 来自东苏门答腊和安南的物种 altingia excelsa 和 altingia gracilipes 分别是在唐代引入的。Pen Ts'ao，第 34 卷，第 119 页，引用 Su Kung， T'ung Pen Ts'ao of the T'ang Dynasty，其中说 storax 也来自昆仑（马来西亚）。宋朝早期的 T'ai P'ing Huan Yu Chi 也被引用说，storax 来自 irom An-nam 和 San-fo-ch'i（室利佛逝）。
83. Ho-li-lo is the terminalia chebula, Linn., from which is obtained the black myrobalan for taming. This is also used as a dye and drug. Two other species are found in lava. I.H. Burkhill, op. cit., pp. 2139-42. Pen Ts’ao, 35. p. 42, where Hsiao Pin, Sse Sheng, of the T’ang dynasty, describes those that came in Persian ships. 83. Ho-li-lo 是 Terminalia chebula， Linn.，从中获得用于驯服的黑 myrobalan。也用作染料和药物。在熔岩中发现了另外两种物种。I.H. Burkhill，同上，第 2139-42 页。Pen Ts'ao，35 岁。第 42 页，唐朝的 Hsiao Pin， Sse Sheng 描述了那些乘坐波斯船只来的人。
84. Pen Ts’ao, 35, p. 41, where both Su Kung, T’ang Pen Ts’ao, and Li Hsün, Hai Yoo Pen Ts’uo, speak of the Persian products, and where Tuan Chengshih, Yiu Yang Tsa Tsu is quoted as saying that oak-galls came from Persia. By the middle of the T’ang period, they would have come by sea as well. 84. Pen Ts'ao， 35， p. 41，其中 Su Kung， T'ang Pen Ts'ao 和 Li Hsün， Hai Yoo Pen Ts'uo 都谈到了波斯产品，其中引用了 Tuan Chengshih， Yiu Yang Tsa Tsu 的话说橡胆来自波斯。到唐朝中期，他们也会从海路来到这里。
85. Pen Ts’ao, 11, p. 48, where Li Insün, Hai Yao Pen Ts’ao, says that “Iu yen” (green salt more commonly called “k’ung ch’ueh shih”, peacock’s stone), grew on stone in Persia and was brought to China in ships. 85. Pen Ts'ao，第 11 期，第 48 页，其中 Li Insün，Hai Yao Pen Ts'ao，说“Iu yen”（绿盐，通常称为“k'ung ch'ueh shih”，孔雀石）生长在波斯的石头上，并通过船只运到中国。
86. Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 19, 11. 2; and T’jen-tse Chang, op. cit., p. 20, n. 3, translate “pin” or “pin tieh” as a kind of steel from the Middle East or India. It could have been an early form or variant of what is called damask or damascene steel. 86. Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上，第 19、11 页。2;T'jen-tse Chang， op. cit.， p. 20， n. 3，将“pin”或“pin tieh”翻译为一种来自中东或印度的钢材。它可能是锦缎或大马士革钢的早期形式或变体。
87. There are no prices available to us, but the sea journey from al-Basrah or Siraf to Canton was about six months (G.F. Hourani, op. cit., p. 74). This could not have been much longer than the time needed to make the journcy from Baghdad to Ch’ang-an. The existence of such a trade must be the best evidence that to the people in parts of Central and South China, it was cheaper and quicker, or cheaper because it was quicker. 87. 我们没有可用的价格，但从巴士拉或西拉夫到广州的海上旅程大约需要六个月（G.F. Hourani，见上，第 74 页）。这不可能比从巴格达到昌安所需的时间长多少。这种贸易的存在一定是最好的证明，对华中和华南部分地区的人们来说，它更便宜、更快捷，或者说因为它更快而更便宜。
88. Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 225, note. This was chiefly the aloe valgaris (aloe vera) and the aloe perryi of Socotra. Burkhill, op. cit., p. 108, notes an eastern variant, doe chinensis; this does not seem to have been known to the Chincse. B. Laufer, op. cit., pp. 480-1, says that alocs went to China exclusively via the Nanhai. Pen TS’00, 34, p. 126, where Li Hsün, Hai Yao Pen Ts’ao says that aloes were found in Persia. This was because they were brought to China by Persian traders. 88. Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上，第 225 页，注。这主要是索科特拉岛的芦荟缬草 （aloe vera） 和芦荟 perryi。Burkhill，见上引，第 108 页，注意到一个东方变体，doe chinensis;这似乎不为钦塞人所知。B. Laufer，见上引，第 480-1 页，说 alocs 完全通过南海到达中国。Pen TS'00， 34， p. 126，其中 Li Hsün， Hai Yao Pen Ts'ao 说在波斯发现了芦荟。这是因为他们是由波斯商人带到中国的。
89. Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 237, note, says that the Yu Yang Tsu Tsu, 4, 3b, refers to it. It must have, therefore, first come in T’ang times, though the first reference to it coming by sea was in mid-Sung times. Chou Ch’ufei, Ling Wai Tai Ta, 7, 9. 89. Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上，第 237 页，注，说 Yu Yang Tsu Tsu， 4， 3b，指的是它。因此，它一定最早出现在唐朝时代，尽管第一次提到它通过海路出现是在宋代中期。周楚飞， Ling Wai Tai Ta， 7， 9.
90. Pen Ts’ao, 9, p. 86, where Ma Chih, Kai Pao Pen Ts’ao (in the first years of the Sung dynasty), says that it came from the Ta-shih (Arab) country. See Hirth and Rockhill, op. cil., p. 140, note, which says that it has been shown that “Wal-ming-i” is the iron oxide known as limonite. This must have been introduced by the Arabs at the end of the T’ang period, or during the time of the Five Dynastics. 90. Pen Ts'ao，9，第 86 页，其中 马 Chih，Kai Pao Pen Ts'ao（宋朝初年）说它来自 Ta-shih（阿拉伯）国家。参见 Hirth 和 Rockhill，见书，第 140 页，注释，其中说已经证明“Wal-ming-i”是被称为褐铁矿的氧化铁。这一定是阿拉伯人在唐朝末期或五朝时期引入的。
91. Pen Ts’ao, 16, p. 129, where Ma Chih, K’ai Pao Pen Ts’ao, says that it comes from the country of Po-sse, and implies that it came through Central Asia. It may be that indigo first came overland to China, but in the late T’ang and Five Dynasties period, it is likely that the Persians and Arabs brought it by sea as well. Sce also B. Laufer, op. cit., pp. 370-1. 91. Pen Ts'ao，16，第 129 页，其中 马 Chih，K'ai Pao Pen Ts'ao，说它来自宝塞国家，并暗示它来自中亚。靛蓝可能是首先通过陆路传入中国，但在唐朝晚期和五朝时期，波斯人和阿拉伯人很可能也是通过海路带来的。Sce also B. Laufer，见上引，第 370-1 页。
92. This was a much later introduction. Chau Ju-kua says that it was first brought to China by P’u-ko-san (Nbu Hassan?) in the fifteen bottles during the Five Dynasties, 907-960, Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 203. 92. 这是很晚的介绍。Chau Ju-kua 说，它最初是由 P'u-ko-san （Nbu Hassan？） 在五个朝代（907-960 年）的 15 瓶中带到中国的，Hirth 和 Rockhill，同上，第 203 页。
93. This is the Pterocarpus draco, Linn, op. cit., p. 198, note. Pen Ts’a0, 34, p. 116, where Su Kung, T’ang Pen Ts’ao, and Li Hsün, Hai Yao Pen Ts’ao already speak of it; and Su Sung, T"u Ching Pen Ts’ao, calls it a product of “various countries of the southern barbarians”. As Burkhill, op. cit., pp. 1826-9, savs, there is a species found in Sumatra; it is also possible that the Nanhai product was also imported at that time. 93. 这是 Pterocarpus draco，Linn，同上，第 198 页，注。Pen Ts'a0， 34， p. 116，其中 Su Kung， T'ang Pen Ts'ao 和 Li Hsün， Hai Yao Pen Ts'ao 已经谈到了这一点;而苏成，《T'u Ching Pen Ts'ao》称其为“南蛮各国”的产物。正如 Burkhill，见上引，第 1826-9 页，savs，在苏门答腊发现了一个物种;南海产品也有可能在那个时候也是进口的。
94. “Pai-mao-hsiang” comes from the imperata arundinacea, Cyr. (latang in Malay). Pen Ts’ao, 14, p. 51, where Li Hsün, Hai Yoo Pen Ts’ao, speaks of the better quality coming in ships. Burkhill, op. cit., p. 1232, says it is still on sale in Canton. It is used as a medicine. 94. “Pai-毛-hsiang”来自 imperata arundinacea， Cyr。（马来语为 latang）。Pen Ts'ao，第 14 卷，第 51 页，其中 Li Hsün，Hai Yoo Pen Ts'ao，谈到船只的质量更好。Burkhill，见上引，第 1232 页，说它仍在广州销售。它被用作药物。
95. Pen Ts’ao, 14, p. 36, where Su Sung, T’u Ching Pen Ts’ao, gives the account of the introduction into China of the use of “pu-ku-chih” (psoralea corylifolia). Cheng Hsiang-kuo, the governor of Ling-nan was often ill, and very weak. In 812 (an error for 813?), there came the captain of a ship from the country of Ho-ling called Li Mo-ho, who advised him strongly and persistently to use “pu-ku-chih”. He finally agreed. When he found it very effective, he continued to use it; and after he retired to the capital in 815, he informed others of this medicine. 95. Pen Ts'ao， 14， p. 36， 其中 Su Sung， T'u Ching Pen Ts'ao， 描述了“pu-ku-chih”（补骨脂）的使用传入中国。岭南总督郑香国经常生病，而且非常虚弱。812 年（813 年的错误？），一艘来自和陵国的船长名叫李慕和，他强烈而坚持地建议他使用“pu-ku-chih”。他最终同意了。当他发现它非常有效时，他继续使用它;815 年他退居首都后，将这种药告诉了其他人。
Another account in Pen Ts’oo, 14, p. 36, describing the famous “pu-ku-chih pill”, says that the formula was introduced by southern barbarians to Chang Shou, an official at Canton in the reign of HsuanTsung (847-859). Chang Shou was so enthusiastic that he wrote a poem about its rejuvenating qualities. The poem is also quoted. 《笔》第 14 卷第 36 页中的另一篇描述著名的“普苦丸”的记载说，该配方是由南方野蛮人介绍给宣宗（847-859 年）在位的广州官员张寿。张寿非常热情，以至于他写了一首诗来描述它的恢复活力的品质。这首诗也被引用了。
The two accounts above are noted here because they are excellent illustrations of the way new drugs and, therefore, new imports, were introduced to China. 这里提到上述两个叙述，因为它们很好地说明了新药和新进口药物是如何被引入中国的。
96. For the storax and myrobalan from the Nanhai, see notes 81 and 82 above. 96. 关于南海的 storax 和 myrobalan，见上面的注释 81 和 82。
Benzoin or styrax benzoin, was found in Siam, Sumatra and Borneo, Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 201-2, note. Pen Ts’ao, 34, p. 118, where Li Hsün, Hai Yao Pen Ts’ao, says that “an-hsi-hsiang” was found in Posse in the Nanhai. Presumably, the Persian middlemen were the first to 安息香或苯甲香，发现于暹罗、苏门答腊和婆罗洲、赫斯和罗克希尔，见上，第 201-2 页，注。Pen Ts'ao， 34， p. 118，其中 Li Hsün， Hai Yao Pen Ts'ao 说“an-his-hsiang”是在南海的 Posse 发现的。据推测，波斯中间商是第一个
bring it. Their previous arrival in North China through western Asia, in 566-572 and 605-617, to the courts of North Chou and Sui, suggests that the Chinese had not known of benzoin before, arid were introduced to it by the Persians. The result was that even when they realised that benzoin was a product of the Nanhai, they continued to call it “the incense from An-hsi (Parthia, that is later Persia)”. 带来它。他们之前于 566-572 年和 605-617 年通过西亚到达华北，到达北周和隋的宫廷，这表明中国人以前不知道安息香，干旱是由波斯人引入的。结果是，即使他们意识到安息香是南海的产物，他们仍然称其为“安希（帕提亚，即后来的波斯）的香”。
97. Pen Ts’ao, 14, p. 28, where Ch’en Ts’ang-ch’i, Pen Ts’ao Shih II, says cardamons came from the country of Ch’ieh-ku-lo (Ko-ku-lo on the Malay Peninsula?). There is no evidence that it was brought to China before T’ang times, Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 222, note. 97. Pen Ts'ao， 14， p. 28， 其中 Ch'en Ts'ang-ch'i， Pen Ts'ao Shih II 说小豆蔻来自马来半岛的 Ko-ku-lo 国家。没有证据表明它是在唐代之前被带到中国的，Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上，第 222 页，注。
98. Pen Ts’ao, 34, p. 100, where Su Kung, T’ang Pen Ts’ao, says that cloves come from K’un-lun (Malaysia), “south of Chiao-chou and Ai-chou” (south of Annam). Both Li Hsün, Hai Yoo Pen Ts’ao, and Ma Chih, K’ai Pao Pen Ts’ao, also say this. 98. Pen Ts'ao，34，第 100 页，其中 Su Kung，T'ang Pen Ts'ao，说丁香来自昆仑（马来西亚），“侨州以南和爱州”（安南以南）。李勋，Hai Yoo Pen Ts'ao 和马智，K'ai Pao Pen Ts'ao，也都这么说。
Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 210, note, say that Yu Yang Tsa Tsu, was the earliest work mentioning cloves, calling it “Po-sse dates”. Presumably, the Persians were also the first to bring then to China. Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上，第 210 页，注：说 Yu Yang Tsa Tsu 是最早提到丁香的作品，称其为“Po-sse 椰枣”。据推测，波斯人也是最早将 10 月 1 日带到中国的人。
99. Pen Ts’ao, 14, 34, where Ch’en Ts’ang-ch’i, Pen Ts’ao Shih I, says nutmegs “grow in hu [western?] countrics, the hu name for them is Chia-chu-lo. Only when the large [foreign] ships come are they available;” and where Li Hsün, Hai Yao Pen Ts’ao, says that they “grow in K’un-lun [countries] and in Ta-ch’in.” 99. Pen Ts'ao， 14， 34， 其中 Ch'en Ts'ang-ch'i， Pen Ts'ao Shih I， 说肉豆蔻 “长在胡 [西方？县，他们的胡名字是 Chia-chu-lo。只有当大型 [外国] 船只来了，他们才可用“，李勋，海瑶本撇，说他们”生长在昆仑 [国家] 和大钦”。
The hu (or Ta-ch’in) merchants who brought them to China were probably Arab, the name “chia-chu-lo” being the transliteration of the Arab name “kakulah”; Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 210, section 14, note. 将他们带到中国的胡（或 Ta-ch'in）商人可能是阿拉伯人，“chia-chu-lo”这个名字是阿拉伯名字“kakulah”的音译;Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上引，第 210 页，第 14 节，注释。
100. Cheng Te-k’un, op. cit., pp. 1-11. Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., p. 19, quotes the Sung Shih list of exports of 999, showing that porcelainware was already exported in the tenth century. It is interesting to note that other exports included “gold and silver, Chinese cash and coined money” - this was the “export of bullion” to pay for the imports. 100. Cheng Te-k'un，见上，第 1-11 页。Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上引，第 19 页，引用了 Sung Shih 的 999 年出口清单，表明瓷器在 10 世纪就已经出口了。有趣的是，其他出口包括“黄金和白银、中国现金和铸币”——这是支付进口费用的“金条出口”。
CHAPTER 章
The Limitations of the Trade 交易的局限性
The Nanhai trade has been surveyed through about ten centuries, from the first evidence of it in the first century B.C. to the founding of the Sung dynasty in 960 when it was on the threshold of new developments. Three phases may be distinguished. The first phase was that of the trade in precious things, things desired by the courts and palaces, and by the lords and ladics of the land. This lasted for five centuries, till the end of the Ch’in dynasty. It was further characterised by the predominance of Yüeh and Indian merchants and shipping (Chapter 2) and later by the rise of Fu-nan as the first maritime empire of the Nanhai (Chapter 3). The second phase was that of the trade in “holy things”, when religious faith in China created a demand which surpassed that for jewels and perfumes. It lasted for almost two centuries, the period of the Southern Dynasties. It was also characterised by the coming of the Po-sse and K’un-lun traders and sailors of the Nan-hai, and by more intimate contacts with Java-Sumatra and Ceylon (Chapter 4). The third phase was that of the trade in drugs and spices, when those that had been introduced in the earlier phase stimulated the use in greater quantities of similar products. It lasted more than three centuries, through the T’ang to the rise of the Sung. It was also 南海贸易已经被调查了大约十个世纪，从公元前 1 世纪的第一个证据到 960 年宋朝的建立，当时它正处于新发展的门槛上。可以区分三个阶段。第一阶段是贵重物品的贸易，即宫廷和宫殿、土地上的领主和领主所渴望的东西。这种情况持续了五个世纪，直到秦朝末期。它的进一步特点是 Yüeh 和印度商人和航运占主导地位（第 2 章），后来福南崛起为南海的第一个海上帝国（第 3 章）。第二个阶段是“圣物”贸易，当时中国的宗教信仰创造了超过珠宝和香水的需求。它持续了将近两个世纪，即南朝时期。南海的 Po-sse 和 K'un-lun 商人和水手的到来，以及与爪哇-苏门答腊和锡兰更密切的接触（第 4 章）也是其特点。第三阶段是药物和香料贸易，当时早期引入的那些刺激了类似产品的大量使用。它持续了三个多世纪，从唐朝一直到宋朝崛起。这也是
characterised first by the rise to commercial power of Srivijaya and then by the domination of the Persian and Arab middlemen and sailors (Chapter 7). 首先以室利佛逝的商业实力崛起为特征，然后是波斯和阿拉伯中间商和水手的统治（第 7 章）。
By modern standards, the development of the trade was exceedingly slow. In spite of its early extension into the Bay of Bengal, and although it was ultimately extended to include the goods of the Arabian Sea, it failed to rise above a localised trade limited in volume and variety. This was due to both external and internal limitations. The external limitations may be found in the nature of the Chinese as well as of the Nanhai economy; and the internal limitations in the nature of the goods which entered the tradc. 按照现代标准，该行业的发展非常缓慢。尽管它很早就扩展到孟加拉湾，并且最终扩展到包括阿拉伯海的货物，但它未能超越数量和种类受限的局部贸易。这是由于外部和内部限制。外部限制可能存在于中国的性质中，也可能存在于南海经济的性质中;以及进入 TRADEDC 的商品性质的内部限制。
The economic history of China is yet to be fully studied but the main features of its growth seem clear. The pressure of population in the North, the early conquest of the South, internal trade and sinicisation, and then waves of immigrants going over the Yangise, all led towards the opening of the fertile southern valleys. These factors could have created the conditions for commercial growth along the coastal areas, and for the rise of large mercantile interests. But the movement to the South was dominated by one purpose - the cultivation of the land - in the best traditions of the pre-Ch’in economic thinkers. It created a Chinese society in the south no different, from the point of view of its social and economic structure, from its northern counterpart. The status of the merchant remained the lowest. The huge proportion of peasant farmers, living as they did in village communities that were almost self-sufficient, could scarcely create a great demand for any kind of merchandise. Their agricultural society neither permitted the easy accumulation of savings nor promoted the rise of industries. Without the purchasing power and the investment capital, such an economy was a great limitation to any form of trade. 中国的经济史尚未得到充分研究，但其增长的主要特征似乎很清楚。北方人口的压力、早期对南方的征服、内部贸易和汉化，以及随后越过阳濑的移民浪潮，都导致了肥沃的南方山谷的开放。这些因素可能为沿海地区的商业增长和大型商业利益的崛起创造条件。但南下运动主要由一个目标主导——耕种土地——这是前秦经济思想家的最佳传统。它在南方创造了一个中国社会，从其社会和经济结构的角度来看，它与北方社会没有什么不同。商人的地位仍然是最低的。很大一部分农民生活在几乎自给自足的乡村社区中，几乎不可能对任何种类的商品产生巨大的需求。他们的农业社会既不允许储蓄的轻易积累，也不允许工业的兴起。没有购买力和投资资本，这样的经济对任何形式的贸易都是一个巨大的限制。
The nature of the Nanhai economy only aggravated that limitation. The agricultural and fishing societies of the Narhai did not have the consumer markets which could demand large quantities of expensive Chinese silks. Nor had they much to offer apart from their luxury products. This brought about a trade with China which was entirely based on luxury goods, and the nature of this trade was probably the greatest limitation on its growth. 南海经济的性质只会加剧这种限制。纳尔海的农业和渔业社会没有可以要求大量昂贵中国丝绸的消费市场。除了他们的奢侈品之外，他们也没有太多可以提供的东西。这导致了与中国的贸易完全以奢侈品为基础，而这种贸易的性质可能是其增长的最大限制。
Luxury goods were the privilege of the wealthy and the poweriul, and the demand was dependent on the ability of such people to satisfy their whims and desires. It was a most elastic demand, extremely sensitive to the vicissitudes of the markets. In China, this demand was concentrated at the capitals, which meant not only the transportation of the goods through pirate-infested scas, but also overland from the distant ports through poorly guarded routes. This added to the precariousness of a trade that often took more than a year before any turnover could be made. In the Nanhai, the trade was made even more insecure by the frequent commercial rivalry of the various kingdoms. It can be seen from the empirc of Fu-nan to that of Srivijaya, that there was a tendency towards monopoly; and that monopoly, unless completely successful, must have added greatly to the risks and costs of the Nanhai trade. 奢侈品是富人和有权势者的特权，需求取决于这些人满足他们的奇思妙想和欲望的能力。这是一个最具弹性的需求，对市场的变迁极为敏感。在中国，这种需求集中在首都，这意味着货物不仅要通过海盗出没的 scas 运输，还要从遥远的港口通过戒备不力的路线从陆路运输。这增加了交易的不确定性，通常需要一年多的时间才能进行任何营业额。在南海，各个王国之间频繁的商业竞争使贸易变得更加不安全。从福南的经验到室利佛逝的经验中可以看出，存在垄断的趋势;而这种垄断，除非完全成功，否则必定大大增加了南海贸易的风险和成本。
With these limitations in mind, it is no wonder that the Chinese impact on the Nanhai countries was negligible. But it must be noted that the great Indian impact, in fact, cultural conquest, came in spite of similar external and internal limitations in the trade of the Bay of Bengal. The reasons for the Chinese failure to influence political and cultural growth in the Nanhai have still to be explained. They may have to be found deep in the very roots of Chinese civilisation, in its rigidity, exclusiveness and land-locked nature. But from this study of the sea trade, and, indirectly also of the diplomatic relations between China and the Nanhai countries, the negligible impact may be partly attributed to the passive role the Chinese merchant was content to play. And it was this passive role that was the most important feature of the Nanhai trade. 考虑到这些限制，难怪中国对南海国家的影响可以忽略不计。但必须指出的是，尽管孟加拉湾贸易存在类似的外部和内部限制，但印度的巨大影响，实际上是文化征服。中国未能影响南海的政治和文化发展的原因仍有待解释。他们可能必须深深地植根于中国文明的根源中，在其僵化、排他性和内陆性质中找到。但是，从对海上贸易的研究，以及间接地对中国与南海国家之间的外交关系的研究来看，这种影响可以忽略不计，部分原因可能是中国商人满足于扮演被动的角色。而正是这种被动的角色，正是南海贸易最重要的特点。
This passive role seems unjustified. Although the Chinese empire had an economy based on agriculture, it did have immensely wealthy cities in the north which could support a trade in luxury goods. In fact, the wealth of these cities made the empire essentially the buyer and consumer of Nanhai products. And the Chinese merchant was caterer, and could have been sole caterer, to this empire, one of the wealthiest in the world. He was the man who held the bargaining power of the “buyer’s market”; he could have determined the progress and distribution of the trade, and made the trade greater than it was. He could also have been the political and cultural ambassador of the Chinese empire spreading its civilisation to the barbarian south. ^(1){ }^{1} 这种被动的角色似乎没有道理。尽管中华帝国的经济以农业为基础，但它在北方确实拥有非常富裕的城市，可以支持奢侈品贸易。事实上，这些城市的财富使帝国基本上成为南海产品的买家和消费者。而中国商人是这个帝国的唯一餐饮商，而且可能是这个帝国的唯一餐饮商，这个帝国是世界上最富有的帝国之一。他是拥有“买方市场”议价能力的人;他本可以决定贸易的进展和分配，并使贸易比现在更大。他也可能是中华帝国的政治和文化大使，将其文明传播到野蛮的南方。 ^(1){ }^{1}
But the initiative the Chinese merchant seemed to have had on land, he did not then have at sea. He did not have for centuries that orientation towards maritime trade that the ancient Indian, the Phoenician and the ancient Greck, the Persian and the Arab, and later the Venetian and the Genoan, had. In the Nanhai, he was content, especially in the carly years of the trade, to leave the enterprise largely to the Yüehs; and it was not till after the final assimilation of these Yüehs that a new merchant appeared, the Chinese-Yüeh. With his coming began a new period of Chinese maritime history. ^(2){ }^{2} 但是，中国商人在陆地上似乎拥有主动权，而他在海上却没有。几个世纪以来，他没有像古印度人、腓尼基人和古希腊人、波斯人和阿拉伯人，以及后来的威尼斯人和热那亚人那样对海上贸易的取向。在南海，他很满足，尤其是在贸易的艰难岁月里，他把企业大部分留给了 Yüehs;直到这些 Yüehs 最终被同化之后，一个新的商人才出现，即中国的 Yüeh。随着他的到来，中国航海史的新纪元由此开启。 ^(2){ }^{2}
In the survey above of the ten centuries of the Nanhai trade, two small groups of Chinese merchants emerge: ^(3){ }^{3} those who traded at the ports or at the markets, and those who carried the goods either from the Nanhai to the ports or from the ports to the markets far inland. The nature of a trade in luxuries limited the size of both these groups, but the latter group of carriers must have been larger than the former group of “gentleman traders”. The capital required for a trade involving expensive products also limited the number of “carriers” who could trade independently, and probably made it necessary for most of them to be the agents, or even the servants, of the “financiers” at the ports or the markets. ^(4){ }^{4} The range and intensity of the activities of these agents or servants would, therefore, be largely determined by the wealth and ambitions of the “gentleman traders”, men not unlike the “harbour princes” of the Nanhai countries who enjoyed some social status together with commercial success. 在上面对南海贸易十个世纪的调查中，出现了两个小群中国商人： ^(3){ }^{3} 那些在港口或市场上进行交易的人，以及那些将货物从南海运到港口或从港口运到遥远内陆市场的人。奢侈品贸易的性质限制了这两个群体的规模，但后一组承运人必须比前一组“绅士商人”更大。涉及昂贵产品的贸易所需的资金也限制了可以独立贸易的“承运人”的数量，并且可能使他们中的大多数成为港口或市场上“金融家”的代理人，甚至仆人。 ^(4){ }^{4} 因此，这些代理人或仆人的活动范围和强度在很大程度上取决于“绅士商人”的财富和野心，这些人与南海国家的“港口王子”没有什么不同，他们享有一定的社会地位和商业成功。
It was those men of the ports and the markets, often men of education and breeding, who were the merchants of the Nanhai trade. But whether they were professional merchants or merely traderofficials, they were mainly “financiers” keen only for quick profits. The professional merchants used their wealth to buy themselves a higher social status, to acquire the land which was the mark of respectability or to accumulate more wealth by investing in trading and industrial projects which were less precarious. The officials used their wealth to gain independence and power, and also the influence to acquire other lucrative posts. Neither group was interested in the Nanhai and its trade per se; neither would take the risks necessary to advance the trade appreciably, least of all risk their lives in trading junks and foreign countries at the mercy of waves, pirates and barbarian officials. 正是那些港口和市场的人，通常是受过教育和畜牧业的人，他们是南海贸易的商人。但无论他们是专业商人还是单纯的贸易官员，他们主要是只热衷于快速获利的“金融家”。专业商人用他们的财富为自己购买更高的社会地位，获得象征体面的土地，或者通过投资不那么不稳定的贸易和工业项目来积累更多的财富。官员们利用他们的财富获得独立和权力，并利用影响力获得其他有利可图的职位。这两个群体都对南海及其贸易本身不感兴趣;他们都不会冒着必要的风险来明显地推进贸易，更不用说冒着生命危险在海浪、海盗和野蛮官员的摆布下交易帆船和外国。
The work of “carrier”, not only of goods, but also of ideas and culture, was left to the agents or servants of these men. In fact, the carrying of goods was preferably left in the hands of foreigners who cared to come to Chinese shores; and often these foreigners conveyed to China their own ideas and cultures. ^(5){ }^{5} This was a serious limitation indeed of the Chinese impact on the Nanhai. These agents or servants may have been adequate as the carriers of goods, but they were often poor representatives of Chinese civilisation. Whatever impression they may have made on the Nanhai peoples must have been negligible. “承运人”的工作，不仅是货物，还有思想和文化，都留给了这些人的代理人或仆人。事实上，货物的运输最好由愿意来到中国海岸的外国人来处理;这些外国人经常向中国传达他们自己的思想和文化。 ^(5){ }^{5} 这确实严重限制了中国对南海的影响。这些代理人或仆人可能足以作为货物的载体，但他们往往是中国文明的糟糕代表。无论他们给南海人民留下什么印象，都一定是微不足道的。
There remains only the occasional envoy, the pilgrim and traveller, and the might of the Chinese empire to make an impression on the countries and cultures of the Namhai. The mission of Chu Ying and K’ang T’ai (in the third century) and that of Ch’ang Chün (in the seventh) may have aroused much respect and awe for the empire, and the campaigns of Ma Yüan (in the first century) and Liu Fang (in the seventh) may have caused some concern; but the pilgrims and travellers were out to seck rather than to offer, and the civilisation they represented was less Chinese than Indian. 只剩下偶尔的使者、朝圣者和旅行者，以及中华帝国在南海国家和文化上留下深刻印象的力量。朱英和康泰的使命（第三世纪）和昌春的使命（第七世纪）可能引起了对帝国的尊重和敬畏，而马云（第一世纪）和刘芳（第七世纪）的战役可能引起了一些关注;但朝圣者和旅行者是出去玩的，而不是为了奉献，他们所代表的文明与其说是中国人，不如说是印度人。
The above survey suggests that where there may have been the rivalry of other civilisations and more vigorous adventurers, the Chinese impact depended on military conquest and long political subjugation of the territories followed by Chinese migration and gradual “sinicisation of barbarians.” The consequence of mere trading, done often by the menials of merchants, and vagucly supported by a trading mission or a border war, was completely insignificant. 上述调查表明，在可能存在其他文明和更有活力的冒险家竞争的地方，中国的影响取决于军事征服和对领土的长期政治征服，然后是中国人的迁移和逐渐的“野蛮人汉化”。仅仅由商人进行的贸易，并得到贸易使团或边境战争的模糊支持，其后果是完全微不足道的。
On the other hand, it has been shown that the insignificance of the Chinese impact was not due to the limitations of the Chinese trader alone, but much more to the nature of the Chinese economy and of the Nanhai trade. The nature of the Chinese economy, physically determined by the soil, could change but little. The nature of the Nanhai trade, determined more by the laws of international barter and exchange, was more susceptible to change. And this change slowly but surely was taking place, especially in the three centuries of the T’ang and Five Dynasties. Nithough the trade was still in luxuries which were small in bulk and great in value, it included goods that were of greater utility and within the reach of the ordinary budget. With the beginning of the Sung dynasty, a new era of Irading awaited the Nanhai trader. But by this time, the 另一方面，事实证明，中国影响的微不足道不仅仅是由于中国贸易商的限制，而更多的是由于中国经济和南海贸易的性质。中国经济的性质由土壤在物理上决定，可能会发生很小的变化。南海贸易的性质更多地由国际易货和交换法则决定，更容易发生变化。这种变化正在缓慢但肯定地发生，尤其是在唐朝和五代的三个世纪。尽管贸易仍然是体积小、价值高的奢侈品，但它包括更实用且在正常预算范围内的商品。随着宋朝的开始，一个新的 Irading 时代等待着南海商人。但此时，
Nanhai civilisation had been given form and expression, and the period of a possible Chinese cultural impact seemed past. It only remained for the merchant, whether he be Chinese or Southeast Asian, to raise the Nanhai trade above the level of the mere exchange of goods and make it the basis for a more lasting intercourse of ideas. 南海文明已经被赋予了形式和表达方式，可能受到中国文化影响的时期似乎已经过去了。唯一的问题是，商人，无论他是中国人还是东南亚人，都必须将南海贸易提高到单纯的商品交换水平之上，并使其成为更持久的思想交往的基础。
Endnotes
See liu Tai’s sending of a mission (in about 226) to the countries of the Nanhai, see Ch. 3. r. 7. 见刘泰派遣使团（约 226 年）到南海国家，见第 3 章。第 7 条。
The problem of Chinese assimilation of Yüeh peoples has not been fully studied, but it is clear that in the T’ang dynasty most of Kwanglung was still occupied by Yüchs who were “not yet Chinese”. The most important groups of Yuehs, however, seem to have been those of the coastal areas of southern Fukien (the Ch’üan-chou and Chang-chou areas), of western Kwangtung (the Ch’ao-chou, or Swatow areas), and of eastem Kwangtung (the Kao-ling and the Ch’in-chou and Lui-chou arcas). By the time of the Five Dynasties and the early Sung periods, the new Chinese-Yüch merchant began to appear. He was either a sinicised Yüeh, or a Chinese who had acquired the Yüch interest in the sea by settling amongst them. 中国人同化于赫人的问题尚未得到充分研究，但很明显，在唐朝，光隆的大部分地区仍然被“还不是中国人”的于赫人占据。然而，最重要的越氏族群似乎是福建南部沿海地区（邑州和昌州地区）、广东西部地区（邱州或汕头地区）和广东地区（高岭、秦州和雷州阿卡斯）。到了五代和宋初期，新的中国-裕商开始出现。他要么是中国化的 Yüeh，要么是通过定居在 Yüch 中获得了 Yüch 在海洋中的利益的中国人。
It is interesting to note that to this day there are still distinct groups of barbarians in the Canton area who are very attached to life on the river or at sea - for example, the Tan Chia, or so-called “boal-people”. 有趣的是，直到今天，广州地区仍然存在着不同的野蛮人群体，他们非常喜欢河流或海上的生活——例如，Tan Chia，或所谓的“野人”。
3. I am indebted to W.F. Wertheim, op., cit., who introduced I.C. van Leur’s Iheories of early Asian trade, and thus stimulated the following brief application of van Leur’s theories to the Chinese merchant of the Nanhal trade. 3. 我感谢 W.F. Wertheim，同上，他介绍了 I.C. van Leur 的早期亚洲贸易史，从而激发了以下将 van Leur 的理论简要应用于 Nanhal 贸易的中国商人。
4. The problems of credit and capital formation in China has been outlined in T’ao Hsi-sheng and Wu Hsien-ch’in, Nan Pei Ch’ao Ching Chi Shih (Fconomic history of the Southem Dynastics). Shanghai, 1957, passim, and T’ao Hsi-sheng and Chü Ch’ing-yüan, op., cit., passim. 4. 中国的信用和资本形成问题已在 T'ao Hsi-sheng 和 Wu Hsien-ch'in， Nan Pei Ch'ao Ching Chi Shih （Southem Dynastics） 中进行了概述。上海，1957 年，passim，以及 T'ao Hsi-sheng 和 Chü Ch'ing-yüan，op.，cit.，passim。
The survey of the rise of monasteries and pawnshops; of the 1i1 i (business-and-rest houses); of “letters of credit” (currency and cheques) and of primitive forms of insurance shows that, up to the end of the T’ang dynasty, it was extremely difficult for the travelling peddler, or “carrier”, to rise above his place. 对修道院和当铺兴起的调查; 1i1 i （商业和休息所）;“信用证”（货币和支票）和原始形式的保险表明，直到唐朝末期，流浪小贩或“承运人”要超越他的地位是极其困难的。
5. Examples of cultural imports to China via the Nanhai are ancient Funan music, Buddhist ideas of art and ritual, Arab navigational skill, and even the religion of Islam. 5. 通过南海传入中国的文化例子是古老的扶南音乐、佛教的艺术和仪式理念、阿拉伯的航海技巧，甚至伊斯兰教。
6. As for example, most of South and South-west China and the territories of Northern Vietnam. Another form of this impact is the absorption by China of her foreign conquerors. This was not brought about by the extension of the political boundaries of China, but only by the immigration of foreigners into the territory of China. 6. 例如，中国南部和西南部的大部分地区以及越南北部的领土。这种影响的另一种形式是中国吸收她的外国征服者。这不是由于中国政治边界的扩大造成的，而只是由于外国人移民到中国领土。
In the case of Korea and Japan, it may be noted that Buddhism, a foreign import sinicised in China, was the catalytic agent that initiated most of the cultural borrowings from China that followed. 就韩国和日本而言，可以注意到，佛教是在中国汉化的外国进口，是随后从中国借来的大部分文化的催化剂。
Appendix A
Missions from the Nanhai A．D． 1-9601-960 来自南海公 1-9601-960 元的传教
The function of the＂tribute missions＂to China from foreign countries has been the subject of controversy for a very long time．This appendix attempts to relate some of the views on the subject to the missions from the countries of the Nanhai，especially to those which seem to be connected with the Nanhai trade．This is merely a preliminary survey of a subject deserving a separate major study． 长期以来，外国对华“贡使团”的功能一直存在争议。本附录试图将关于该主题的一些观点与南海各国的使团联系起来，特别是那些似乎与南海贸易有关的观点。这只是对一个值得单独进行主要研究的主题的初步调查。
Chincse official historians have also referred to the Nanhai missions as having come to offer or pay tribute（kung，責），to offer or present gifts（hsien，䛿），to＂respectfully memorialise＂the emperor （feng piao，泰表，or piao chou 表鉃），or to scek the audience of or visit the sovereign of the world，the Son of Heaven（ch＇co，朝）．All these imply a difference in status between the countries sending the missions and the Chinese empire．This has been constantly emphasised in the dynastic histories，where the lower status of all foreign countries has been somewhat indiscriminately maintained．The words kung，hsien and ch＇do have been used for all missions，whether they were from Lin－yi on the Chinese border，or from Java－Sumatra across the Nanhai， or from India to the west． 中国官方历史学家也提到南海使团来献祭或进贡（kung，o�），献礼或献礼（hsien，䛿），“恭敬地纪念”皇帝（丰表，泰表，或飘丑表鉃），或拜访世界君主天子（ch'co，朝），所有这些都暗示了派遣使团的国家与中华帝国之间的地位差异，这在朝代历史中不断被强调，其中较低的所有传教士都曾用过公、显和禅三个词，不论是来自中国边境的临邑，还是来自南海的爪哇-苏门答腊，或是从西边的印度。
It is improbable that all the countries of the Nanhai should acknowledge Chinese suzerainty and seek Chinese protection，least of all，in the same way and to the same extent．Only those countries bordering China may have had reason to do so，for example，Li－yi and Fu－nan．But even Lin－yi was in a position to attack China on several occasions． 南海所有国家都承认中国的宗主权并寻求中国的保护是不可能的，尤其是以同样的方式和相同的程度。只有那些与中国接壤的国家才有理由这样做，例如李义和傅南。
It is also improbable that all the countries should look towards China for cultural and artistic leadership，or regard it with only friendliness and reverence．In fact，until the Chinese began to accept 同样，在中国人开始接受之前，所有国家都希望中国在文化和艺术方面发挥领导作用，或者只以友好和 reverence.In 事实来看待它，这也是不可能的。
Buddhism, there was little in common between China and the Nanhai countries. ^(1){ }^{1} The only ties seem to have been those fostered by an ancient trade in luxury goods. 佛教，中国和南海国家之间几乎没有共同之处。 ^(1){ }^{1} 唯一的联系似乎是由古老的奢侈品贸易培养的。
And yet it is improbable that all the countries wanted nothing else but profit from China, and sent missions as a disguised form of state trading, or to ask for more commercial advantages and escape, to some extent, the extortion of Chinese customs officials, or even to seek protection for their “nationals” trading on Chinese soil. Some of the maritime empires, like those of Fu-nan and Srivijaya may have wished to do so. But the missions from Ceylon, and those from some of the countries on the great routes, like P’an-p’an, Lang-ya-hsiu and Tan-tan, seem to have been equally interested in the conversion of the Chinese to the Buddhist faith. And in a case like Ch’ih-t’u, relations seem to have been first opened by the Chinese, relations which need not have been predominantly commercial. Furthermore, several small states with important ports or markets like Tun-sun, Lo-yüch and Chieh-ch’a, never sent any missions to China at all. 然而，不可能的是，所有国家都只想从中国获利，并派遣使团作为一种变相的国家贸易形式，或者要求更多的商业利益，并在某种程度上逃避中国海关官员的勒索，甚至为在中国领土上贸易的“国民”寻求保护。一些海洋帝国，如福南和室利佛逝的帝国，可能希望这样做。但是，来自锡兰的传教士，以及来自大路线上一些国家的传教士，如潘潘、琅琊和丹丹，似乎对中国人皈依佛教信仰同样感兴趣。在像 Ch'ih-t'u 这样的情况下，关系似乎首先是由中国人开启的，而这种关系不一定主要是商业关系。此外，几个拥有重要港口或市场的小国，如敦山、罗裕和介芝，根本没有向中国派遣任何使团。
The difficulty of understanding the real nature of those missions today arises chiefly from the lack of information. The brief abstracts in dynastic historics saying, “on such a day, such a country arrived to offer a tribute of nature products”, make it aimost impossible to isolate the political from the economic motives underlying the mission. In a few cases, where more information is known of the purpose of the missions which came to China (like that from Lin-yi in 433 asking for territorial concessions in Chiao-chou, and that from IIu-nan in 484, demanding justice against the “piratical” Chams of Lin-yi), it can be seen that they were clearly sent for a dual purpose - to pay tribute in order to get both political as weil as economic advantages. 今天理解这些任务的真正性质的困难主要来自于信息的缺乏。王朝历史学中的简短摘要说，“在这样一天，这样一个国家来到这里，向大自然的产品致敬”，这使得几乎不可能将使命背后的政治动机与经济动机分开。在少数情况下，如果知道更多关于使团来到中国的目的的信息（比如 433 年临沂要求在侨州割让领土，以及 484 年邵洠要求对临沂的“海盗”占婆伸张正义），可以看出他们显然是出于双重目的而被派遣的——进贡，以获得政治和经济利益。
A few of the memorials presented by the missions have been preserved, like those presented by Fu-nan in 484, Ceylon in 428 and 527, P’o-li in 517, P’an-p’an in 527 and by 'Tan-tan in 530. These are supposed to have been translations of those sent by the various countrics. If these memorials were really based on the originals presented, the extravagant praises of the empire and the emperor found in them would suggest that the missions did come to pay tribute, but they are so stylised and conventional in tone that they seem to have been based on some formula drawn up beforehand by the “translation bureau”. The information given in them show no more than the 传教士们所献上的一些纪念碑被保存下来，如福南在484年、锡兰在428年和527年、平里在517年、潘潘在527年和陈潭在530年呈献的那些。这些应该是各个县发送的那些的翻译。如果这些纪念碑真的是基于所呈现的原件，那么其中对帝国和皇帝的夸张赞美就表明这些任务确实是来致敬的，但它们的语气是如此程式化和传统化，以至于它们似乎是基于“翻译局”事先制定的某种公式。它们中提供的信息只显示了
grievances of Fu-nan, and the Buddhist faith of Ceylon, P’an-p’an, P’o-li and Tan-tan, and does not help very much to determine the exact nature of each mission. 福南的不满，以及锡兰、P'an-p'an、P'o-li 和 Tan-tan 的佛教信仰，对确定每个任务的确切性质没有多大帮助。
After pointing out the main problems concerning the complex nature of these missions and their motives, it can only be suggested that in most cases these missions were connected, to a greater or lesser extent, with the progress and growth of the Nanhai trade. No isolation of the commercial motive is yet possible, and that motive need not always have been the dominant one. But it was there. 在指出了有关这些任务的复杂性及其动机的主要问题之后，我们只能说，在大多数情况下，这些任务或多或少地与南海贸易的进步和增长有关。目前还不可能孤立地分离商业动机，而且这种动机不一定总是占主导地位。但它就在那里。
Endnotes
And even the fellowship of a Buddhist country like Kan-t’o-li was later suspect to historians like Ma Tuan-lin. He said, “the barbarians of the islands come with tribute only to profit from trade.” This was based on his knowledge of missions in Sung times, but it may also apply to several of those that came in the carlier periods; sec TK’ao, 2002A. 即使是像 Kan-t'o-li 这样的佛教国家的团契后来也被像马团林这样的历史学家怀疑。他说，“岛上的野蛮人带着贡品来，只是为了从贸易中获利。这是基于他对宋代宣教的了解，但它也可能适用于卡利尔时期的几个宣教;sec TK'ao，2002 年 A。
The following is a list of all the clearly dated missions with the most obvious references. (Vague undated ones have been left out as far as possible.) 以下是所有日期明确的任务列表，其中包含最明显的参考资料。（模糊的未注明日期的已尽可能省略。
Chan-po (in India?), YKuel, 970, in Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361; Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 92, n. l Chan-po （in India？），YKuel，970 年，在 Pelliot，见上。同上，第 361 页;Lin-yi， YKuei， 970， Maspero， 同上.同上，第 92 页，n. l
658
Kan-chih-fo, Shih-li-chun and Mo-la (all in India), YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361 Kan-chih-fo， Shih-li-chun and Mo-la （均在印度）， YKuei， 970， Pelliot， op. cit.同上，第 361 页
Nan T'ien-chu, ChiuTS, 198, 12a 南天柱， ChiuTS， 198， 12a
711
Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 Lin-yi， YKuei， 970， Maspero， op. cit.， p. 93， n. 1
712
Lin-yi, ibid.; Shih-tse, YKuei, 970, T"u Shu Chi Ch'eng, Vol. 214, Ch. 66, p. 34a Lin-yi， 同上;Shih-tse， YKuei， 970， T'u Shu Chi Ch'eng， Vol. 214， Ch. 66， p. 34a
713
Lin-yi, YKuet, 971, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 Lin-yi， YKuet， 971， Maspero， op. cit.， p. 93， n. 1
716
Fo-shih, YKuel, 971, Pelliot op. cit., p. 334 Fo-shih， YKuel， 971， Pelliot op. cit.， p. 334
720
Nan T'ien-chu, 100, 1782 南天柱， 100， 1782
724
Shih-li-fo-shih, YKuei, 971, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 335 Shih-li-fo-shih， YKuei， 971， Pelliot， op. cit.， p. 335
728
(Shih-Ii-) Fo-shih, ibid. （见 II-）Sub-shih，同上。
642 Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, in Maspero, op. cit., p. 88, n. 5
644 Mo-lo-yu, 100, 1790; Nou-t'o-hoan (yüan) 99, 1779
647 To-p'o-teng, 100, 1782-3; T'o-yüan, ChiuTS, 197, 2b
648 Ho-ling, 100, 1782
649 To-ho-lo, ChiuTS, 197, 3a
650-683 Chen-la, 98, 1752)
653 Lin-yi, ChiuTS, 4, 4a
655 Chu-lou-mi, 100, 1794
656 Chu-lou-mi, ibid.; P'o-an (in India?), YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361
657 Chan-po (in India?), YKuel, 970, in Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361; Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 92, n. l
658 Kan-chih-fo, Shih-li-chun and Mo-la (all in India), YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361
662 Kan-(chih-) fo, Mo-lo and Ko-lo-shih-fen, ibid.
666 Ho-ling, YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 286
669 Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 92, n. 3
670 Lin-yi, ibid., Shih-tsc, T'angS, 221B, 8a
686 Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1
691 Lin-yi, ibid.
692 Nan T'ien-chu, 100, 1787
695 Lin-yi, YKuei. 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. l
698 Chen-la, 98, 1752
699 Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. l
702 Lin-yi, ibid., Fo-shih, YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 334
703 Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1
706 Lin-yi, ibid.
707 Lin-yi, ibid.
709 Lin-yi, ibid.; K'un-lun, YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 226, ก. 7
710 Nan T'ien-chu, ChiuTS, 198, 12a
711 Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1
712 Lin-yi, ibid.; Shih-tse, YKuei, 970, T"u Shu Chi Ch'eng, Vol. 214, Ch. 66, p. 34a
713 Lin-yi, YKuet, 971, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1
716 Fo-shih, YKuel, 971, Pelliot op. cit., p. 334
720 Nan T'ien-chu, 100, 1782
724 Shih-li-fo-shih, YKuei, 971, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 335
728 (Shih-Ii-) Fo-shih, ibid.| 642 | Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, in Maspero, op. cit., p. 88, n. 5 |
| :--- | :--- |
| 644 | Mo-lo-yu, 100, 1790; Nou-t'o-hoan (yüan) 99, 1779 |
| 647 | To-p'o-teng, 100, 1782-3; T'o-yüan, ChiuTS, 197, 2b |
| 648 | Ho-ling, 100, 1782 |
| 649 | To-ho-lo, ChiuTS, 197, 3a |
| 650-683 | Chen-la, 98, 1752) |
| 653 | Lin-yi, ChiuTS, 4, 4a |
| 655 | Chu-lou-mi, 100, 1794 |
| 656 | Chu-lou-mi, ibid.; P'o-an (in India?), YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361 |
| 657 | Chan-po (in India?), YKuel, 970, in Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361; Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 92, n. l |
| 658 | Kan-chih-fo, Shih-li-chun and Mo-la (all in India), YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 361 |
| 662 | Kan-(chih-) fo, Mo-lo and Ko-lo-shih-fen, ibid. |
| 666 | Ho-ling, YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 286 |
| 669 | Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 92, n. 3 |
| 670 | Lin-yi, ibid., Shih-tsc, T'angS, 221B, 8a |
| 686 | Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 |
| 691 | Lin-yi, ibid. |
| 692 | Nan T'ien-chu, 100, 1787 |
| 695 | Lin-yi, YKuei. 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. l |
| 698 | Chen-la, 98, 1752 |
| 699 | Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. l |
| 702 | Lin-yi, ibid., Fo-shih, YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 334 |
| 703 | Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 |
| 706 | Lin-yi, ibid. |
| 707 | Lin-yi, ibid. |
| 709 | Lin-yi, ibid.; K'un-lun, YKuei, 970, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 226, ก. 7 |
| 710 | Nan T'ien-chu, ChiuTS, 198, 12a |
| 711 | Lin-yi, YKuei, 970, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 |
| 712 | Lin-yi, ibid.; Shih-tse, YKuei, 970, T"u Shu Chi Ch'eng, Vol. 214, Ch. 66, p. 34a |
| 713 | Lin-yi, YKuet, 971, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 |
| 716 | Fo-shih, YKuel, 971, Pelliot op. cit., p. 334 |
| 720 | Nan T'ien-chu, 100, 1782 |
| 724 | Shih-li-fo-shih, YKuei, 971, Pelliot, op. cit., p. 335 |
| 728 | (Shih-Ii-) Fo-shih, ibid. |
150. The Nanhai Trade: Early Chinese Trade in the South China Sea 150. 南海贸易：中国在南海的早期贸易
731
Lin-yi, YKuei, 971, Maspero, op. cit., p. 93, n. 1 Lin-yi， YKuei， 971， Maspero， op. cit.， p. 93， n. 1
Chan-ch'eng (= Lin-yi), Liu Hsün, Ling Piao I.u I, Maspero, op. cit., p. 112, n. 6 Chan-ch'eng （= Lin-yi）， Liu Hsün， Ling Piao I.u I， Maspero， op. cit.， p. 112， n. 6
951 Chan-ch’eng, YKuei, 972, Maspero, op. cit., p. 119, n. 1 951 Chan-ch'eng， YKuei， 972， Maspero， op. cit.， p. 119， n. 1
958 Chan-ch’eng, Hsin Wu Tai Shih, 74, 8b 958 新湖大石陈昌， 74， 8b
959 Chan-ch’eng, YKuei, 972, Maspero, op. cit., p. 119, n. 1 959 Chan-ch'eng， YKuei， 972， Maspero， op. cit.， p. 119， n. 1
960 San-fo-ch’i (=Srivijaya), Sung Shih, 489, 7a 960 San-fo-ch'i （=Srivijaya）， Sung Shih， 489， 7a
Appendix B 附录 B
The Persian Sea Trade with China before the Seventh Century 7 世纪前波斯与中国的海上贸易
F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill in the introduction to Chau Ju-kua, their fully annotated translation of Chu Fan Chih, describe the hazy notions that the fifth century Chinese had of India and the West and quote a passage in the Sung Shu (see Chapter IV, note 62) as evidence. They continue, F. Hirth 和 W.W. Rockhill 在他们完全注释的《朱梵志》译本《周菊瓜》序言中，描述了五世纪中国人对印度和西方的模糊观念，并引用了《宋书》中的一段话（见第四章，注 62）作为证据。他们继续说，
Additional evidence of this is furnished by other dynastic histories covering the period from the end of the fourth to the beginning of the seventh centuries, in which we find all the products of Indo-China, Ceylon, India, Arabia, and the east coast of Africa classed as “products of Persia [Po-sse]”, the country of the majority of the traders who brought these goods to China. 从四世纪末到七世纪初的其他朝代历史也提供了额外的证据，在这些历史中，我们发现印度支那、锡兰、印度、阿拉伯和非洲东海岸的所有产品都被归类为“波斯产品 [Po-sse]”，这是将这些商品带到中国的大多数商人的国家。
This was based on the passages on “Po-sse” in the Wei Shu and Sui Shu. In a later note, they modify the statement, 这是基于《魏书》和《隋书》中关于“Po-sse”的段落。在后来的注释中，他们修改了声明，
The Wei Shu, 102, the history of the period between 385 and 556, and written prior to 572, mentions among the products of Po-sse (Persian) products brought or made known to China by Persians coral, amber, comelians, pearls, giass, both transparent and opaque, rock-crystal, diamonds (?kin-kang), steel, cinnabar, quick-silver, frankincense, tumeric, storax, putchuk, damasks, brocaded muslims, black pepper, long peppers, dates, aconite, gall muts and gaiangal. 《魏书》102 年，385 年至 556 年间的历史，写于 572 年之前，其中提到了波斯人带来或传播到中国的波斯（波斯）产品中的珊瑚、琥珀、科利利亚、珍珠、透明和不透明的贾斯、水晶、钻石 （？kin-kang）、钢、朱砂、流银、乳香、姜黄、storax、putchuk、锦缎、锦缎穆斯林、 黑胡椒、长胡椒、枣、附子、瘿 muts 和 Gaiangal。
The Sui Shu, 83, which relates the events of the period extending from 581 to 617, and which was ceriainly written before 650, reproduces substantially the above list of Persian products, to which it adds gold, silver, lush, lead, sandalwood, various tissues, sugar and indigo. Most of these products came, of course, from India 《隋书》83 年，讲述了 581 年至 617 年期间的事件，写于 650 年之前，基本上复制了上述波斯产品清单，其中添加了金、银、郁郁葱葱、铅、檀香木、各种纸巾、糖和靛蓝。当然，这些产品大部分来自印度
or from countries of south-eastern Asia, only a few being products of Arabia or countries bordering on the Persian Gulf. ^(2){ }^{2} 或来自东南亚国家，只有少数是阿拉伯或波斯湾沿岸国家的产品。 ^(2){ }^{2}
In the context of Chau Ju-kua, both these statements refer to a sea trade. They suggest that there was probably a sea trade between China and Persia carried on by Persians before the seventh century. Hadi Hasan understands them in that way in his work Persian Navigation, and so does G. Ferrand. ^(3){ }^{3} 在 Chau Ju-kua 的上下文中，这两种说法都是指海上贸易。他们认为，在 7 世纪之前，波斯人可能在中国和波斯之间进行了海上贸易。哈迪·哈桑 （Hadi Hasan） 在他的著作《波斯航海》（Persian Navigation） 中以这种方式理解了它们，G. Ferrand 也是如此。 ^(3){ }^{3}
An examination of the two passages from Wei Shu and Sui Shu, together with three other passages on the Po-sse in dynastic histories (from the Chou Shu, the Liang Shu and the Pei Shih), however, knows that they cannot be used as evidence of Persian sea trading with China before the seventh century. 然而，考察《魏书》和《隋书》中的两段话，以及朝代史中关于波斯的另外三段话（来自《周书》、《梁书》和《北世》），就会发现它们不能作为七世纪之前波斯与中国进行海上贸易的证据。
First an examination of the validity of the passages. ^(+){ }^{+}Of the five histories, the Wei Shu was the first to have been written. It was the History of the Northern and Eastern Wei dynasties (386-534 and 534-550), and was written by Wei Shou (a minister of Eastern Wei who continued to serve the succeeding dynasty, the Northern Wei dynasty, 535-557; and Wei Shou, writing the history of the rival dynasty of the Eastern Wei, did not recognise the Western Wei in any case. The Northern Wei dynasty never had a coastline south of Shangtung, nor did the Eastern Wei. But there was no evidence of Persian contact with South China in the histories of the Southern Dynasties (the only reference to Po-sse in the Liang Shu will be examined later on). The Wei Shu reference to Po-sse must have been due to overland contacts with Persia. 首先，对段落的有效性进行检查。 ^(+){ }^{+} 在这五部史中，《魏书》是最早写成的。这是《北魏和东魏史》（386-534 年和 534-550 年），由魏寿（东魏大臣，继续为后朝北魏，535-557 年）服务;魏寿撰写了东魏的敌对王朝的历史，但无论如何都没有承认西魏。北魏朝从来没有在上东以南有过海岸线，东魏也没有。但在南朝时期的历史中没有波斯人与南中国有接触的证据（《梁书》中唯一提到的波瑟将在后面进行研究）。魏书提到 Po-sse 一定是由于与波斯的陆路接触。
The first Persian contact with Northern Wei was made in 518519, and any other contact must have been made prior to 530. ^(5){ }^{5} After 534, the Northern Wei was divided into two halves, the Eastern and Western Wei. Since the Eastern Wei was completely cut off from the Central Asian route by the Western Wei, the Wei Shu passage on the contact with Persia could only refer to the short period from about 518 to 530, in other words, to contact with Northern Wei before its division. 波斯与北魏的第一次接触是在 518519 年进行的，任何其他接触都必须在 530 年之前进行。 ^(5){ }^{5} 534 年后，北魏分为东魏和西魏两半。由于东魏被西魏与中亚航线完全隔绝，魏书与波斯接触的通道只能指公元 518 年至 530 年左右的短暂时期，换句话说，就是在北魏分裂之前与北魏接触。
The next of the five histories to be written was the Chou Shu, the History of the Chou dynasty, 557-581. The Chou dynasty succeeded the Western Wei as rulers of West China. But although there is a 要写的五部历史中的下一部是《周书》，《周朝史》，557-581 年。周朝继承西魏成为中国西部的统治者。但是，尽管存在
record of Persian contact with the Western Wei in 555, there is no record of such contact with the Chou. ^(6){ }^{6} 555 年波斯与西魏接触的记录，没有与周氏接触的记录。 ^(6){ }^{6}
The Liang Shu and the Sui Shu were written at about the same time, between the years 629 and 636. The first was the History of the Yiang dynasty, 502-557, in South China, and the other the History of the Sui dynasty, 581-618, which succeeded the Chou dynasty after it had unified North China, and then unified the whole of China in 589. 《梁书》和《隋书》大约在同一时间写成，即 629 年至 636 年之间。第一本是《南华禀朝史》（502-557 年），另一本是《隋朝史》（581-618 年），在周朝统一华北后接续了周朝，然后在 589 年统一了整个中国。
The Liang Shu passage on Po-sse is brief and only important for its mention of tribute missions to the Liang court. Altogether three missions came, in 530, in 533 and 535. ^(7){ }^{7} These arrivals in 530-535 coincided with the break-up of the Northern Wei dynasty, the dynasty that had for more than a century closed the Central Asian route to the Eastern Chin, the Liu Sung and Nan Ch’i dynasties and the first half of the Liang. It is probable that the Po-sse missions which had previously gone to the Northern Wei court, went to South China while the Wei princes and generals were struggling for power. This confirms the description of Po-sse as a “Western Territory” known to the South Chinese state through the overland route. This, however, is not evidence of a Persian sca trade. 梁书关于宝瑟的段落很简短，唯一重要的是它提到了向梁朝廷进贡的使团。总共有三个任务来了，分别是 530 年、533 年和 535 年。 ^(7){ }^{7} 这些人在 530-535 年的到来恰逢北魏王朝的解体，这个王朝在一个多世纪的时间里关闭了通往东钦、刘宋和南沁王朝以及梁朝上半叶的中亚路线。很可能，以前派往北魏朝廷的波瑟使团，在魏王侯将军争夺权力时去了南华。这证实了 Po-sse 作为中国南方国家通过陆路路线已知的“西部领土”的描述。然而，这并不是波斯 sca 贸易的证据。
The Sui Shu passage on Po-sse gives detailed information on the country, the people and their customs, and mentions that an envoy, Li Yü, was sent there in Sui Yang-ti’s time, 605-617;^(5)605-617 ;^{5} but there is no indication that Sui contact with Persia was established before 605, not that any contact was established by sea. The information given in the passage was probably gathered by the envoy to Persia, and can be credited with reliability. 隋书在隋濑的段落提供了有关该国、人民及其习俗的详细信息，并提到在隋养提时代派遣了一位使者李玉到那里， 605-617;^(5)605-617 ;^{5} 但没有迹象表明隋与波斯的联系是在 605 年之前建立的，也没有迹象表明任何联系是通过海上建立的。这段话中提供的信息可能是由驻波斯的特使收集的，可以说是可靠的。
The Pei Shih, the History of all the Northern Dynastics, was written sometime later, in 638-658. It was compiled by Li Yen-shou from the previous histories, the Wei Shu, the Pei Ch’i Shu, the Chou Shu and the Sui Shu; and its information on Po-sse was based on that given in the Wei Shu, the Chou Shu and the Sui Shu. But the Wei Shu described contact with Persia in a short period of about ten years, and the Chou Shu might not have described any contact with Persia at all. It is probable that the Pei Shih passage on Po-sse which contains considerable details, was based largely on the Sui Shu and on further facts collected by Li Yü, the Sui envoy to Persia, and then slightly supplemented with notes from the Wei Shu and the Chou Shu. 《北朝史》写于后来的某个时间，即 638-658 年。它是李延寿根据以前的历史《魏书》、《北经》、《周书》和《隋书》编纂而成的;它关于坡塞的信息是基于《魏书》、《周书》和《隋书》中给出的信息。但《魏书》描述了在短短的十年左右的时间内与波斯的接触，而《周书》可能根本没有描述与波斯的任何接触。裴氏关于坡濑的段落包含了大量细节，很可能主要基于《隋书》和隋氏驻波斯使者李玉收集的进一步事实，然后略微补充了《魏书》和《周书》的注释。
But it is known that both the Wei Shu and the Chou Shu have lost their chüans on the “Western Territories” (Chs. 102 and 50 respectively"). In the repaired cditions of the Sung dynasty, these have been replaced by the chüan 97 of the Pei Shih. The section on Po-sse in the Wei Shu reproduces verbatim the same section in the Pei Shih, while the Chou Shu section contains the same facts put in a different order. The sections on Po-sse in the present editions of these two Histories must, therefore, be discounted, and that in the Pei Shih used instead. 但众所周知，《魏书》和《周书》都在“西域”上失去了他们的 chüans（分别为第 102 章和第 50 章）。在宋朝修复的 cdits 中，这些已被 Pei Shih 的 chüan 97 所取代。《魏书》中关于坡塞的部分逐字复制了《北施》中的同一部分，而《周书》部分则包含相同的事实，但顺序不同。因此，这两部历史的当前版本中关于 Po-sse 的部分必须打折扣，而使用 Pei Shih 中的部分。
It cannot be known how much the Pei Shith passage took from the original Wei Shu and Chou Shu sections. It is probable that it was largely taken from Sui sources. In short, the sections on Po-sse which are valid as historical material are those in the Sui Shu and the Pei Shih: and both these sections must be considered as being the sources mainly for Chinese relations with Persia after 605. Anyway, the present Wei Shu passage cannot be used at all; and F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill’s statements, which imply that there were trading relations by sea with Persia “from the end of the fourth to the beginning of the seventh centuries” must be rejected. 无法知道 Pei Shith 段落从最初的《魏书》和《周书》部分借鉴了多少。它很可能主要来自 Sui 来源。简而言之，作为历史资料的 Po-sse 部分是《隋书》和《培施》中的部分：这两部分都必须被视为 605 年后中国与波斯关系的主要来源。无论如何，现在的《魏书》经文根本不能使用;以及 F. Hirth 和 W.W. Rockhill 的声明，它们暗示“从 4 世纪末到 7 世纪初”与波斯存在海上贸易关系，必须予以拒绝。
There is also the problem of the lists of “products of Po-sse”. F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill were wrong in saying that 还有“Po-sse 产品”列表的问题。F. Hirth 和 W.W. Rockhill 说错了
… most of these products came. of course, from India or from countries of south-eastern Asia… …这些产品大多来了。当然，来自印度或东南亚国家......
This further adds to the impression that there was a Persian sea trade with the South China Sea, and therefore, probably also with South China. In fact, of the products they quoted from the Wei Shu, 102 (that is, from the Pei Shih, 97) and the Sui Shu, 83, none were to be found exclusively in the countries of South-eastern Asia, least of all, Indo-China, which they mention; and all were found in the countries bordering the Arabian Sea, especially from India and the lands of the Sassanid Empire. The hu-tsiao (black pepper) and the pi-po (black or long peppers) might have also come from the east coast of India. ^(10){ }^{10} But that is a long way from proving that there was a Persian sea trade with the Nanhai before the seventh century. 这进一步增加了波斯与南中国海有海上贸易的印象，因此，也可能与南中国有贸易。事实上，他们引用的《魏书》102（即《培世》97）和《隋书》83 的产品中，没有一个只在东南亚国家找到，尤其是他们提到的印度支那;所有这些都是在阿拉伯海沿岸的国家发现的，尤其是来自印度和萨珊帝国的土地。胡-tsiao（黑胡椒）和 pi-po（黑辣椒或长辣椒）也可能来自印度东海岸。 ^(10){ }^{10} 但这与证明 7 世纪之前波斯与南海有海上贸易还有很长的路要走。
The lists merely show that the Persians had already begun to be the middlemen of Central Asia (to as far as China) where the products 这些名单仅仅表明，波斯人已经开始成为中亚（远至中国）的中间商，那里的产品
of the countries of the Arabian Sea were concerned; it was a role that they were to play in the Nanhai later on in the seventh century. These lists cannot even be used to prove that there was a Persian sea trade with China in Sui times, or in the early years of the T’ang dynasty, least of all, that there was such a trade before the seventh century. 的阿拉伯海国家受到关注;这是他们在 7 世纪后期在南海地区扮演的角色。这些列表甚至不能用来证明波斯在隋朝时代或唐朝初期与中国有过海上贸易，尤其是 7 世纪之前就有这样的贸易。
Endnotes 尾注
Hirth and Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 7-8. Hirth 和 Rockhill，见上引，第 7-8 页。
Op. cit., p. 16, n. 1. 同上，第 16 页，第 1 期。
Hadi Hasan, op, cit., pp. 78-83; G. Ferrand, Relations de Voyages et Textes Geographiques, Arabes, Persans et Turks, relatifs à l’Extrême-Orient, du VIII au XVIII siècles, Paris, 1913, “Introduction,” Vol. 1, 1-3, quoted in Hadi Hasan, op. cit., p. 77-9. 哈迪·哈桑，见上引，第 78-83 页;G. Ferrand，Relations de Voyages et Textes Géographique（阿拉伯、波斯和土耳其语，与远东有关，从八世纪到十八世纪），巴黎，1913 年，“导言”，第 1 卷，1-3 页，引自 Hadi Hasan，见上。第 77-9 页。
This examination is based on several studies on the Chinese dynastic histories; especially Hsü Hao, Nien Wu Shih Lun Kang (Essay on the twenty-five histories), Shanghai, 1947, pp. 112-3 and pp. 143-62; and Chang Li-chih, Cheng Shih Kai Lun (A study of the official histories), Shanghai, 1939, pp. 81-97. 这项检查基于对中国朝代历史的几项研究;特别是徐浩，Nien Wu Shih Lun Kang（《二十五史》），上海，1947 年，第 112-3 页和第 143-62 页;张丽志，《郑世启伦》（《正史研究》），上海，1939 年，第 81-97 页。
Pel Shih, 97, 10b. 西施， 97， 10b.
In none of the records of Po-sse is there recorded any relations with China during the Chou period, 557-581. The last mission in 555, before the missions which came in late Suitimes, is recorded in Pei Shih, 97, 10b. 在波札的记录中，没有记录周朝时期（557-581 年）与中国的任何关系。555 年的最后一次传教，在苏末传教之前，记录在培世，97,10b。
Only the mission of 530 is recorded in the Liong Shu section on Po-sse; 54, 10a. The other two missions are recorded in LgS, 3, 7a and 8a. 只有 530 的任务被记录在 Po-sse 的 Liong Shu 部分;54， 10a.其他两个任务以 LgS、3、7a 和 8a 记录。
Wan Chen：Non Chou I Wu Chih萬震：南州異物总 Wan Chen：Non Chou I Wu Chih 万震：南州异物总
Wan－chou 云洲
萬州 万州
Ta－ch＇eng－teng Ta-ch'eng-teng
大乘燈 大乘灯
Wang Ch＇ao 王 Ch'ao
T潮 T 潮
Ta－ch＇in 大钦
大类
Wang Chi 王驰
王機 王机
Ta－hsia Ta-hsia （大夏）
大暑
Wang Chün－cheng 王俊成
土君政
Ta－shih 塔西
大食
Wang Fang－ch＇ing 王方青
王方膟
Ta－yí 塔伊
大原
Wang Hsien－chih 王显智
1－他花
T＇ai P＇ing Huan Yü Chi T'ai P'ing Huan Yü Chi
Wang Hsüan－mo 王宣模
大玄謨 大玄谟
太平寰广記
Wang K＇un 王昆
玉堒
T＇al P＇ing Kuang Chi
太平鹰郱
Wang Mai 王麦
王敬
Tai Pung Yü Lan 大邦裕兰
太不御覽 太不御览
Wang Seng－ju 王成柱
1：佮露
Tan－er 潭儿
俨牛
Wang Sheng－chih 王胜志
土率知
Tan－tan 潭潭
單單（丹月）
Wang Tun 王屯
F ：教
Tan－yang 谭阳
丹影
Wei Shou 魏寿
魏收
T＇ang－thing
堂明
Wen Chung
文種 文种
Ti
［
Wu Ch＇i
呉起
ii
邸
Wu Hui
足俠 足侠
T＇ien Ch＇eng－kung
四成功
Wu Miao
呉邀
T＇ien－chu
犬等
wu－ming－i 吴明
無名異 无名异
T＇ien－pao 天宝
天理
Wu Tse－hsü 吴泽洙
低了肯
ting 东西
應 应
Wu－yi 吴义
武大夷
To－ho－lo－po－ti To-ho-lo-po-ti
降和羅䍈歯 降和罗䍈歯
Wu Yin－chih 吴燕志
英隐之
To－po－teng 陶波腾
障婆登
To－hoan（yilan）．see Nou to－hoan To-hoan（yilan）.见 Nou to-hoan
T＇ou－ho T'ou-ho 餐厅
投（砢）和
ya－fan－po－shih 雅凡宝诗
押毒舶使
Ts＇ang－wu 曾吴
莨低
Yang－chiang 杨强
陽引「 阳引”
Ts＇e Fu Yüan Kuei Ts'e Fu Yüan Kuei
IIII府无継
Yang Chien 杨 倩
楤堅 楤坚
Ts＇ui Pao：Ku Ching Chu Ts'ui Pao：古清珠
Yang Hsing－mi 杨兴美
楊行密 杨行密
岸豹：丘台江
Yang Hsüan－kan 杨宣侃
楊玄感 杨玄感
ts＇ung－shith TS'ung-shith （曾士）
從生
Yang Lung－yen 杨龙燕
樓雔演 楼雔演
Tu I Chih 涂怡志
獨異恙 独异恙
Yeh－p＇o－t＇i
耶婆提
Tu－vüan
都元
Ych－tiao
葉調
T＇u－chüeh
奖㢈
Yen－t＇ung
䙳简
Tu－fan
吐蕃
Yin
殷
T＇u Sui
屠旷
Yü－hang
狳杭
T＇u－yü－hun
吐谷祥
Yü－lin
鬱棶 郁棶
Tuan Cheng－shih：Yu Yang Tsa Tsu段成式：阶陽雜岨 Tuan Cheng-shih：Yu Yang Tsa Tsu 段成式：阶阳杂岨
Yüan Cho
陇直
Yüan Tsung－hsiao
陋宗率
Tur－huang
敨煌
Yüeh
越
Tun－（or Tien）sum
動（典）遜 动（典）逊
T＇un－men Shan T'un-men Shan
車門山 车门山
Tung Kuan Han Chi
東觀演記 东观演记
Su Wu 蘇物 Tung Ou 柬甌
Sun Ch＇üan 孜䌯
Sun En 孫恩
Sung Ching 宋殕 Wan Chen：Non Chou I Wu Chih萬震：南州異物总
Wan－chou 萬州
Ta－ch＇eng－teng 大乘燈 Wang Ch＇ao T潮
Ta－ch＇in 大类 Wang Chi 王機
Ta－hsia 大暑 Wang Chün－cheng 土君政
Ta－shih 大食 Wang Fang－ch＇ing 王方膟
Ta－yí 大原 Wang Hsien－chih 1－他花
T＇ai P＇ing Huan Yü Chi Wang Hsüan－mo 大玄謨
太平寰广記 Wang K＇un 玉堒
T＇al P＇ing Kuang Chi 太平鹰郱 Wang Mai 王敬
Tai Pung Yü Lan 太不御覽 Wang Seng－ju 1：佮露
Tan－er 俨牛 Wang Sheng－chih 土率知
Tan－tan 單單（丹月） Wang Tun F ：教
Tan－yang 丹影 Wei Shou 魏收
T＇ang－thing 堂明 Wen Chung 文種
Ti ［ Wu Ch＇i 呉起
ii 邸 Wu Hui 足俠
T＇ien Ch＇eng－kung 四成功 Wu Miao 呉邀
T＇ien－chu 犬等 wu－ming－i 無名異
T＇ien－pao 天理 Wu Tse－hsü 低了肯
ting 應 Wu－yi 武大夷
To－ho－lo－po－ti 降和羅䍈歯 Wu Yin－chih 英隐之
To－po－teng 障婆登
To－hoan（yilan）．see Nou to－hoan
T＇ou－ho 投（砢）和 ya－fan－po－shih 押毒舶使
Ts＇ang－wu 莨低 Yang－chiang 陽引「
Ts＇e Fu Yüan Kuei IIII府无継 Yang Chien 楤堅
Ts＇ui Pao：Ku Ching Chu Yang Hsing－mi 楊行密
岸豹：丘台江 Yang Hsüan－kan 楊玄感
ts＇ung－shith 從生 Yang Lung－yen 樓雔演
Tu I Chih 獨異恙 Yeh－p＇o－t＇i 耶婆提
Tu－vüan 都元 Ych－tiao 葉調
T＇u－chüeh 奖㢈 Yen－t＇ung 䙳简
Tu－fan 吐蕃 Yin 殷
T＇u Sui 屠旷 Yü－hang 狳杭
T＇u－yü－hun 吐谷祥 Yü－lin 鬱棶
Tuan Cheng－shih：Yu Yang Tsa Tsu段成式：阶陽雜岨 Yüan Cho 陇直
Yüan Tsung－hsiao 陋宗率
Tur－huang 敨煌 Yüeh 越
Tun－（or Tien）sum 動（典）遜
T＇un－men Shan 車門山
Tung Kuan Han Chi 東觀演記 | Su Wu | 蘇物 | Tung Ou | 柬甌 |
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
| Sun Ch＇üan | 孜䌯 | | |
| Sun En | 孫恩 | | |
| Sung Ching | 宋殕 | Wan Chen：Non Chou I Wu Chih萬震：南州異物总 | |
| | | Wan－chou | 萬州 |
| Ta－ch＇eng－teng | 大乘燈 | Wang Ch＇ao | T潮 |
| Ta－ch＇in | 大类 | Wang Chi | 王機 |
| Ta－hsia | 大暑 | Wang Chün－cheng | 土君政 |
| Ta－shih | 大食 | Wang Fang－ch＇ing | 王方膟 |
| Ta－yí | 大原 | Wang Hsien－chih | 1－他花 |
| T＇ai P＇ing Huan Yü Chi | | Wang Hsüan－mo | 大玄謨 |
| 太平寰广記 | | Wang K＇un | 玉堒 |
| T＇al P＇ing Kuang Chi | 太平鹰郱 | Wang Mai | 王敬 |
| Tai Pung Yü Lan | 太不御覽 | Wang Seng－ju | 1：佮露 |
| Tan－er | 俨牛 | Wang Sheng－chih | 土率知 |
| Tan－tan | 單單（丹月） | Wang Tun | F ：教 |
| Tan－yang | 丹影 | Wei Shou | 魏收 |
| T＇ang－thing | 堂明 | Wen Chung | 文種 |
| Ti | ［ | Wu Ch＇i | 呉起 |
| ii | 邸 | Wu Hui | 足俠 |
| T＇ien Ch＇eng－kung | 四成功 | Wu Miao | 呉邀 |
| T＇ien－chu | 犬等 | wu－ming－i | 無名異 |
| T＇ien－pao | 天理 | Wu Tse－hsü | 低了肯 |
| ting | 應 | Wu－yi | 武大夷 |
| To－ho－lo－po－ti | 降和羅䍈歯 | Wu Yin－chih | 英隐之 |
| To－po－teng | 障婆登 | | |
| To－hoan（yilan）．see Nou to－hoan | | | |
| T＇ou－ho | 投（砢）和 | ya－fan－po－shih | 押毒舶使 |
| Ts＇ang－wu | 莨低 | Yang－chiang | 陽引「 |
| Ts＇e Fu Yüan Kuei | IIII府无継 | Yang Chien | 楤堅 |
| Ts＇ui Pao：Ku Ching Chu | | Yang Hsing－mi | 楊行密 |
| 岸豹：丘台江 | | Yang Hsüan－kan | 楊玄感 |
| ts＇ung－shith | 從生 | Yang Lung－yen | 樓雔演 |
| Tu I Chih | 獨異恙 | Yeh－p＇o－t＇i | 耶婆提 |
| Tu－vüan | 都元 | Ych－tiao | 葉調 |
| T＇u－chüeh | 奖㢈 | Yen－t＇ung | 䙳简 |
| Tu－fan | 吐蕃 | Yin | 殷 |
| T＇u Sui | 屠旷 | Yü－hang | 狳杭 |
| T＇u－yü－hun | 吐谷祥 | Yü－lin | 鬱棶 |
| Tuan Cheng－shih：Yu Yang Tsa Tsu段成式：阶陽雜岨 | | Yüan Cho | 陇直 |
| | | Yüan Tsung－hsiao | 陋宗率 |
| Tur－huang | 敨煌 | Yüeh | 越 |
| Tun－（or Tien）sum | 動（典）遜 | | |
| T＇un－men Shan | 車門山 | | |
| Tung Kuan Han Chi | 東觀演記 | | |
List of References 参考资料列表
I
The Dynastic Histories： 王朝历史：
Shih Chi 西施
发扢
Han Shu 韩舒
漢書 汉书
Hou Han Shu 侯汉书
後漠夻
San Kuo Chih 三国志
二國志 二国志
Chin Shu 秦淑
書書 书书
Sung Shu 宋淑
采楂
Nan Ch＇i Shut Nan Ch'i Shut
通率落
Liang Shu 梁舒
装怕
Chien Shu
陳書
Non Shih
南史
Shih Chi 发扢
Han Shu 漢書
Hou Han Shu 後漠夻
San Kuo Chih 二國志
Chin Shu 書書
Sung Shu 采楂
Nan Ch＇i Shut 通率落
Liang Shu 装怕
Chien Shu 陳書
Non Shih 南史| Shih Chi | 发扢 |
| :--- | :--- |
| Han Shu | 漢書 |
| Hou Han Shu | 後漠夻 |
| San Kuo Chih | 二國志 |
| Chin Shu | 書書 |
| Sung Shu | 采楂 |
| Nan Ch＇i Shut | 通率落 |
| Liang Shu | 装怕 |
| Chien Shu | 陳書 |
| Non Shih | 南史 |
Wei Shu 舒伟
魏書
Chous Shu 周舒
湖 㭊
Sui Shu 隋淑
随㖖
Pei Shih 培实
北 史
Chiu Tang Shu 赵堂树
蓷唐青 莝唐青
Hsin Tang Shu 新唐树
新底書 新底书
Chiu Wer Tai Shih
体五代史
Hsin Wu Tai Shih
新宒代史
Sung Shih 成施
水必
Wei Shu 魏書
Chous Shu 湖 㭊
Sui Shu 随㖖
Pei Shih 北 史
Chiu Tang Shu 蓷唐青
Hsin Tang Shu 新底書
Chiu Wer Tai Shih 体五代史
Hsin Wu Tai Shih 新宒代史
Sung Shih 水必| Wei Shu | 魏書 |
| :--- | :--- |
| Chous Shu | 湖 㭊 |
| Sui Shu | 随㖖 |
| Pei Shih | 北 史 |
| Chiu Tang Shu | 蓷唐青 |
| Hsin Tang Shu | 新底書 |
| Chiu Wer Tai Shih | 体五代史 |
| Hsin Wu Tai Shih | 新宒代史 |
| Sung Shih | 水必 |
Tzu Chih T＇ung Chien，by Sse－ma Kuang 资治通鑑 闭焉光 Sse Pu Pei yao（四 部 㑤 要）edition。 慈志通剑，by Sse-马 Kuang 资治通鑑 闭焉光 Sse Pu Pei Yao（四部 㑤 要）版。
Wu Y üeh Ch＇un Chiu，by Chao Yeh Wu Y üeh Ch'un Chiu，叶超著
笑越春秋；趙嘩 笑越春秋; 赵哗
T＇ung Tien，by Tu Yu T'ung Tien，涂玉
通带：札值
Tang Hui Yao，by Wang P＇u 唐慧瑶，王普绘
唐合要：モ漸 唐合要:モ漸
Wu Tai Hui Yao，by Wang P＇u Wu Tai Hui Yao，王普
五代崩舢：干溥
Wen Isien T＇ung K＇ao，by Ma Tuan－lin 温 Isien T'ung K'ao，马团林
文㯫通考：品端臨 文㯫通考：品端临
Pen Ts＇ao Kang Mu，by Li Shih－chen 本草綱目：李時珍 Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu，by Li Shih-chen 本草纲目：李时珍
Ling Wai Tai Ta．by Chou Chiü－fei 綯外代答：周去非 Ling Wai Tai Ta.by Chou Chiü-fei 绹外代答：周去非
Liu Ch＇ao Shih Chi Pien Lui， 2 Vols．大朝可跌編類（張敦際編） Liu Ch'ao Shih Chi Pien Lui， 2 Vols.大朝可跌編類（張敦際編）
Nan Fang Ts＇ao Mu Chuang，by Chi Han 南方草木躯：穕含
Tung Hsi Yang K＇ao，by Chang Ilsieh 束所洋有 ：张營 Tung Hsi Yang K'ao，张一谢 束所洋有 ：张營
Ts＇ung Shu Chi Ch＇eng（蕧 書 集 成）edition． Ts'ung Shu Chi Ch'eng（蕧書集成）版.
Chan Kuo Ts＇e 戰國策 Chan Kuo Ts'e 戰国策
Huai Nan Tse 淮南子． Huai Nan Tse 淮南子.
Han Wen Ta Hsi（漢文 人 系）edition，Tokyo， 1915. 汉温大西（漢文人系）版，东京，1915 年。
Tu Shu Chi Cheng 涂树志成
園毒集成 园毒集成
Chung Hua Shu Chü（们 快 葎 所）edition． 中华书所（们快葎所）版.
II 第二
Ch＇en Pang－hsien，Chung Kuo I Hsüeh Shih（History of Chinese medicine）， Shanghai， 1937. Ch'en Pang-hsien，Chung Kuo I Hsüeh Shih（《中医史》），上海，1937 年。
陳郑賢：巾國醫學史 陈郑贤：巾国医学史
Chien Po－tsan，Chung Kuo Shih Kang（History of China）， 2 vols．，Shanghai， 1946. 简宝赞，Chung Kuo Shih Kang（中国史），2 卷，上海，1946 年。
䍓们贊：中國史網 䍓们赞：中国史网
Chien Po－tsan，Chung Kuo Shih Lun Chi（Essays on Chinese history）， 2 vols．， Shanghai， 1947. 简宝赞，Chung Kuo Shih Lun Chi（中国历史），2 卷，上海，1947 年。
憼伯赞：中或史論集 憼伯赞：中或史论集
Ch＇üan Han－sheng，Tong Sung Ti Kuo Yü Yün Ho（The Grand Canal and the T＇ang and Sung Empires），Shanghai， 1946. Ch'üan Han-sheng，Tong Sung Ti Kuo Yü Yün Ho（《大运河与唐宋帝国》），上海，1946 年。
全漢升：唐宋音國與運河 全汉升：唐宋音国与运河
Feng Ch＇eng－chün，Chung Kuo Nan Yang Chiao T＇ung Shih（History of Chinese relations with Nanyang），Shanghai， 1937. Feng Ch'eng-chün，Chung Kuo Nan Yang Chiao T'ung Shih（《中国与南洋关系史》），上海，1937 年。
馮承鈞：中國南洋交通史 冯承钧：中国南洋交通史
Ku Chieh－kang and Shih Nien－hai，Chung Kuo Chiang Yü Yen Ke Shih （History of Chinese boundary changes），Shanghai， 1938. 顾介康和施念海，Chung Kuo Chiang Yü Yen Ke Shih（中国边界变化史），上海，1938 年。
顧站剛，史念海：中國疆域沿革出 顾站刚，史念海：中国疆域沿革出
Li Cheng－fu．Chün Hsien Shih Tai Chih An Nan（An－nan in the period of Chinese administration），Shanghai， 1945. 李成福《春显世太志安南（中国执政时期的安南）》，上海，1945 年。
黎正甫；制縣時代之安南 黎正甫; 制县时代之安南
Miao Feng－lin，Chung Kuo T＇ung Shih Yao Lüeh（General history of China）， 3 vols．，Shanghai， 1946.綾鳥林：中國通处要略 苗凤林：中国通史，3 卷，上海，1946 年。
Pai Shou－i，Chung Kuo Chico Tung Shih（History of communications in China），Shanghai， 1937. Pai Shou-i，Chung Kuo Chico Tung Shih（《中国通信史》），上海，1937 年。
自壽彝：中國交通史 自寿彝：中国交通史
T＇ao Hsi－sheng and Chü Ch＇ing－yüan，Nan Pei Ch＇ao Ching Chi Shih （Economic history of the Northern and Southern Dynasties），Shanghai， 1937. T'ao Hsi-sheng and Chü Ch'ing-yüan，Nan Pei Ch'ao Ching Chi Shih （南北朝经济史），上海，1937 年。
陶希聖，靭清遠：南北朝經濟处 陶希圣，靟清远：南北朝经济处
T＇ao Hsi－sheng and Chü Ch＇ing－yüan，T＇ang Tai Ching Chi Shi（Economic history of the Tang dynasty），Shanghai， 1936. T'ao Hsi-sheng and Ch'ing-yüan，T'ang Tai Ching Chi Shi（唐代经济史），上海，1936 年。
陶希聖，鞠清遠：属代經潛史 陶希圣，鞠清远：属代经潜史
T＇ung Shu－yeh，Ch＇un Chilu Shih（History of the Spring and Autumn period． 722－481 B．C．），Ch＇i Ju University publications，No．5， 1946.箽書業：春秋史 T'ung Shu-yeh，Ch'un Chilu Shih（春秋史，公元前 722-481 年），Ch'i Ju University publications，No.5， 1946.箽書業：春秋史
Wei Chü－hsien，Ku Shih Yen Chiu．Vol．II，Pt．2，Shanghai， 1934.衛聚腎：占史研発 Wei Chü-hsien，Ku Shih Yen Chiu.Vol.II，Pt.2，Shanghai， 1934.衛聚腎：占史研発
Kuwabara，I．，P＇u Shou Keng K＇co（On Pu Shou－keng），Chinese translation by Ch＇en Yü－ch＇ing，Shanghai， 1929. 桑原一，《埔寿铿》，陈玉青中文译本，上海，1929 年。
桑原鵧藏：荡壽庚考（陳裕蓄譯） 桑原鸱藏：荡寿庚考（陈裕蓄译）
Kuwabara，J．，T＇ang Sung Mo I Kang Yen Chiu（ Lambda\Lambda study of the trading ports of the T＇ang and Sung dynasties），Chinese translation by Yang Lien， Shanghai， 1935. Kuwabara，J.，T'ang Sung Mo I Kang Yen Chiu（唐宋贸易港口 Lambda\Lambda 研究），杨连中文译本，上海，1935 年。
慈原驚藏；庸术貿易港研究（楊鍊䛾） 慈原惊藏; 庸术贸易港研究（杨炼䛾）
Ishida Mikinosuke，Nankai ni Kansuru Shina Shiryo（Chinese sources concerning the Nan－hai），Tokyo， 1951.们田幹之助：南海に關する支邢史料 石田美之助，Nankai ni Kansuru Shina Shiryo（关于南海的中国资料），东京，1951 年。
Fujita Toyohachi，Chung Kuo Nan Ilai Ku Tai Chiao T＇ung Ts＇ung K＇ao （Studies on ancient Chinese relations with the Nan－hai），Chinese translation by Ho Chien－min，Shanghai， 1936. Fujita Toyohachi，Chung Ku Nan Ilai Ku Tai Chiao T'ung Ts'ung K'ao（《中国古代与南海关系研究》），何建民中文译本，上海，1936 年。
藤田冀八：中國南海古代交通兹考（何建因譯） 藤田冀八：中国南海古代交通兹考（何建因译）
Kao A－wei，＂Sun Wu K＇ai P＇i Man Yüeh K＇ao＂（On the Wu subjugation of Man Yüeh），Ta Lu Tsa Chih（The Continent Magazine），Vol．VII，1953， No．7，pp．13－17 and No．8，pp．12－18． 高阿伟，〈孙武凯佩曼悦 K'ao〉（论吴氏征服满悦），《大陆杂志》，第七卷，1953 年，第 7 期，第 13-17 页和第 8 期，第 12-18 页。
高亞偉；「孫吴開閣變越考」大陸雜志 高亚伟; 「孙吴开阁变越考」大陆杂志
III 第三
Bingham，W．L．，The Founding of the T＇ang Dynasty，Baltimore， 1941. 宾汉姆，W.L.，唐朝的建立，巴尔的摩，1941 年。
Briggs，L．P．，The Ancient Khmer Empire，Vol．41，Pt． 1 of the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society， 1951. Briggs，L.P.，《古代高棉帝国》，第 41 卷，美国哲学学会汇刊第 1 部分，1951 年。
Burkhill，I．H．，A Dictionary of the Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula， 2 vols．，London， 1935. Burkhill， I.H.，《马来半岛经济产品词典》，2 卷，伦敦，1935 年。
Chang T＇ien－tse，Sino－Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644：A Synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese Sources，Leiden， 1934. 张天泽，《1514 年至 1644 年的中葡贸易：葡中资料综合》，莱顿，1934 年。
Chi Cl＇ao－ting，Key Economic Areas in Chinese History as Revealed in the Developments of Public Works for Water Control，Iondon． 1936. Chi Cl'ao-ting，《中国历史上的关键经济领域，从治水公共工程的发展中揭示出来》，Iondon.1936 年。
Coedès，G．，Les Etats Hindouises d＇Indochine et d＇Indonesie，Histoire de Monde，Tome VIII（2），Paris， 1948. Coedès，G.，Les Etats Hindouises d'Indochine et d'Indonesie，Histoire de Monde，Tome VIII（2），巴黎，1948 年。
Eberhard，W．，History of China，London， 1950. Eberhard， W.，《中国历史》，伦敦，1950 年。
Fitzgerald，C．P．，China：A Short Cultural History．London， 1935. 菲茨杰拉德，C.P.，《中国：文化简史》，伦敦，1935 年。
Giles，H．A．（translator），The Travels of Fa－hsien，or a Record of the Buddhist kingdoms，Cambridge， 1923. Giles，H.A.（译者），The Travels of Fa-hsien，or a Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms，剑桥，1923 年。
Goodrich，L．C．，A Short History of the Chinese People，London， 1948. Goodrich， L.C.，《中国人民简史》，伦敦，1948 年。
Hadi Hassan，Persian Navigation，London， 1928. 哈迪·哈桑，《波斯航海》，伦敦，1928 年。
Hith，F．，China and the Roman Orient，Researches into their Ancient and Medieval Relations as Presented in Old Chinese Records，Leipzig， 1885. Hith，F.，中国和罗马东方，研究中国古代和中世纪关系，如中国古记录，莱比锡，1885 年。
Hirth，F．and Rockhill，W．W．Chau Ju－kua，St．Petersburg， 1911. Hirth，F. 和 Rockhill，W.W.Chau Ju-kua，圣彼得堡，1911 年。
Hourani, G.F., Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times, Princeton, 1951. Hourani， G.F.，《古代和中世纪早期印度洋的阿拉伯航海》，普林斯顿，1951 年。
Latourette. K.S., The Chinese, their History and Culture, 3rd ed., Now York, 1950. 拉图雷特。K.S.，《华人及其历史和文化》，第 3 版，现在的约克，1950 年。
Laufer, B., Sino-Iranica: Chinese Contributions to the History of Civilisation in Ancient Iran, with Special Reference to the History of Cultivated Plants and Products, Field Museum of Natural History, Publications 201 (Anthropological Series), Vol. V No. 3. Chicago, 1919. Laufer， B.，《中国-伊朗：中国对古代伊朗文明史的贡献，特别参考栽培植物和产品的历史》，菲尔德自然历史博物馆，出版物 201（人类学系列），第 V 卷第 3 期。芝加哥，1919 年。
Maspero, G., Le Royaume de Champa, Paris et Bruxclies, 1928. Maspero， G.，Le Royaume de Champa，巴黎和布鲁克斯利，1928 年。
Quaritch Wales, H.G., The Making of Greater India, London, 1951. 夸里奇·威尔士，H.G.，《大印度的形成》，伦敦，1951 年。
Swarn. N.L., Food and Money in Ancient Chlna, Princeton, 1950. 斯沃恩。N.L.，《古代 Chlna 的食物和金钱》，普林斯顿，1950 年。
IV 四
Aurousseau， L.，“Ia Première Conquête Chinoise des Pays Annamites （III stècle avant notre ère）”，Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'ExtrêmeOrient，1923 年，第 137-264 页。 Balazs， E.，“Le Traité Economique du Souci-chou”，《东报》，第 XLII 卷，1953 年，第 113-329 页。 Braddell， R.，“马来亚古代笔记”，皇家亚洲学会木拉扬分会杂志，第 XXIII 卷，1950 年，第 1 部分，第 1-34 页;第 3 部分，第 1-34 页;第 XXIV 卷，1951 年，第 1 部分，第 1-27 页。 Briggs， L.P.，“高棉帝国和马来半岛”，《远东季刊》，第 9 卷，1950 年，第 256-305 页。 郑德嵨，〈楚州唐朝陵墓发掘〉，《哈佛亚洲研究杂志》，第4卷，1939年，第1-11页。 Ferrand， G.，“Le K'ouen-louen et les Anciennes Navigations Interoceaniques dans les Mers du Sud”，《亚洲杂志》，第十三卷，1919 年，3 月4 月，第 239-333 页：5-6 月，第 450-469 页;7 月至 8 月，第 5-68 页;以及附录 III，“Le Kan-l'o-li”，9 月至 10 月，第 238-41 页。 许云娑，〜Notes on Tan-tan'），《皇家亚洲学会马来亚分会》第XX卷，1948年6月，第47-63页。拉铁摩尔，欧文，“中国历史地理学的内亚方法”，《地理学》杂志，CX 卷，1947 年 7 月至 12 月，第 1807 页。（1947 年 4 月在普林斯顿远东文化与社会两百周年纪念会议上宣读的论文。 Luce， G.H.，“论福坎图鲁”，《缅甸研究社会杂志》，第十四卷。1924 年，第 II 部分。第 97-9 页。
Nilankanta Sastri， K.A.，“印度与中国交往的开端”，《印度历史季刊》，第十四卷，1938 年，第 286-7 页。 Pelliot， P.， “Deux Itinćraires de Chine en Inde à la fin du VIIIe siècle”.Bulletin de I'Fcole Francaise d'Extrême-Orient，第 IV 卷，1904 年，第 215363 页;372-3. Przyluski， I.，“7 世纪前苏门答腊的印度殖民”，《大印度社会杂志》，第 1 卷，1934 年，第 92-101 页。
南海贸易经过了大约十个世纪的调查，直到 960 年宋朝建立，当时它正处于新发展的门槛上。可以区分三个阶段。第一阶段是贵重物品的贸易，即宫廷和宫殿所渴望的东西。以及这片土地的贵族和女士们。这种情况持续了五个世纪，其特点是裕赫和印度商人和航运占主导地位，以及福南崛起为南海的第一个海上帝国。第二阶段是“圣物”贸易，当时中国的宗教信仰创造了超过对珠宝和香水的需求。它持续了近两个世纪，其特点是与爪哇-苏门答腊和锡兰有更密切的接触。第三农90^(1t)90^{1 t}药品和香料贸易。这持续了超过 07209320 的特点是 S TimesNewsLink 的商业力量崛起，统治了波斯和阿拉伯中间商 an207$19000207 \$ 19000并且曾经是 Y GE 111）
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