A GLOBAL INTRODUCTION TO MEDIA STUDIES
媒体研究的全球概论

MARK DEUZE  马克·杜兹

Life in Media  媒体生活

A Global Introduction to Media Studies
媒体研究的全球概论

Contents  内容

1

Media Life  媒体生活

At the heart of this book and its approach to the role media play in society and everyday life is the fairly straightforward notion that we do not live with media but in media. Media are to us like water is to fish. Such a view on media as all-encompassing and inevitable is not new; nor is it particular to our current digital environment. Media and communication scholars from around the world-from Canada to Nigeria, Germany to Sri Lanka, China to Colombia (please see appendix 1 for an annotated bibliography for all arguments in this book)-have suggested throughout the twentieth century that it is most fruitful to think of all kinds of media, including the “mass” media of television, radio, books, and magazines as well as such traditional forms of shared narratives in society as poetry, plays, song, and dance, as a deeply interdependent ensemble of devices, technologies, contents, communicative relations, and interactions that together (and in conjunction) make up people’s experience of media life. Our current digital environment integrates all of this into a more or less seamless lived experience of media.
这本书的核心及其对媒体在社会和日常生活中的作用的方法是一个相当直截了当的概念，即我们不是生活在媒体中，而是生活在媒体中。媒体之于我们，就像水之于鱼。这种将媒体视为包罗万象和不可避免的观点并不新鲜;也不是我们当前的数字环境所特有的。来自世界各地的媒体和传播学者——从加拿大到尼日利亚，从德国到斯里兰卡，从中国到哥伦比亚（本书中所有论点的注释书目见附录 1）——在整个 20 世纪都建议，考虑各种媒体是最富有成效的，包括电视的“大众”媒体。 广播、书籍和杂志，以及诗歌、戏剧、歌曲和舞蹈等社会共享叙事的传统形式，作为设备、技术、内容、交际关系和互动的深度相互依存的整体，它们共同（并结合）构成了人们对媒体生活的体验。我们当前的数字环境或多或少地将所有这些整合到无缝的媒体生活体验中。

1. Media disappear, in that the ways people use and think of media tends to be highly intuitive, ritualistic, and blissfully unaware of the inner workings of media (both as technologies and how media act as industries).
   媒体消失了，因为人们使用和思考媒体的方式往往是高度直观的、仪式性的，并且幸福地不知道媒体的内部运作（无论是作为技术还是媒体如何作为工业）。
2. Media are what people do, in that everything people do in life either directly or indirectly involves media of some kind, subtly structuring, stimulating, and specifying what we observe, feel, process, and perform.
   媒体就是人们所做的，因为人们在生活中所做的一切都直接或间接地涉及某种媒体，巧妙地构建、刺激和指定我们观察、感受、处理和执行的东西。
3. People love media, in that our primary relation with media is both intimate and emotional, as people take their media intensely personally, having a range of strong feelings about media-ranging from passion and excitement to frustration and fear.
   人们喜欢媒体，因为我们与媒体的主要关系既亲密又感性，因为人们非常重视他们的媒体，对媒体有一系列强烈的感受——从激情和兴奋到沮丧和恐惧。

Living in Media  生活在媒体中

As media evolve, all aspects of our lives play out in media, and it is in media that we find each other and ourselves. Take love, for example. Using popular dating platforms like Badoo, Bumble, and Tinder, Grindr and Lex (for queer lovers), Aisle (India), AfroIntroductions (across Africa), Latin American Cupid (owned by the Australian company Cupid Media), Matchmallows (Middle East), and Tantan (China), finding some kind of love has never been easier, regardless of where or who you are in the world. Hundreds of millions of people have an account on one or more online dating services, where potential partners are available day and night. With a few swipes, clicks, and chats, you could be off on your next amorous adventure. At the same time, it can also be much more difficult to develop and maintain romantic relationships, as there seem to be endless alternatives available, and the supply of potential paramours never stops. Even if you are matched with someone else, once they put your name into a search engine, your entire life history, including experiences and events that are perhaps not so appealing (especially when taken out of context), may be exposed. Furthermore, are you really “matching” with someone, or is the interface of the site or app you are using subtly steering you a certain way? Is this love, or is it the outcome of a program that runs in the background to connect profiles not necessarily based on mutual amorous preference but governed by the formal indifference of a computer algorithm? What about all the people who do not have online dating profiles, who are less savvy or uncomfortable presenting and promoting themselves in a way that befits the
随着媒体的发展，我们生活的方方面面都在媒体中发挥作用，正是在媒体中，我们找到了彼此和自己。以爱为例。使用 Badoo、Bumble 和 Tinder、Grindr 和 Lex（面向酷儿爱好者）、Aisle（印度）、AfroIntroductions（非洲各地）、拉丁美洲 Cupid（澳大利亚公司 Cupid Media 拥有）、Matchmallows（中东）和 Tantan（中国）等流行的约会平台，无论您身在何处或身在何处，找到某种爱情从未如此简单。数亿人在一个或多个在线约会服务上拥有帐户，潜在的合作伙伴日夜可用。只需几次滑动、点击和聊天，您就可以开始下一次多情的冒险了。与此同时，发展和维持浪漫关系也可能更加困难，因为似乎有无穷无尽的选择，而且潜在情人的供应从未停止。即使您与其他人匹配，一旦他们将您的名字输入搜索引擎，您的整个生活史，包括可能不那么吸引人的经历和事件（尤其是在断章取义时），也可能会暴露出来。此外，您真的与某人“匹配”吗，或者您正在使用的网站或应用程序的界面是否巧妙地以某种方式引导您？这是爱，还是一个程序在后台运行的结果，它连接个人资料不一定基于彼此的恋爱偏好，而是由计算机算法的形式冷漠所支配的？所有没有在线约会资料的人呢，他们不太精明或不舒服以适合的方式展示和宣传自己
laws of attraction as determined by the affordances of an app or website or who simply did not log on that day?
吸引力法则是由应用程序或网站的可供性决定的，或者谁只是在那天没有登录？

• living in media, even our most intimate feelings and experiences somehow involve media;
  生活在媒体中，即使是我们最亲密的感受和经历也以某种方式与媒体有关;
• media structure our lives in ways that have become rather invisible, their influence difficult to disentangle;
  媒体以一种变得相当隐蔽的方式构建我们的生活，它们的影响难以理清;
• “the” media includes a variety of industries, including media firms, technology companies, and telecommunications corporations, all working together as well as competing for our time and engagement;
  “the” media 包括各种行业，包括媒体公司、科技公司和电信公司，所有这些行业都在共同努力，并争夺我们的时间和参与度;
• using media tends to include some kind of production of media (from sharing personal data each time we log on to composing and sharing countless posts, memes, blogs, and vlogs online);
  使用媒体往往包括某种媒体制作（从每次登录时共享个人数据到在线撰写和分享无数帖子、模因、博客和视频博客）;
• in media, participating in private also makes your life public to some extent;
  在媒体上，私下参与也在一定程度上让你的生活公开化;
• to be certain about what is genuine, authentic, true, or real in media can be complicated and frustrating;
  确定媒体中的真实、真实、真实或真实可能很复杂且令人沮丧;
• we can appreciate how we clearly love media, considering how we use media not just for fun, information, education, and work but for anything in life, including to channel our deepest infatuations, passions, and desires; and
  我们可以体会到我们显然是多么热爱媒体，考虑到我们如何不仅将媒体用于娱乐、信息、教育和工作，而且用于生活中的任何事情，包括引导我们最深的迷恋、激情和欲望;和
• all this sometimes makes us feel a bit uncomfortable, and we even may want to do something about it-without necessarily throwing out our coveted devices or logging off indefinitely.
  这一切有时会让我们感到有点不舒服，我们甚至可能想做点什么——而不必扔掉我们梦寐以求的设备或无限期地注销。

Life in a Day  一日生活

Eight Key Insights Informing Media Studies for a Life in Media
为媒体生活的媒体研究提供信息的八个关键见解

1. Media are pervasive and ubiquitous.
   媒体无处不在。
2. Media have long histories that are complicated.
   媒体历史悠久，但很复杂。
3. Media raise all kinds of ethical issues.
   媒体提出了各种各样的道德问题。
4. Media are a source of profound pleasure and fun.
   媒体是深深的乐趣和乐趣的源泉。
5. People seem to be increasingly comfortable with media.
   人们似乎越来越适应媒体。
6. People seem to be relatively confident about their media.
   人们似乎对他们的媒体相对有信心。
7. People seem to accept surveillance as familiar and ordinary.
   人们似乎认为监控是熟悉的和普通的。
8. People seem to have little concern about doing the work for media.
   人们似乎对为媒体做工作并不关心。

Media Are Pervasive and Ubiquitous
媒体无处不在

Another way of considering the pervasive nature of media acknowledges how everything is mediated: all our experiences, relationships, and ways of making sense of the world around us involve and are shaped and influenced by media. This is one explanation for the rich and eclectic diversity of scenes, moments, and everyday life sequences present in the films. This does not mean life is determined by media-it just suggests that, whether we like it or not, every aspect of our lives takes place in media. Quite often this “mediation of everything” involves people actively challenging and resisting media-for example, when people demand a different version of the truth than the one received through mainstream media or when we use social media to rally for a cause. Other times we use media to make our own version of events and, in doing so, purposefully create our own reality. Alternatively, we can try to avoid media as much as possible-when going on a romantic date, for example, or when parenting about screen time. On the other hand, it is inevitable that media play a prominent role in what we talk about, in what makes us laugh or cry, and what we find significant or trustworthy. Seen this way, embracing, resisting, and avoiding media all are part of and contribute to the pervasive nature of media in our lives.
另一种考虑媒体无处不在的方式承认一切都是如何被中介的：我们所有的经历、关系和理解我们周围世界的方式都涉及媒体，并受到媒体的塑造和影响。这是对电影中场景、时刻和日常生活序列丰富而不拘一格的多样性的一种解释。这并不意味着生活是由媒体决定的——它只是表明，无论我们喜欢与否，我们生活的方方面面都发生在媒体中。很多时候，这种“万物调解”涉及人们积极挑战和抵制媒体——例如，当人们要求与通过主流媒体获得的真相版本不同时，或者当我们使用社交媒体为某项事业集结时。其他时候，我们使用媒体来制作我们自己的事件版本，并在此过程中有目的地创造我们自己的现实。或者，我们可以尝试尽可能避免使用媒体——例如，在浪漫约会时，或者在为人父母关于屏幕时间时。另一方面，媒体不可避免地在我们谈论的内容、让我们欢笑或哭泣的内容以及我们认为重要或值得信赖的内容中发挥重要作用。从这个角度来看，拥抱、抵制和避免媒体都是媒体在我们生活中无处不在的一部分，并有助于媒体在我们生活中的普遍性。

Media Have Long Histories That Are Complicated
媒体有着悠久而复杂的历史

Media Raise All Kinds of Ethical Issues
媒体引发各种道德问题

As media over time gradually nestle themselves in all aspects and experiences of everyday life and in the various ways in which society functions, we naturally invest much into our media-our emotions, our relationships, our memories, what we believe in, what we think the truth is, what we feel is right and wrong. At the same time, the media we surround
随着时间的推移，随着媒体逐渐融入日常生活的方方面面和经验，以及社会运作的各种方式，我们自然而然地对我们的媒体投入了大量精力——我们的情感、我们的人际关系、我们的记忆、我们的信仰、我们认为的真相是什么、我们觉得是对的和错的。与此同时，我们周围的媒体
ourselves with shape us too, as each device, each message, and each way of using media has a limited range of characteristics and actions we can take, all contributing to a specific way of understanding and comprehending the world. Our existence as human beings-and humanity as a wholetherefore cannot be seen separate from media. It follows that living in media is neither a “good” or “bad” thing for us-it is simply our reality; it is who we are and what we do. Importantly, this position does not negate critical debates about the media; nor does it dissolve us from the responsibility to carefully reflect on the role media play in society and everyday life. It is, however, really challenging to critically reflect on “the” media when our lives and our common humanity are so much conjoined with media. Perhaps the only time we see media abundantly clear is when they break down and when they fail to do what we expect them to. On the other hand, most of us do not use media as we are intended to. We generally do not read user manuals carefully, and as we overwhelmingly use newer media in ways that we have grown accustomed to from older media, we miss out on a lot of new options and functionalities. The very fact that we all have our own idiosyncratic ways of using (and understanding) media complicates claims we can make about their supposed impact or influence. It is good to acknowledge, right from the start, that our media (like all relationships) are both particular and really complicated.
我们自己也塑造了我们，因为每个设备、每条信息和每种使用媒体的方式都有我们能采取的特征和行动的有限范围，所有这些都有助于以一种特定的方式理解和理解世界。因此，我们作为人类和整个人类的存在不能脱离媒体来看待。因此，生活在媒体中对我们来说既不是“好”也不是“坏”的事情——它只是我们的现实;而是我们是谁，我们做什么。重要的是，这一立场并不否定关于媒体的批判性辩论;它也不会消除我们仔细反思媒体在社会和日常生活中的作用的责任。然而，当我们的生活和我们共同的人性与媒体如此紧密地联系在一起时，批判性地反思“媒体”确实具有挑战性。也许我们唯一一次看到媒体非常清楚的时候是当它们崩溃时，当它们没有按照我们的期望去做的时候。另一方面，我们大多数人并没有按照我们的意图使用媒体。我们通常不会仔细阅读用户手册，并且由于我们绝大多数以我们已经习惯于旧媒体的方式使用新媒体，因此我们错过了很多新的选项和功能。事实上，我们都有自己独特的使用（和理解）媒体的方式，这使得我们可以对它们所谓的影响或影响力的主张变得复杂。从一开始就承认我们的媒体（就像所有关系一样）既特殊又非常复杂，这是件好事。

Media Are a Source of Profound Pleasure and Fun
媒体是深刻的乐趣和乐趣的源泉

People Seem to Be Increasingly Comfortable with Media
人们似乎越来越适应媒体

People Seem to Accept Surveillance as Familiar and Common
人们似乎认为监控是熟悉和普遍的

The phenomenon of free labor is not new-it forms the basis of the advertising business model of mass media, where audiences (for books and newspapers, shows on radio and television, and titles in magazines) are generated to be sold to advertisers. Back in 1973, the American video artists Richard Serra and Carlota Fey Schoolman created a short film titled Television Delivers People, consisting of a scrolling text while generic music plays in the background. A repeated memorable line in the film reads: “You are the product of television,” a sentiment that fuels much of the critique against media as an industry. A similar argument is made in the docudrama The Social Dilemma, directed by Jeff Orlowski and released on Netflix on September 9, 2020, to record viewing numbers around the world. The Social Dilemma focuses on how social media companies like Facebook, Google, and Twitter use algorithms to encourage people to spend
免费劳动力的现象并不新鲜——它构成了大众媒体广告商业模式的基础，在大众媒体中，观众（书籍和报纸、广播和电视节目以及杂志标题）被产生并出售给广告商。早在 1973 年，美国视频艺术家 Richard Serra 和 Carlota Fey Schoolman 创作了一部名为《Television Deliver People》的短片，由滚动的文本组成，背景中播放通用音乐。电影中一句令人难忘的台词反复出现：“你是电视的产物”，这种情绪助长了对媒体作为一个行业的批评。由杰夫·奥洛夫斯基执导并于 2020 年 9 月 9 日在 Netflix 上映的纪录片《社会困境》中也提出了类似的论点，创下了全球收视率纪录。《社交困境》的重点是 Facebook、Google 和 Twitter 等社交媒体公司如何使用算法来鼓励人们消费
all their online time on their platforms, in the process collecting enormous amounts of personal data to be repackaged and sold to advertisers. In 1973, the product of television was the viewing audience. Today, it is all of us, clicking and swiping our way through the digital environment, recording, archiving, and sharing our lives online while making money for the platforms and services involved.
他们所有的在线时间都在他们的平台上，在此过程中收集了大量的个人数据，然后重新打包并出售给广告商。1973 年，电视的产品是收视观众。今天，我们所有人都在数字环境中点击和滑动，在线记录、存档和分享我们的生活，同时为所涉及的平台和服务赚钱。

Media Life  媒体生活

• examining our own media use, finding how every single aspect of our lives is enmeshed in media;
  审视我们自己的媒体使用情况，发现我们生活的方方面面是如何与媒体交织在一起的;
• acknowledging how we feel about (our) media and how much we enjoy and love media;
  承认我们对（我们的）媒体的感受以及我们多么喜欢和热爱媒体;
• considering the research on how people around the world spend their time, showing that we use media more than doing anything else in life (including sleeping); and
  考虑到对世界各地人们如何度过时间的研究，表明我们使用媒体的次数超过了生活中的其他任何事情（包括睡觉）;和
• exploring the “black box” of technology and production techniques that make media work, seeing how they are designed to keep us engaged and to monetize that engagement.
  探索使媒体发挥作用的技术和制作技术的“黑匣子”，了解它们如何设计以保持我们的参与度并将这种参与度货币化。

• looking beyond media as shiny new toys to see what people are actually doing with (their) media;
  将媒体视为闪亮的新玩具，看看人们实际上在用（他们的）媒体做什么;
• documenting how all media are versions of each other, both in terms of their design and content and relating to the various ways in which people use media;
  记录所有媒体如何成为彼此的版本，无论是在设计和内容方面，还是在人们使用媒体的各种方式方面;
• acknowledging that media, if anything because of their combined everywhereness and everydayness, are hard to see and think about critically; and
  承认媒体，如果有的话，因为它们无处不在和日常性相结合，很难被批判性地看待和思考;和
• respecting the fact that it is therefore never easy to use, understand, and make sense of media-neither as a scholar or student of media nor in the practice of everyday life.
  尊重这样一个事实，即使用、理解和理解媒体从来都不容易——无论是作为媒体的学者或学生，还是在日常生活的实践中。

• all the different ways in which people use, accommodate, or resist the media;
  人们使用、迁就或抵制媒体的所有不同方式;
• struggles over access and participation in the media;
  为获得和参与媒体而进行的斗争;
• which people, values, and ideas get represented and promoted via media and which identities and voices are marginalized or unheard;
  哪些人、价值观和思想通过媒体得到代表和推广，哪些身份和声音被边缘化或被忽视;
• the ownership, business models, and control of the media (including the technology and telecommunications sectors);
  媒体（包括技术和电信行业）的所有权、商业模式和控制;
• how the key institutions of society, such as politics and the state, security forces and the police, health care, education and schools, families and households, and the media as an industry function under the influence of media;
  社会的关键机构，如政治和国家、安全部队和警察、医疗保健、教育和学校、家庭和家庭，以及媒体作为一个行业如何在媒体的影响下运作;
• how the media, telecommunications, and technology sectors can or should be regulated; and
  媒体、电信和技术部门可以或应该如何受到监管;和
• what the role is of (increasing) automation in the inner workings of media devices and industries, specifically when it comes to processes governed by algorithms (i.e., automated instructions) or more complex sets of algorithms working largely independent of human intervention (as in the case of applications involving machine learning and artificial intelligence).
  在媒体设备和行业的内部工作中（增加）自动化的作用是什么，特别是当涉及到由算法控制的流程（即自动指令）或更复杂的算法集在很大程度上独立于人工干预工作时（如涉及机器学习和人工智能的应用程序）。

1. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, remarks, Munich Security Conference, February 15, 2020. https:// www.who.int/director-general/speeches/detail/munich-security-conference
   谭德塞，2020 年 2 月 15 日在慕尼黑安全会议上发表讲话。https:// www.who.int/director-general/speeches/detail/munich-security-conference
2. Geoffrey Macnab, “Sundance Interview: Kevin Macdonald on Life in a Day 2020,” Business Doc Europe, January 28, 2021, https://businessdoceurope.com/sundance-interview-kevin-macdonald-on-life-in-a-day-2020/.
   Geoffrey Macnab，“圣丹斯访谈：Kevin Macdonald 谈 2020 年一天的生活”，欧洲商业文档，2021 年 1 月 28 日，https://businessdoceurope.com/sundance-interview-kevin-macdonald-on-life-in-a-day-2020/。
3. Chris Azzopardi, “'Life in a Day 2020’ Review: A Video Diary of a Difficult Year,” New York Times, February 5, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/05/movies/life-in-a-day-2020-review .html.
   Chris Azzopardi，“'2020 年一日生活'回顾：艰难一年的视频日记”，《纽约时报》，2021 年 2 月 5 日，https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/05/movies/life-in-a-day-2020-review .html。

2

Your Life  您的生活

Another way of defining media is to look at content: What do we say in the messages we send to each other? How do people respond to a particular
定义媒体的另一种方式是看内容：我们在发送给彼此的消息中说了什么？人们如何响应特定
news item? What kind of advertisement persuades us to make a purchasing decision? What is a director trying to achieve with their new film? How did the designers decide to depict the female characters in their game? Considering the content of media allows us to dig deeper into what kind of values and ideas they convey, whose voices are heard and who gets excluded, and where the biases and assumptions of media makers lie, making us aware of the polysemy of mediated communication and exploring all the different ways we can make sense of the media that surround us. If we combine a focus on media as content with a definition of media as devices, we get to appreciate that the same message can look and feel quite different when seen on another device or when created or accessed through a particular platform and interface. A music clip on TikTok is not the same nor does it have the same meaning and impact as a message via WhatsApp, a video on YouTube, or a scene from a big-budget movie-even though all of these media can transmit the same message. Having a loved one break up via a phone call, a text message, or a Facebook status update (“It’s complicated”) affects us differently. The materiality of media matters, just as media content does, and much can be gained if we consider these two aspects of media together when we define media.
新闻项目？什么样的广告说服我们做出购买决定？导演想通过他们的新电影达到什么目的？设计师是如何决定在游戏中描绘女性角色的呢？考虑媒体的内容使我们能够更深入地挖掘它们传达了什么样的价值观和思想，谁的声音被听到，谁被排除在外，以及媒体制作者的偏见和假设在哪里，让我们意识到中介传播的多义性，并探索我们可以理解我们周围的媒体的所有不同方式。如果我们将对媒体作为内容的关注与将媒体定义为设备相结合，我们就会体会到，当在另一台设备上看到或通过特定平台和界面创建或访问时，相同的信息看起来和感觉可能会完全不同。TikTok 上的音乐剪辑与通过 WhatsApp 发送的消息、YouTube 上的视频或大制作电影中的场景不同，也不具有相同的意义和影响——即使所有这些媒体都可以传递相同的信息。让所爱的人通过电话、短信或 Facebook 状态更新（“这很复杂”）分手对我们的影响不同。媒体的物质性很重要，就像媒体内容一样，如果我们在定义媒体时将媒体的这两个方面放在一起考虑，可以获得很多好处。

1. Media as artifacts or devices, incorporating distinct devices and technologies
   作为对象或设备的媒体，包含不同的设备和技术
2. Media as activities or practices, considering all the different ways of using media
   媒体作为活动或实践，考虑使用媒体的所有不同方式
3. Media as different social arrangements and organizational forms in society and in everyday life
   媒体作为社会和日常生活中的不同社会安排和组织形式

Media as Artifacts  媒体作为对象

Assessing the long history of media as artifacts, something fascinating is going on: they seem to be disappearing. Consider, for example, the two most common consumer electronics on our planet: the television and the telephone. Virtually all households in the developed world own a TV set, while a majority owns at least one set in developing countries. About half of the world’s population owns a mobile phone, and many more use mobile devices. Until the early 1990s, televisions around the world remained about the same size, with an average screen diameter of about thirty centimeters. From 1992, the Dutch electronics firm Philips introduced wide-screen televisions to the European market, and not much later the first (flat) plasma televisions appeared, resulting in an ever-increasing screen size. At the end of the nineties, the diameter could increase to over one meter. People owning such large screens at the time reported feeling the viewing practice to be more intense and more “real,” almost like a nonmediated experience. Manufacturers subsequently switched to somewhat more energy-efficient and cheaper LED televisions and, since the early 2000s, introduced a series of variations on this technology. With each subsequent step, the average available screen size of the TV screen increased further-with some brands launching slightly curved screens whose main purpose is to make the viewing experience even more immersive. The average diameter increased further to almost one and a half meters, with some models available up to well over three meters.
评估媒体作为人工制品的悠久历史，正在发生一些令人着迷的事情：它们似乎正在消失。例如，考虑一下我们星球上最常见的两种消费电子产品：电视和电话。几乎所有发达国家的家庭都拥有一台电视机，而在发展中国家，大多数人至少拥有一台电视机。世界上大约有一半的人口拥有手机，还有更多人使用移动设备。直到 1990 年代初，世界各地的电视尺寸都差不多，平均屏幕直径约为 30 厘米。从 1992 年开始，荷兰电子公司飞利浦将宽屏电视引入欧洲市场，不久之后出现了第一台（平面）等离子电视，导致屏幕尺寸不断增加。在 90 年代末，直径可能会增加到 1 米以上。当时拥有如此大屏幕的人报告说，感觉观看练习更强烈、更 “真实”，几乎就像一种无中介的体验。制造商随后转向更节能、更便宜的 LED 电视，并且自 2000 年代初以来，引入了这项技术的一系列变体。随着每一步的进行，电视屏幕的平均可用屏幕尺寸进一步增加——一些品牌推出了略微弯曲的屏幕，其主要目的是使观看体验更加身临其境。平均直径进一步增加到近 1 米半，有些型号可达 3 米以上。

Media as Activities  媒体作为活动

In addition to media as artifacts, it is important to consider what we all do with these devices to get to a comprehensive definition of media. The activities involving media are just as diverse and complex as media are. First of all, let us have a look at the time we spend on media. Although the results of time use research differ per method used, it can generally be concluded that people around the world on average spend most of their time with media: at least eight hours per day. That number does not differ much from our media time five, ten, or even twenty years ago, nor does this average differ wildly from one part of the world to the next. Every year people acquire more media than the year before-mainly televisions, mobile phones and tablets, and game consoles. If the sale of these types of devices is slightly less one year, this is not due to our saturated desires but because there is no major international sporting event planned that year or because it is a year in which, for example, the game industry is in a period of technological transition (from one generation console to the next), when a major new hardware or software standard is on the way.
除了作为人工制品的媒体之外，重要的是要考虑我们如何使用这些设备来全面定义媒体。涉及媒体的活动与媒体一样多样化和复杂。首先，让我们看看我们在媒体上花费的时间。尽管时间使用研究的结果因使用的方法而异，但通常可以得出结论，世界各地的人们平均将大部分时间花在媒体上：每天至少 8 小时。这个数字与我们五年、十年甚至二十年前的媒体时代没有太大区别，这个平均值在世界不同地区也没有太大差异。每年人们获取的媒体都比前一年多，主要是电视、手机和平板电脑以及游戏机。如果这些类型设备的销量一年略少，这不是因为我们的欲望饱和，而是因为那一年没有计划重大的国际体育赛事，或者因为这是一年，例如，游戏行业正处于技术过渡期（从一代游戏机到下一代）， 当主要的新硬件或软件标准即将推出时。

• the phone starts its life as a business purchase, to be used by a parent for work;
  这款手机最初是商业购买，供父母用于工作;
• after a while, the phone is replaced by a newer model, at which time it gets passed on to one of the children;
  一段时间后，手机被更新的型号取代，这时它会传递给其中一个孩子;
• the child primarily uses the phone for games, and as she grows up, it becomes more important as a way to connect to her peers;
  孩子主要使用手机玩游戏，随着她的成长，它作为与同龄人联系的一种方式变得更加重要;
• soon she acquires a phone of her own, and the device moves on to the youngest family member;
  很快，她就获得了一部自己的手机，该设备转移到了最年轻的家庭成员身上;
• as phones accumulate in a household, they also get shared with other members of the family or community, each time getting new affordances and meanings;
  随着手机在家庭中的积累，它们也会与家庭或社区的其他成员共享，每次都会获得新的功能和意义;
• this cycle continues until the phone is either recycled or stored in a desk drawer for future reference.
  这个循环一直持续到手机被回收或存放在桌面抽屉中以备将来参考。

• how news gets selected and ordered;
  新闻是如何被选择和排序的;
• the order in which information appears on social media;
  信息在社交媒体上的显示顺序;
• who gets what kind of bank loan;
  谁获得什么样的银行贷款;
• who gets flagged as a risk by mortgage lenders, tax authorities, and security services;
  谁被抵押贷款人、税务机关和安全服务标记为风险;
• what kind of prices you get to see when checking for products (such as flights) online;
  在线查看产品（例如航班）时可以看到什么样的价格;
• the places where police officers get dispatched to;
  警察被派往的地方;
• how sentences are calculated for people serving prison time;
  如何计算服刑人员的刑期;
• how self-driving cars navigate cities;
  自动驾驶汽车如何在城市中行驶;
• the recommendations and suggestions of any kind of digital media (from smart home speakers to video and game streaming services);
  任何类型的数字媒体（从智能家居扬声器到视频和游戏流媒体服务）的推荐和建议;
• how dating sites and apps match potential lovers;
  约会网站和应用程序如何匹配潜在恋人;
• the sequence of when medicine gets administered (in hospitals and care homes); and
  给药顺序（在医院和疗养院）;和
• how certain weapons could be deployed in warfare.
  某些武器如何在战争中部署。

Beyond the use of media in everyday life, activities with media also have come to play a profound role in the functioning of all institutions in society. Whether it is politicians using social media to connect to (prospective) voters, police and security forces collecting data, brands commissioning expensive advertising campaigns, schools switching to hybrid teaching and requiring students to use a laptop for their homework, doctors offering online consultations, companies offering employees options to work from home using dedicated teleconferencing software, or parents installing remote monitoring software on their children’s smartphones, the inner
除了在日常生活中使用媒体之外，与媒体相关的活动也在社会所有机构的运作中发挥着深远的作用。无论是政客使用社交媒体与（潜在）选民建立联系，警察和安全部队收集数据，品牌委托昂贵的广告活动，学校转向混合教学并要求学生使用笔记本电脑做家庭作业，医生提供在线咨询，公司为员工提供使用专用电话会议软件在家工作的选项，还是父母在孩子的智能手机上安装远程监控软件， 内部
workings of all social institutions involve media. At the same time, institutional settings and practices change and transform because of their increased orientation toward media. It is likely that anything a politician, a celebrity, a corporate spokesperson, and even a friend or acquaintance posts online is both authentic as well as conforming to the rules of the medium involved-in order to get noticed, to acquire likes and shares, to engender empathy. A good example is the “thirst trap”: intentionally posting something provocative to trick people into responding, liking, and sharing your message. Although thirst traps usually involve sexy photographs, the phenomenon (common in social media) can also include politically charged statements or attention-grabbing news headlines. This kind of clickbait is not particular to our digital environment-as human beings, we are social animals and naturally crave validation, and the media as an industry have always sought people’s attention. The form and format of clickbait online is both a function of a person’s genuine need for recognition and approval, a more or less deliberate ploy to get attention for a particular product or cause, and a specific type of message that is preferred and accordingly receives preferential treatment by the algorithms governing online social networks. In conjunction, these elements work to further cloud our awareness of the time we spend in media.
所有社会机构的运作都涉及媒体。与此同时，机构设置和实践由于对媒体的日益导向而发生变化和转变。政治家、名人、公司发言人，甚至朋友或熟人在网上发布的任何内容都可能既真实又符合相关媒体的规则——为了引起注意，获得点赞和分享，产生同理心。一个很好的例子是 “口渴陷阱”：故意发布挑衅性的内容，以诱骗人们回复、点赞和分享您的信息。虽然口渴陷阱通常涉及性感照片，但这种现象（在社交媒体中很常见）也可能包括带有政治色彩的声明或引人注目的新闻头条。这种点击诱饵并不是我们数字环境所特有的——作为人类，我们是群居动物，天然渴望得到认可，而媒体作为一个行业，一直在寻求人们的关注。在线点击诱饵的形式和格式既是一个人对认可和批准的真正需求的功能，或多或少是为了获得对特定产品或事业的关注而故意采取的策略，也是一种特定类型的信息，该信息受到首选并因此受到管理在线社交网络的算法的优惠待遇。这些元素结合在一起，进一步模糊了我们对在媒体上花费的时间的认识。

Media as (Social) Arrangements
媒体作为（社交）安排

1. Media increase the possibilities we have as humans to connect with the world around us. Without the intervention of media, our human communication is limited to a specific place, a specific moment, and our senses. With media, we can suddenly see further, hear more, and connect with many more people, places, and ideas anywhere in the world.
   媒体增加了我们作为人类与周围世界联系的可能性。如果没有媒体的干预，我们的人类交流就局限于特定地点、特定时刻和我们的感官。借助媒体，我们可以突然看到更远的地方，听到更多，并与世界上任何地方的更多人、地点和想法建立联系。
2. Media can also replace things-for example, we can play an online computer game with friends instead of playing football outside, transfer money via internet banking instead of going to the branch, and have fun sexting instead of (or in addition to) writing traditional love letters.
   媒体也可以取代事物——例如，我们可以和朋友一起玩在线电脑游戏而不是在外面踢足球，通过网上银行转账而不是去分行，享受色情短信的乐趣，而不是（或除此之外）写传统的情书。
3. Media also converge, and our exposure to media tends to be concurrent -that is, we use different media more or less simultaneously throughout the day. This convergence contributes to the mixing of our social reality with the reality of media.
   媒体也会趋同，我们接触媒体往往是并发的——也就是说，我们在一天中或多或少地同时使用不同的媒体。这种融合有助于我们的社会现实与媒体现实的混合。
4. Finally, people, organizations, and institutions adapt in all kinds of ways to omnipresent media.
   最后，人们、组织和机构以各种方式适应无处不在的媒体。

Whereas the mediation of everything helps us to appreciate the nature and characteristics of media as artifacts and activities, the concept of mediatization makes us more acutely aware of how deep the entanglement of media and life goes. Mediatization does not decrease by, for example, killing your internet connection or no longer watching television. Not only is it a luxury to disconnect (as engaging online for many is essential for their livelihood, and networks of families and friends can be scattered all over the globe); it is also unlikely that all your friends, neighbors, and family members will log off too, as society is now almost completely organized in and around media. Our own media use also suggests that we are less and less aware of what exactly we do with media and how much time of the day this consumes. Even the devices themselves disappear into the background of our living environment. In this process, media come to
万物的中介有助于我们欣赏媒体作为人工制品和活动的本质和特征，而媒体化的概念则让我们更敏锐地意识到媒体和生活的纠葛有多深。例如，关闭您的互联网连接或不再看电视不会减少媒体化。断开连接不仅是一种奢侈（因为在线参与对许多人的生计至关重要，而且家人和朋友的网络可能分散在全球各地）;你所有的朋友、邻居和家人也不太可能退出，因为社会现在几乎完全组织在媒体内部和周围。我们自己的媒体使用也表明，我们越来越不了解我们究竟是用媒体做什么的，以及它消耗了一天中多少时间。甚至设备本身也消失在我们生活环境的背景中。在这个过程中，媒体来到
co-organize our social reality. With media, we both have the tools and resources to do something about this; at the same time, it becomes easier to simply ignore our individual and shared responsibility to just get lost in the immersive experience. It takes effort to stay mindful and to truly take responsibility for a life in media.
共同组织我们的社会现实。有了媒体，我们都有工具和资源来解决这个问题;与此同时，我们更容易忽视我们的个人和共同责任，而迷失在身临其境的体验中。保持正念并真正对媒体生活负责需要付出努力。

Your Life  您的生活

1. Mark Zuckerberg, “Founder’s Letter, 2021,” Facebook, October 28, 2021, https://about.fb.com /news/2021/10/founders-letter/.
   马克·扎克伯格，“创始人信，2021 年”，Facebook，2021 年 10 月 28 日，https://about.fb.com /news/2021/10/founders-letter/。

3

Public Life  公共生活

• In a panoptic context, a small group-usually the state and a few large corporations-keeps an eye on the rest of the population to gather information, manage, and possibly influence or even control people. This kind of top-down or vertical surveillance can be obviated by antisurveillance, intended to either avoid monitoring altogether (e.g., internet browsers tend to include options to block companies from tracking you online) or make observation more difficult to achieve. Several companies, for instance, offer sunglasses that stay dark when scanned by facial recognition software (which otherwise would make them transparent); artists around the world create modified jewelry, unique hairstyles, specialized clothing items, and even entire fashion lines that aim to confuse or defeat cameras, trackers, and scanners to raise awareness and critique widespread surveillance.
  在全景环境中，一小群人（通常是国家和一些大公司）密切关注其他人口，以收集信息、管理、可能影响甚至控制人们。这种自上而下或垂直的监控可以通过反监控来避免，反监控旨在完全避免监控（例如，互联网浏览器往往包含阻止公司在线跟踪您的选项）或使观察更难实现。例如，几家公司提供的太阳镜在通过面部识别软件扫描时会保持黑暗（否则会使它们变得透明）;世界各地的艺术家创造了经过修改的珠宝、独特的发型、专门的服装，甚至整个时装系列，旨在迷惑或击败相机、追踪器和扫描仪，以提高认识并批评广泛的监控。
• Synoptic surveillance occurs when the roles are reversed, as people collaboratively monitor, evaluate, and rate the products and services of companies, municipalities, and state actors online. Examples include feedback platforms like Yelp, Trustpilot, and a dating review app called Lulu that asked female users to evaluate the romantic appeal of their male dates. (Lulu launched in 2013 and was sold to Badoo-one of the mostdownloaded dating apps in the world, originally launched in Moscow-in 2016 after much controversy.) Another prominent instance of synoptic surveillance (or coveillance) is people using their smartphone to record and share footage of police brutality. These kinds of inverse surveillance tactics have become part of the operating procedures of many grassroots organizations around the world, deliberately recording their experiences of being watched and using this to analyze and question surveillance practices.
  当角色颠倒时，就会发生概要监控，因为人们在线协作监控、评估和评价公司、市政当局和国家行为者的产品和服务。示例包括 Yelp、Trustpilot 等反馈平台，以及一款名为 Lulu 的约会评论应用程序，该应用程序要求女性用户评估男性约会对象的浪漫吸引力。（Lulu 于 2013 年推出，并在饱受争议后于 2016 年出售给 Badoo——世界上下载次数最多的约会应用程序之一，最初在莫斯科推出。天气监视（或贪婪）的另一个突出例子是人们使用智能手机记录和分享警察暴行的镜头。这种反向监控策略已成为世界各地许多草根组织作程序的一部分，故意记录他们被监视的经历，并以此来分析和质疑监控行为。
• With omnoptic surveillance, everyone keeps an eye on everyone else in a digital culture in which more and more devices are always on, and people can be permanently accessible, which makes every media user a potential target as well as a source of observation and inspection. With this kind of horizontal surveillance-sometimes referred to as sousveillance-you,
  通过 omnoptic 监控，每个人都可以在数字文化中密切关注其他人，在数字文化中，越来越多的设备始终开启，人们可以永久访问，这使得每个媒体用户都成为潜在的目标以及观察和检查的来源。通过这种水平监控——有时被称为监控——你，
  your friends, fellow students or coworkers, family members, and anyone else potentially participate in all kinds of observation and monitoring practices in media. Women in particular experience the dark side of omnoptic surveillance quite regularly, as men (often already at a very young age) stalk them, send or solicit sexual images, bully, and otherwise harass females online (mainly via social media).
  您的朋友、同学或同事、家人以及任何其他人都可能参与媒体中的各种观察和监控实践。尤其是女性经常经历 omnoptic 监控的阴暗面，因为男性（通常已经非常年轻）跟踪她们、发送或索取性图片、欺凌或以其他方式在网上骚扰女性（主要通过社交媒体）。
  

  

• the state and security forces,
  国家和安全部队，
• health care agencies (including hospitals and insurance companies),
  医疗保健机构（包括医院和保险公司），
• industries and businesses,
  行业和企业，
• social institutions (including the workplace, school, and family),
  社会机构（包括工作场所、学校和家庭），
• everyone,  每个人 都
• you (tracking yourself), and
  您（跟踪您自己），以及
• machines.  机器。

The Panopticon  全景

How Surveillance Works  监控如何运作

Forms of Surveillance: The State and Security Forces
监控形式：国家和安全部队

Kingdom, and the United States, was in the process of intercepting billions of phone records and emails and conducting all kinds of other forms of unwarranted surveillance on citizens of countries all over the world. The revelations produced headlines worldwide and caused plenty of political and public debate about the extent and purpose of widespread government surveillance. Snowden became world famous, the subject of the Oscarwinning documentary Citizenfour (2014) by Laura Poitras-one of the journalists Snowden originally shared his documents with-and the biographical thriller Snowden (2016), written and directed by Oliver Stone; he published his autobiography in 2019.
王国和美国正在拦截数十亿份电话记录和电子邮件，并对世界各国的公民进行各种其他形式的无端监视。这些披露成为全世界的头条新闻，并引发了关于政府广泛监控的范围和目的的大量政治和公众辩论。斯诺登举世闻名，是劳拉·波伊特拉斯 （Laura Poitras） 的奥斯卡获奖纪录片《第四公民》（2014 年）的主题——斯诺登最初与之分享文件的记者之一——以及由奥利弗·斯通 （Oliver Stone） 编剧和导演的传记惊悚片《斯诺登》（2016 年）;他于 2019 年出版了自传。

Forms of Surveillance: Health Care
监测形式：医疗保健

Health care is the subject of debates and projects aimed at developing innovative forms of supervision and monitoring of patient information. For example, since 2012 the worldwide Hacking Health movement organizes activities in which a variety of community hospitals, academic medical centers, faculties of medicine, clinics and pharmacies, information technology vendors, pharmaceutical companies, insurers, granting agencies, patient organizations, health care professionals, clinicians, physicians, nongovernmental organizations, and entrepreneurial hubs and networks, as well as various local, state, provincial, and federal agencies, participate to come up with ways to give people more power in the collection of data and making health information accessible. The network has chapters across all continents, located in such metropolitan centers as Athens, Kuala Lumpur, Lyon, Melbourne, Mexico City, San Francisco, Toronto, and Utrecht.
医疗保健是旨在开发创新形式的患者信息监督和监控的辩论和项目的主题。例如，自 2012 年以来，全球 Hacking Health 运动组织了各种活动，其中各种社区医院、学术医疗中心、医学院、诊所和药房、信息技术供应商、制药公司、保险公司、赠款机构、患者组织、医疗保健专业人员、临床医生、医生、非政府组织和创业中心和网络，以及各种地方、州、省、 和联邦机构参与进来，想出方法，让人们在收集数据和提供健康信息方面有更大的权力。该网络在各大洲设有分会，位于雅典、吉隆坡、里昂、墨尔本、墨西哥城、旧金山、多伦多和乌得勒支等大都市中心。

Forms of Surveillance: Business and Industry
监控形式：商业和工业

Supervision by Institutions
机构监管

Companies are taking advantage of parental pride by offering devices that make sharing everything your baby or child does even easier. A farreaching example of this was the Aristotle (a product of the American multinational toy manufacturer Mattel), announced in 2017 as an “all-inone voice-controlled smart baby monitor,” taken off the market only a few months later after protests from consumer organizations, child psychologists, and privacy advocates. The device had a Wi-Fi connection, a built-in camera, and was running on artificial intelligence programmed to grow up with the child. According to the company, the Aristotle would be able to independently monitor babies and small children, teach them to spell and speak, warn of dangers, read them bedtime stories, soothe them if they cried in the night, and correct inappropriate behavior. Even though this product is no longer available, similar smart devices are popping up in households all over the world, such as the Amazon Echo, Google Home, the Apple Homepod, and Xiaoyu Zaijia (Little Fish) from Baidu. These are all
公司通过提供设备来利用父母的自豪感，让分享您的婴儿或孩子所做的一切变得更加容易。一个影响深远的例子是 Aristotle（美国跨国玩具制造商 Mattel 的产品），它于 2017 年宣布为“一体式语音控制智能婴儿监视器”，仅在几个月后就因消费者组织、儿童心理学家和隐私倡导者的抗议而下架市场。该设备具有 Wi-Fi 连接和内置摄像头，并在人工智能上运行，该人工智能经过编程，可与孩子一起成长。据该公司称，亚里士多德将能够独立监测婴儿和幼儿，教他们拼写和说话，警告危险，给他们读睡前故事，如果他们在晚上哭泣，安抚他们，并纠正不当行为。尽管该产品已不再可用，但类似的智能设备正在世界各地的家庭中出现，例如 Amazon Echo、Google Home、Apple Homepod 和百度的小鱼再家（小鱼）。这些都是
permanently online devices that collect detailed information about us while we use them for everyday household things: asking for a particular song at dinner, dimming the lights for a romantic setting, keeping track of how long our food has been in the oven, contacting a delivery service. The global technology industry hopes that in the near future our homes will be equipped with “social robots,” such as the Jibo-developed through a crowdfunding campaign by the American roboticist Cynthia Breazeal and acquired in 2020 by the Japanese telecommunications company NTT. The Jibo closely resembles the Extraterrestrial Vegetation Evaluator (EVE) robot in the Disney movie Wall-E (from 2008)—a film that offers a stark warning about the possible consequences of omnipresent surveillance and control by technology.
永久在线设备，当我们将它们用于日常家居用品时收集有关我们的详细信息：晚餐时要求一首特定的歌曲，调暗灯光以获得浪漫的环境，跟踪我们的食物在烤箱中放置了多长时间，联系送货服务。全球科技行业希望在不久的将来，我们的家能配备“社交机器人”，例如 Jibo，它是通过美国机器人专家 Cynthia Breazeal 的众筹活动开发的，并于 2020 年被日本电信公司 NTT 收购。Jibo 与迪斯尼电影《瓦力》（2008 年）中的外星植被评估器 （EVE） 机器人非常相似，这部电影对无处不在的技术监视和控制可能产生的后果发出了严厉的警告。

1. An ever-growing data hunger that is never satisfied as each subsequent generation of hardware and software demands additional information
   不断增长的数据需求永远不会得到满足，因为每一代后续硬件和软件都需要额外的信息
2. A general lack of overview and consensus regarding responsibilities and control over all the different types of monitoring involved
   对于所涉及的所有不同类型监控的责任和控制，普遍缺乏概述和共识
3. A lack of transparency as to for whom and to what purpose all these data are obtained, how they get archived, and how all this information may be subsequently used
   对于这些数据的获取对象和目的、如何存档以及随后如何使用所有这些信息，缺乏透明度

Observing Each Other  互相观察

Supervision by Ourselves  我们自己监督

With rising literacy rates and media becoming more intimate, people keep track of and report on themselves in all kinds of ways. Sometimes the doctor asks you to monitor a certain aspect of your health, and in media, people use a variety of mobile applications for this purpose. Since everything we do in a digital context is stored and we live in media, just about every aspect of our lives becomes available for self-tracking and quantification. The output of all this self-surveillance can be categorized into passive, active, and affective data. We measure passive data by keeping track of where we are (via the GPS function on our mobile devices), what time it is, what our body temperature and heart rate is, logging our weight and counting calories of what we eat and drink, whether we stand or sit down, and so on. Active data include the number of steps you take per day, logging any kind of exercise, time spent on a variety of activities (including how much time we spend on our media devices), what we do when using media (e.g., saving the movies and television programs you watch, which games you play, the music you listen to, and everything you read in books, magazines, and newspapers), how many hours you sleep, how many words
随着识字率的提高和媒体变得更加亲密，人们以各种方式跟踪和报告自己。有时医生会要求您监控您健康状况的某个方面，而在媒体中，人们为此目的使用各种移动应用程序。由于我们在数字环境中所做的一切都被存储起来，并且我们生活在媒体中，因此我们生活的几乎每个方面都可以进行自我跟踪和量化。所有这些自我监控的输出可以分为被动、主动和情感数据。我们通过跟踪我们在哪里（通过移动设备上的 GPS 功能）、现在几点、我们的体温和心率、记录我们的体重和计算我们吃喝的卡路里、我们是站着还是坐着来测量被动数据，等等。活跃数据包括您每天的步数、记录任何类型的锻炼、在各种活动上花费的时间（包括我们在媒体设备上花费的时间）、我们使用媒体时执行的作（例如，保存您观看的电影和电视节目、您玩的游戏、您听的音乐、 以及你在书籍、杂志和报纸上读到的一切），你睡了多少小时，读了多少字
you type, how many kilometers you swim, cycle, or run, and so on. Third, a distinct trend is to register affective data, such as keeping files on daily routines, cravings and tendencies, personal goals and motivation, moods and feelings, your thoughts, ideas, and dreams.
您键入、游泳、骑行或跑步的公里数等。第三，一个明显的趋势是注册情感数据，例如保存日常生活、渴望和倾向、个人目标和动机、情绪和感受、您的想法、想法和梦想的文件。

Monitoring by Machines  机器监控

Public Life  公共生活

1. Mark Zuckerberg, speaking to John Battell at the Web 2.0 Summit 08, November 5, 2008.
   Mark Zuckerberg 在 2008 年 11 月 5 日的 Web 2.0 峰会上与 John Battell 交谈。
2. Eric Schmidt, speech at 2010 IFA Consumer Electronics event in Berlin, September 7, 2010, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DtMfdNeGXgM.
   Eric Schmidt，2010 年 9 月 7 日在柏林举行的 2010 年 IFA 消费电子活动上的演讲，https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DtMfdNeGXgM。
3. Om Malik, “Coffee & Empathy: Why Data without a Soul Is Meaningless,” OM (blog), March 26, 2013, https://om.co/gigaom/why-data-without-a-soul-is-meaningless/.
   Om Malik，“咖啡与同理心：为什么没有灵魂的数据毫无意义”，OM （博客），2013 年 3 月 26 日，https://om.co/gigaom/why-data-without-a-soul-is-meaningless/。

4

Real Life  现实生活

In September 1859, Samuel Butler-a young Englishman disillusioned after losing his faith while preparing for the priesthood-boarded the fullrigged ship the Roman Emperor to New Zealand,. Upon his arrival in Christchurch (in January 1860), he set out to work as a sheep farmer and started reading a book that was published during the long voyage to widespread discussion in scientific circles: Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species (published November 24, 1859). In this book-which is considered one of the most influential works of scientific literature, inspiring a global “Darwin industry” of dedicated scholarship-Darwin explains in a delicate but determined way that man is not the measure of all things. On June 13, 1863, the editor of The Press-at the time a newly established New Zealand newspaper-published a letter captioned “Darwin among the Machines,” written by Butler using the pseudonym Cellarius
1859 年 9 月，塞缪尔·巴特勒 （Samuel Butler） - 一个年轻的英国人，在准备成为神职时失去了信仰，幻想破灭 - 登上了前往新西兰的罗马皇帝号船。1860 年 1 月抵达基督城后，他开始从事养羊工作，并开始阅读一本书，该书是在科学界广泛讨论的漫长航行中出版的：查尔斯·达尔文的《物种起源》（1859 年 11 月 24 日出版）。在这本书中——被认为是最具影响力的科学文献之一，激发了全球“达尔文工业”的专注学术研究——达尔文以微妙而坚定的方式解释了人并不是万物的尺度。1863 年 6 月 13 日，The Press（当时一家新成立的新西兰报纸）的编辑发表了一封题为“机器中的达尔文”的信，由巴特勒使用笔名 Cellarius 撰写
(which is Latin for “butler”), extending Darwin’s argument about evolution to what he called “mechanical life.” If technology evolves as humanity does, Butler argued, sooner or later they would take over-as machines are better equipped for survival than us fragile human beings. A copy of the paper was sent to Charles Darwin via his publisher, who responded with a letter stating that he considered Butler’s take on his theory “remarkable from its spirit.”
（在拉丁语中是“管家”的意思），将达尔文关于进化论的论点扩展到他所谓的“机械生命”。巴特勒认为，如果技术像人类一样发展，它们迟早会接管——因为机器比我们脆弱的人类更有能力生存。该论文的副本通过出版商寄给了查尔斯·达尔文，达尔文在一封信中回复说，他认为巴特勒对他的理论的看法“从精神上看是非凡的”。

• the growing interdependence of humanity and technology tends to be met with concern and uneasiness;
  人类和技术之间日益增长的相互依存关系往往会让人感到担忧和不安;
• peoples’ hopes and fears about omnipresent media can be traced throughout (and are subsequently deeply shaped by) the history of humanmachine relationships;
  人们对无处不在的媒体的希望和恐惧可以追溯到整个人类机器关系的历史（并随后被其深深塑造）;
• discussions and anxieties about the relations between humanity and technology (including about what is real or virtual, true or fake) are about much more than our current news, information, and entertainment landscape, inviting a fundamental consideration of what it means to be human in a comprehensively mediated, algorithmic and to some extent automated context; and
  关于人性与技术之间关系的讨论和焦虑（包括关于什么是真实或虚拟、真实或虚假）远不止我们当前的新闻、信息和娱乐景观，它引发了对在全面中介、算法和某种程度上自动化的环境中作为人类意味着什么的根本思考;和
• taking up a critical and ethical stance regarding media life is complex in a situation where the boundaries between humanity, nature, and technology seemingly blur beyond meaningful distinction.
  在人类、自然和技术之间的界限似乎变得模糊而无法区分的情况下，对媒体生活采取批判和道德立场是复杂的。

1. Following Samuel Butler’s call, we can wage war against the machines. This can be done quite literally by, for example, destroying or discarding media, dismantling hardware, uninstalling software, disconnecting from networks, deliberately opting against using certain devices (such as a smartphone), and through active nonparticipation in online social networks. A more indirect way of warfare includes developing a critical, if not suspicious, attitude toward media-for example, by advocating for rigorous media literacy programs and education.
   遵循塞缪尔·巴特勒 （Samuel Butler） 的号召，我们可以向机器发动战争。这可以通过销毁或丢弃媒体、拆除硬件、卸载软件、断开网络连接、故意选择不使用某些设备（如智能手机）以及积极不参与在线社交网络来实现。一种更间接的战争方式包括培养对媒体的批判性态度，如果不是可疑的话——例如，通过倡导严格的媒体素养计划和教育。
2. We can also submit to a mediated existence, recognizing the inevitable boundary-blurring characteristics of a life in media and trusting ourselves to technology without surrendering to machines. This, for instance, means that people develop more deliberate choices and cultivate some level of critical awareness about their media, while still enjoying the digital environment for what it has to offer.
   我们也可以屈服于一种中介化的存在，认识到媒体生活中不可避免的界限模糊特征，并将自己托付给技术，而不屈服于机器。例如，这意味着人们会做出更深思熟虑的选择，并培养对媒体的一定程度的批判意识，同时仍然享受数字环境所提供的一切。
3. A third option would be to become media, as it were: becoming like the character Neo in The Matrix franchise (of motion pictures, animation series, comics, and digital games, beginning in 1999) by either accepting the reality with which we are presented or embracing a notion of reality as open source: malleable, subject to hacking and cocreation. Examples of such an approach would be designing alternative social media that are not built on the exploitation of people’s personal information, investing in free and open-source software, and developing a not-for-profit digital commons.
   第三种选择是成为媒体，就像：成为《黑客帝国》系列（从 1999 年开始的电影、动画系列、漫画和数字游戏）中的角色尼奥，要么接受我们所看到的现实，要么接受现实是开源的：可塑性，受黑客攻击和共同创造。这种方法的例子是设计不建立在利用人们个人信息的替代社交媒体，投资于免费和开源软件，以及开发非营利性数字共享资源。

On the Imperfection of Communication
关于沟通的不完美

• the technological threat from more advanced civilizations, as depicted in the War of the Worlds serialized stories of the English author H. G. Wells (published between April and December 1897);
  来自更先进文明的技术威胁，如英国作家 H. G. Wells 的连载小说《世界大战》（1897 年 4 月至 12 月出版）中所描述的那样;
• scary predictions about robots rebelling and exterminating human life, as in the 1921 play Rossum’s Universal Robots by the Czech writer Karel Čapek (which introduced the word robot into the English language, derived from the Czech word robota, meaning “forced labor,” and which narrative, interestingly, ends with robots displacing humans from power, proclaiming, “Mankind is no more. Mankind gave us too little life. We wanted more life”);
  关于机器人反抗和灭绝人类生命的可怕预言，如捷克作家卡雷尔·恰佩克 （Karel Čapek） 1921 年的戏剧《罗森的通用机器人》（该剧将机器人一词引入英语，源自捷克语 robota，意思是“强迫劳动”），有趣的是，该叙述以机器人取代人类下台结束，宣布：“人类已不复存在。人类给我们的生命太少了。我们想要更多的生命“）;
• the rallying potential of propaganda posters before and during the Second World War;
  第二次世界大战前和战期间宣传海报的号召力潜力;
• investigations and even court cases about popular music (including The Beatles in the 1960s, Led Zeppelin in the 1970s, Queen and Slayer in the 1980s, Motörhead in the 1990s-all among my favorite bands) “backmasking” their music to insert evil messages;
  关于流行音乐的调查甚至法庭案件（包括 1960 年代的披头士乐队、1970 年代的齐柏林飞艇、1980 年代的皇后乐队和杀手乐队、1990 年代的 Motörhead——都是我最喜欢的乐队）“掩盖”他们的音乐以插入邪恶信息;
• the widespread panic about violence in video games after the 1999 Columbine high school shooting in the United States; and
  1999 年美国哥伦拜恩高中枪击案后对电子游戏中暴力的广泛恐慌;和
• global distress about the supposed power of online social networks to target political advertisements to individual users and thereby sway elections (as claimed in 2017 by the data-mining firm Cambridge Analytica, using Facebook data to create customized propaganda for its clients) and about online platforms acting as amplifiers of disinformation and especially widespread conspiracy theories about COVID-19 (from March 2020 onward).
  全球对在线社交网络将政治广告定位到个人用户从而影响选举的力量（正如数据挖掘公司剑桥分析公司在 2017 年声称的那样，使用 Facebook 数据为其客户创建定制的宣传）以及在线平台充当虚假信息的放大器，尤其是关于 COVID-19 的广泛阴谋论（从 2020 年 3 月开始）。

Whenever we privilege dialogue over dissemination, direct social contact over mediated quasi-interaction online, or interpersonal communication over broadcast communication, we are projecting our anxiety about the lack (or loss) of true communication onto media as our influencing machine. It is for this reason that questions about values and truth in the context of a life in media are significant, as the strategies we pursue to get closer (or back) to each other and to reality are codetermined by the place and meaning we assign to media in life. Whether we worry about the power of magic lanterns or the subtle steering of algorithms and artificial intelligence, in doing so we give shape and form to our longing for authentic individual expression and the possibility of shared narratives in society.
每当我们优先考虑对话而不是传播，直接的社交接触而不是媒介化的在线互动，或者人际交流而不是广播通信时，我们就会将我们对缺乏（或失去）真实沟通的焦虑投射到媒体上，作为我们的影响机器。正是出于这个原因，在媒体生活中的背景下，关于价值观和真理的问题是重要的，因为我们追求更接近（或回到）彼此和现实的策略是由我们在生活中赋予媒体的位置和意义共同决定的。无论我们担心魔灯的力量，还是算法和人工智能的微妙纵，在此过程中，我们都会将我们对真实个人表达和社会共享叙事可能性的渴望塑造和形式化。

The Options We Have: War against the Machines
我们的选择：与机器开战

• widespread parental unease about screen time for children and teenagers, especially since the introduction of game consoles (like the PlayStation, Xbox, GameBoy and Switch);
  父母普遍对儿童和青少年的屏幕时间感到不安，尤其是在游戏机（如 PlayStation、Xbox、GameBoy 和 Switch）推出后;
• surveys among media users in general (and young people in particular) consistently finding that many feel their media use has become excessive, experiencing a lack or loss of control and finding it difficult to withdraw;
  对一般媒体用户（尤其是年轻人）的调查一致发现，许多人觉得他们的媒体使用变得过度，缺乏或失去控制，发现很难退出;
• researchers from a variety of fields (especially since the late 1990s) focusing on the question of problematic media use, with “internet gaming disorder,” for example, being added in 2013 to the fifth edition of the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (a primary classification system for psychiatric disorders) and intense scholarly engagement on such issues as compulsive internet use, pornography addiction, and smartphone dependency; and
  来自各个领域的研究人员（尤其是自 1990 年代后期以来）专注于有问题的媒体使用问题，例如，“网络游戏障碍”于 2013 年被添加到权威的《精神疾病诊断与统计手册》（精神疾病的主要分类系统）第五版中，并就强迫性互联网使用等问题进行了深入的学术参与。 色情成瘾和智能手机依赖;和
• political apprehension about the role and impact of disinformation campaigns, the extraordinary reach and perceived power of internet platforms (such as Facebook), and the lack of privacy protections for citizens online, inspiring new laws around the world such as the 2016 General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and 2022 Digital Services Act of the European Union, a newly amended Act on the Protection of Personal Information in Japan (2017), Chile amending its constitution to include data privacy as a human right in 2018, and numerous governments around the world introducing similar legislation concerning the protection of personal information in the 2020s (including Brazil, India, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Switzerland, and China).
  对虚假信息活动的作用和影响的政治担忧，互联网平台（如 Facebook）的非凡影响力和感知力量，以及缺乏对在线公民的隐私保护，激发了世界各地的新法律，例如 2016 年通用数据保护条例 （GDPR） 和 2022 年欧盟数字服务法，新修订的日本个人信息保护法（2017 年）， 智利于 2018 年修改宪法，将数据隐私列为一项人权，全球许多政府在 2020 年代出台了有关个人信息保护的类似立法（包括巴西、印度、南非、澳大利亚、新西兰、瑞士和中国）。

• the (consequences of) concentration of media ownership and state (or corporate) control over the media,
  媒体所有权集中和国家（或公司）对媒体的控制（后果），
• hidden messages in the content of the media (generally assumed to promote a consensual, mainstream and distinctly commercial view of the world), and
  媒体内容中的隐藏信息（通常被认为是为了促进双方同意的、主流的和明显的商业世界观），以及
• the extent to which people understand (and act on) the media content they consume.
  人们理解 （并处理） 他们消费的媒体内容的程度。

The literary works of Swift, Hoffmann, and Poe fit into an artistic tradition and era in which humans begin to develop an uneasy alliance with machines - in part inspired by important works in the fields of mechanical engineering and technological design of (at times collaborating) Arab, Jewish and Christian scholars from the ${11}^{\text{th}}$${11}^{\text{th }}$11^("th ")11^{\text {th }} century onward, and innovations coming from trade and conflict between European, Southeast Asian and Sub-Saharan peoples. On the one hand, technological
斯威夫特、霍夫曼和坡的文学作品符合人类开始与机器建立不稳定联盟的艺术传统和时代——部分灵感来自本 ${11}^{\text{th}}$${11}^{\text{th }}$11^("th ")11^{\text {th }} 世纪以来阿拉伯、犹太和基督教学者（有时合作）在机械工程和技术设计领域的重要著作，以及来自欧洲、 东南亚和撒哈拉以南人民。一方面，技术
applications offer all kinds of outcomes for people: a wig makes you look more youthful; glasses, binoculars, telescopes, and microscopes allow us to see better and further; electricity makes life easier; industrial production simplifies and speeds up the work process. On the other hand, people’s dependence on all this technological ingenuity systematically advancesand with it our apprehension accumulates. It is in the inextricable correlation between opportunity and dependence that we may lose ourselves to machines, technology, and media, in the process discovering different ways of making sense of the interdependence that ensues.
应用程序为人们提供了各种结果：假发让你看起来更年轻;眼镜、双筒望远镜、望远镜和显微镜让我们看得更清楚、更远;电力让生活更轻松;工业生产简化并加快了工作流程。另一方面，人们对所有这些技术独创性的依赖系统性地推进了我们的担忧。正是在机会和依赖之间密不可分的关联中，我们可能会迷失在机器、技术和媒体的过程中，在这个过程中发现理解随之而来的相互依存关系的不同方式。

• production, or the process of making media (from conception to creation, marketing and distribution);
  生产或制作媒体的过程（从构思到创作、营销和分销）;
• identity, or who the people, groups, and networks (and their norms and values) are involved in the various stages of making, distributing, regulating, and using media;
  身份，或者人们、群体和网络（及其规范和价值观）在制作、分发、监管和使用媒体的各个阶段中参与了谁;
• representations, or the form, format, and genre of a media product or message;
  媒体产品或消息的表示形式或形式、格式和流派;
• regulations, or the formal and informal rules and controls regarding media (including laws, policies, cultural norms, and expectations) and how these are enforced; and
  法规，或有关媒体（包括法律、政策、文化规范和期望）的正式和非正式规则和控制措施，以及这些法规的执行方式;和
• consumption, or all the different ways in which people engage with media.
  消费，或者人们与媒体互动的所有不同方式。

The Options We Have: We Become Media
我们拥有的选择：我们成为媒体

The theme of being lost in an alternate reality produced by (or in) media and being unable to escape or return runs throughout twentieth- and early twenty-first-century popular fiction. In some instances, the heroes of such stories ultimately succeed in getting back to reality-which perpetuates earlier conceits about a supposed clear boundary between humanity and technology. Especially in speculative fiction that explores emotional aspects of human-machine collusion, another narrative can be found: that of the possibility of real connection, empathy, and even love. The aforementioned motion pictures Her (2013) and Ex Machina (2015), for example, deliberately create situations where we, as an audience, are meant to feel empathy and even affection for the artificially intelligent virtual assistant and intelligent humanoid robot featured in these films, thereby questioning
迷失在媒体制造（或制造）的替代现实中，无法逃脱或返回的主题贯穿了 20 世纪和 21 世纪初的流行小说。在某些情况下，这些故事的主人公最终成功地回到了现实——这延续了早期关于人性与技术之间所谓的明确界限的自负。特别是在探索人机勾结的情感方面的推理小说中，可以找到另一种叙事：真实联系、同理心甚至爱的可能性。例如，前面提到的电影《她》（2013 年）和《机械姬》（2015 年）故意创造了这样的情境，让我们作为观众对这些电影中的人工智能虚拟助手和智能人形机器人产生同情甚至感情，从而质疑
our own humanness (as the main human characters in these films do). Similarly, the traditional science fiction franchises of the Terminator, Star Trek, and Battlestar Galactica series in their latter iterations feature cybernetic organisms as creatures capable of love and being loved (see chapter 5 for a more detailed discussion of media love).
我们自己的人性（就像这些电影中的主要人类角色所做的那样）。同样，《终结者》、《星际迷航》和《太空堡垒卡拉狄加》系列的传统科幻小说系列在其后期迭代中将控制论生物描述为能够爱和被爱的生物（有关媒体爱的更详细讨论，请参阅第 5 章）。

• the earlier mentioned ELIZA chatbot in the 1960s,
  前面提到的 1960 年代的 ELIZA 聊天机器人，
• innovations in voice recognition technology in the 1970s and 1980s,
  1970 年代和 1980 年代语音识别技术的创新，
• the introduction of text-based digital companions in the early 2000s,
  2000 年代初期基于文本的数字伴侣的引入，
• the inclusion of Siri on the Apple iPhone in 2011,
  2011 年在 Apple iPhone 上包含 Siri，
• and the growing popularity of smart speakers in the home, such as those powered by Alexa (Amazon’s voice-controlled intelligent personal assistant), launched in 2014.
  以及智能音箱在家中的日益普及，例如由 Alexa（亚马逊的语音控制智能个人助理）提供支持的音箱，于 2014 年推出。

• people’s exposure to deliberately misleading information (about COVID19 or any other issue) is generally quite limited;
  人们接触到故意误导性信息（关于 COVID19 或任何其他问题）的情况通常相当有限;
• when confronted with an overabundance of information, people typically process all of this in a variety of active, idiographic, and at times quite
  当面对过多的信息时，人们通常会以各种主动的、独特的、有时相当的方式处理所有这些
  critical ways and are overall less likely to take things at face value if the topic concerns something they have direct personal experience with;
  批判性的方式，如果话题涉及他们有直接个人经验的事情，他们总体上不太可能只看表面价值;
• the source of most misinformation tends to be political leaders and other authorities rather than social (or any other particular) media; and
  大多数错误信息的来源往往是政治领导人和其他权威，而不是社交（或任何其他特定）媒体;和
• throughout periods of mass upheaval (such as the global coronavirus crisis), people tend to turn to legacy news media and trust science more than they otherwise do.
  在大规模动荡的时期（例如全球冠状病毒危机），人们倾向于转向传统新闻媒体，并比其他媒体更信任科学。

We are so used to images we are confronted with in media being manipulated that most of us would not hesitate to expect any picture to be photoshopped-verbing the name of a computer program for editing photographs originally released in 1980. Image adjusting, retouching, editing, and manipulation has been possible (if prohibitively expensive and complicated) since the late nineteenth century, remaining the provenance of professionals until the introduction of digital cameras and editing software in the 1990s. Digitization made image adjustment simple, giving rise to much debate among both scholars and professionals about the prospects for photographic truth. The introduction (in 2010) of dedicated filters for images taken with (generally substandard) smartphones by Instagram and the video-sharing platform TikTok (owned by China’s ByteDance, introducing video editing features such as camera face filters, animations, stickers, music add-ons, and themes when it launched in 2016) made image doctoring even more straightforward-and fun! Social media influencers often use their own proprietary filters to give all their messages the same look and feel, offering followers the opportunity to purchase their presetsadding yet another level of subtle deception. Sharing anything on social media with #nofilter (or #nocrop, #nozoom, #original, #allnatural, and other similar claims expressed via hashtags) represents a fascinating collective claim to authenticity in a context where realness is almost impossible to check and verify and where the veracity of any truth claim can be contested
我们已经习惯了在媒体中面对的图像纵，以至于我们大多数人都会毫不犹豫地期望任何图片都经过 Photoshop 处理——这是最初于 1980 年发布的用于编辑照片的计算机程序的名称。自 19 世纪后期以来，图像调整、修饰、编辑和作一直是可能的（尽管非常昂贵和复杂），直到 1990 年代引入数码相机和编辑软件，它仍然是专业人士的起源。数字化使图像调整变得简单，在学者和专业人士之间引起了关于摄影真实前景的许多争论。Instagram 和视频共享平台 TikTok（中国字节跳动拥有，在 2016 年推出时引入了视频编辑功能，如相机面部滤镜、动画、贴纸、音乐插件和主题）为使用（通常不合标准）智能手机拍摄的图像引入专用滤镜，使图像篡改变得更加简单和有趣！社交媒体影响者经常使用他们自己专有的过滤器来赋予他们所有消息相同的外观和感觉，为追随者提供购买他们的预设的机会，从而增加了另一个微妙的欺骗层次。在社交媒体上与 #nofilter 分享任何内容（或 #nocrop、#nozoom、#original、#allnatural 和其他通过主题标签表达的类似声明）代表了对真实性的迷人集体主张，在这个背景下，真实性几乎不可能被检查和验证，并且任何真相声明的真实性都可以受到质疑
by the fact that anything captured on camera inherently represents only a partial and incomplete account of reality.
事实上，相机捕捉到的任何东西本质上都只代表了对现实的部分和不完整的描述。

• platform interface design that encourages the sharing of beautiful, funny, and ostensibly happy slices of life;
  平台界面设计，鼓励分享美丽、有趣和表面上快乐的生活片段;
• built-in software properties that enliven photographs and videos to fit the characteristics of visual communication people are accustomed to in commercial media production;
  内置软件属性，使照片和视频栩栩如生，以适应人们在商业媒体制作中习惯的视觉通信特征;
• positive, visually rich, and emotive updates tend to become more visible (as pushed by platform algorithms that determine what kind of posts people get to see first) and get more likes and comments, which inspires people to contribute more of the same kind of updates;
  积极的、视觉丰富的和情感化的更新往往会变得更加明显（由决定人们首先看到哪种帖子的平台算法推动）并获得更多的点赞和评论，这会激发人们贡献更多相同类型的更新;
• the same reasons we can have for participating in a global surveillance society (see the conclusion of chapter 3) compel us to sharing the best parts of our lives online: smart technologies making sharing straightforward and easy, sharing stirring news tends to get more likes and comments and keeps us connected to people near and far, making us feel seen and heard (in ways that we can somewhat control), all of which in turn can make us feel good.
  我们参与全球监控社会的相同原因（见第 3 章的结论）迫使我们在网上分享我们生活中最好的部分：智能技术使分享变得简单易行，分享激动人心的新闻往往会获得更多的点赞和评论，并使我们与远近的人保持联系， 让我们感到被看到和听到（以我们可以在某种程度上控制的方式），所有这些都反过来可以让我们感觉良好。

Real Life  现实生活

1. Azriel L. Eisenberg, Children and Radio Programs (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), 17-18.
   Azriel L. Eisenberg，《儿童与广播节目》（纽约：哥伦比亚大学出版社，1936 年），第 17-18 页。
2. Plato, Phaedrus (circa 370 BCE), https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1636/1636-h/1636-h.htm.
   斐德鲁斯·柏拉图（约公元前 370 年），https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1636/1636-h/1636-h.htm。
3. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. Edwin Curley (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1994), 3-4.
   托马斯·霍布斯，《利维坦》，埃德温·柯利编（印第安纳波利斯：哈克特出版社，1994 年），第 3-4 页。
4. Julien Offray de La Mettrie, “L’homme machine” (“Man a Machine,”), ed. Mitch Abidor, Marxists.org, https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/la-mettrie/1748/man-machine.htm.
   Julien Offray de La Mettrie，“L'homme machine”（“人一台机器”），Mitch Abidor 编辑，Marxists.org，https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/la-mettrie/1748/man-machine.htm。
5. Sigmund Freud, Civlizations and Its Discontents, ed. J. Strachey (New York: Norton, 1989), 44.
   西格蒙德·弗洛伊德（Sigmund Freud），《文明化及其不满》（Civlizations and Its Discontent），J.斯特拉奇编（纽约：诺顿，1989 年），第 44 页。
6. Masahiro Mori, “The Uncanny Valley,” trans. Karl F. MacDorman and Norri Kageki, IEEE Robotics and Automation, June 2012, https://spectrum.ieee.org/the-uncanny-valley.
   Masahiro Mori，“恐怖谷”，Karl F. MacDorman 和 Norri Kageki 译，IEEE 机器人与自动化，2012 年 6 月，https://spectrum.ieee.org/the-uncanny-valley。
7. Jean Baudrillard, Selected Writings, ed. Mark Poster (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988). https://web.stanford.edu/class/history34q/readings/Baudrillard/Baudrillard_Simulacra.html.
   让·鲍德里亚，《文选》，马克·波斯特编（斯坦福，加利福尼亚州：斯坦福大学出版社，1988 年）。https://web.stanford.edu/class/history34q/readings/Baudrillard/Baudrillard_Simulacra.html。
8. Jean Baudrillard, “The Matrix Decoded: Le Nouvel Observateur Interview with Jean Baudrillard,” trans. Gary Genosko and Adam Bryx, International Journal of Baudrillard Studies, July 2004, https://baudrillardstudies.ubishops.ca/the-matrix-decoded-le-nouvel-observateur-interview-with-jeanbaudrillard/.
   让·鲍德里亚，“矩阵解码：新观察家对让·鲍德里亚的访谈”，加里·热诺斯科和亚当·布莱克斯译，《鲍德里亚研究国际杂志》，2004 年 7 月，https://baudrillardstudies.ubishops.ca/the-matrix-decoded-le-nouvel-observateur-interview-with-jeanbaudrillard/。
9. Sarah Marsh, “Neurotechnology, Elon Musk and the Goal of Human Enhancement,” Guardian, January 1, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/jan/01/elon-musk-neurotechnology-human-enhancement-brain-computer-interfaces.
   莎拉·马什，“神经技术、埃隆·马斯克和人类增强的目标”，《卫报》，2018 年 1 月 1 日，https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/jan/01/elon-musk-neurotechnology-human-enhancement-brain-computer-interfaces。
10. Dmitry Itskov, “Frequently Asked Questions,” “2045” Strategic Social Initiative, July 17, 2021, http://2045.com/about/.
    德米特里·伊茨科夫，“常见问题”，“2045”战略社会倡议，2021 年 7 月 17 日，http://2045.com/about/。
11. “The Word of the Year: ‘Truthiness,’” CBS News, December 9, 2006, https://www.cbsnews.com /news/the-word-of-the-year-truthiness/.
    “年度词汇：'真实'”，CBS 新闻，2006 年 12 月 9 日，https://www.cbsnews.com /news/the-word-of-the-year-truthiness/。
12. Ron Suskind, “Faith, Certainty, and the Presidency of George W. Bush,” New York Times Magazine, October 17, 2004, https://www.nytimes.com/2004/10/17/magazine/faith-certainty-and-the -presidency-of-george-w-bush.html.
    罗恩·萨斯金德，“信仰、确定性和乔治·布什的总统任期”，《纽约时报杂志》，2004 年 10 月 17 日，https://www.nytimes.com/2004/10/17/magazine/faith-certainty-and-the -presidency-of-george-w-bush.html。
13. Alex Heath, Vjeran Pavic, and Phil Esposito, “Keanu Reeves and Carrie-Anne Moss on making The Matrix Awakens with Epic Games,” The Verge, December 9, 2021, https://www.theverge.com /22825102/keanu-reeves-carrie-anne-moss-interview-matrix-awakens-epic-games.
    Alex Heath、Vjeran Pavic 和 Phil Esposito，“Keanu Reeves 和 Carrie-Anne Moss 谈与 Epic Games 一起制作《黑客帝国觉醒》”，The Verge，2021 年 12 月 9 日，https://www.theverge.com /22825102/keanu-reeves-carrie-anne-moss-interview-matrix-awakens-epic-games。

5

Love Life  爱情生活

• I heart my media. I really do. Who doesn’t anyway? I love the way they make me feel, the way they make my life easier, even the way they look.
  我爱我的媒体。我真的喜欢。反正谁不呢？我喜欢他们给我的感觉，他们让我的生活更轻松的方式，甚至他们看起来的样子。
• I heart media because it is the most human part of me. I want to be part of media like it is part of me.
  我热爱媒体，因为它是我最人性化的部分。我想成为媒体的一部分，就像它是我的一部分一样。

These quotes, taken from my website WhyIHeartMyMedia¹-where media students from all over the world leave comments and stories documenting their feelings about media-express a widely shared sentiment: we love media. Couples, sports teams (and their supporters), and even entire revolutionary social movements have their favorite song signifying their passion and commitment; teenagers experience symptoms of depression and anxiety when going offline for a while or when they lose their phone; parents use the threat of limiting screen time as a way to exert parental authority; fans fawn over their favorite character in a book or television series, motion picture, or digital game; many households have storage boxes somewhere full of “ancient” media technologies that are not discarded because they have some emotional significance. Users of Apple
这些引述摘自我的网站 WhyIHeartMyMedia¹——来自世界各地的媒体学生在这里留下评论和故事，记录他们对媒体的感受——表达了一种广泛共享的情感：我们热爱媒体。情侣、运动队（及其支持者），甚至整个革命性的社会运动都有他们最喜欢的歌曲来表达他们的激情和承诺;青少年在离线一段时间或丢失手机时会出现抑郁和焦虑的症状;父母利用限制屏幕时间的威胁来行使父母的权威;粉丝们喜欢书籍或电视连续剧、电影或数字游戏中他们最喜欢的角色;许多家庭在某个地方的储物箱里装满了“古老”的媒体技术，这些技术并没有因为它们具有一些情感意义而被丢弃。Apple 用户
and Microsoft computers argue passionately about the merits of their respective device and software ecosystems, gamers wax poetically about their console of choice, and in the context of the global coronavirus crisis, animated debates rage about the pros and cons of various video-calling programs. It is clear that our media are intimate and intensely personal. We genuinely care about media and about the experiences we have in and through them: the friendships we make and maintain, our triumphs and failures and those of the people we follow, what we have learned, what we have achieved, and what we can escape from-even if it is for just a moment. And let’s not forget it is not just the users of media that are so deeply enamored-the people who make media are generally in it for the love, too. “I can’t believe I’m getting paid to do this!” expresses a common sentiment among those who get to make media for a living (see chapter 7). Media love, in all its manifestations, is everywhere.
Microsoft 计算机热情地争论各自设备和软件生态系统的优点，游戏玩家诗意地谈论他们选择的游戏机，在全球冠状病毒危机的背景下，关于各种视频通话程序的优缺点展开了激烈的辩论。很明显，我们的媒体是亲密的和高度个人化的。我们真诚地关心媒体以及我们在媒体中和通过媒体获得的经验：我们建立和维持的友谊，我们的成功和失败，以及我们关注的人的成功和失败，我们学到了什么，我们取得了什么成就，以及我们可以逃避什么——即使只是片刻。我们不要忘记，不仅仅是媒体用户如此深深地着迷——制作媒体的人通常也是为了热爱而参与其中的。“我不敢相信我做这个会得到报酬！”表达了那些以制作媒体为生的人的共同情绪（见第 7 章）。媒体之爱，以其各种表现形式，无处不在。

1. Understanding media as practice related to love, allowing us to focus on the various ways in which people use media in everyday life to find and maintain love, to make love, and what happens when their love for media gets out of control
   将媒体理解为与爱相关的实践，使我们能够关注人们在日常生活中使用媒体寻找和维持爱、做爱的各种方式，以及当他们对媒体的爱失控时会发生什么
2. Exploring the mediation of love, an approach that deals with the circulation and appropriation of information and ideas via media (as
   探索爱的中介，一种处理信息和思想通过媒体传播和挪用的方法（如
   institutions) about love-such as popular depictions in literature and film of romantic love in general and of love involving humans and their media in particular
   机构）关于爱情的 - 例如文学和电影中对一般浪漫爱情的流行描述，特别是涉及人类及其媒体的爱情
3. Appreciating the mediatization of love, a speculative way of looking at the central and historical role media play for our understanding and expression of love-specifically our love for media
   欣赏爱的媒介化，一种思考媒体在我们理解和表达爱方面所发挥的核心和历史作用的思辨方式——特别是我们对媒体的爱

Media Love  媒体之爱

• Media and communication researchers until quite recently did not really consider nor study the human body and its role in how we use and make sense of our media. As all emotions are inevitably embodied and involve some kind of expression (in other words, we feel something and talk about it), studying people’s feelings about media necessarily involves taking the body into consideration.
  直到最近，媒体和传播研究人员才真正考虑或研究人体及其在我们如何使用和理解媒体方面的作用。由于所有的情感都不可避免地被体现出来，并涉及某种表达（换句话说，我们感觉到某件事并谈论它），研究人们对媒体的感受必然涉及对身体的考虑。
• Love traditionally has been associated with the realm of women, the home, the private, and the apolitical, and all its related emotions and experiences therefore were considered less relevant or important compared to the privileged place rational discourse, politics, and the economy were afforded in scholarship and public debate.
  传统上，爱与女性、家庭、私人和非政治的领域联系在一起，因此，与理性话语、政治和经济在学术和公共辩论中提供的特权地位相比，其所有相关的情感和经历被认为不那么相关或重要。
• Until well into the twentieth century, love was generally not considered to be such a fundamental feeling-its presence in academic discourse, in literature, and in music still quite limited and its role as a cornerstone of, for example, committed romantic relationships seen as much less fundamental than it is today.
  直到 20 世纪，爱情通常不被认为是一种如此基本的感觉——它在学术话语、文学和音乐中的存在仍然相当有限，它作为基石的作用，例如，承诺的浪漫关系被认为远不如今天那么重要。
• Love as a distinct field of study-love studies-is still a nascent field, emerging from a growing awareness in numerous scientific disciplines that our feelings and bodies play a profound role in how we make sense of the world around us and that such an awareness matters in that it opens up new lines of inquiry and new ways of appreciating how the experience of life (in media) is different and unique to every individual.
  爱作为一个独特的研究领域——爱的研究——仍然是一个新兴的领域，它源于许多科学学科的日益增长的意识，即我们的感受和身体在我们如何理解周围的世界方面发挥着深远的作用，而这种意识很重要，因为它开辟了新的探究路线和新的方式来欣赏（在媒体中）的生活体验对每个人来说都是不同的和独特的。

Similarly, the widespread concern noted throughout the popular as well as scientific literature about filter bubbles, echo chambers, “telecocoons,” and other forms of social polarization and fragmentation online that are seen as either determined or at the very least amplified by technological affordances involves love, in that people are considered as either loving themselves and people like them too much (and therefore only bonding with like-minded individuals and networks), or as not having enough love for those that look and act differently. On the other hand, the available evidence
同样，在流行和科学文献中，人们普遍关注过滤气泡、回声室、“远程茧”和其他形式的在线社会两极分化和碎片化，这些形式被视为被技术可供性决定或至少被放大，涉及爱，因为人们被认为要么爱自己，要么太喜欢他们（因此只与志同道合的个人和网络建立联系）， 或者对那些外表和行为不同的人没有足够的爱。另一方面，现有证据
tends not to support a diagnosis of widespread polarization online, so perhaps we underestimate the complexity of our love in and through media -love seems to allow for more kaleidoscopic understandings of the world than a simple notion of people directly swayed and manipulated by a handful of targeted messages on Facebook or TikTok.
往往不支持对网络普遍两极分化的诊断，所以也许我们低估了我们在媒体中或通过媒体的爱的复杂性——爱似乎允许对世界有更多的万花筒般的理解，而不是人们直接被 Facebook 或 TikTok 上的少数目标信息所左右和纵的简单概念。

• cave paintings in Spain and Indonesia depicting hunting routines and shamanic practices;
  西班牙和印度尼西亚的洞穴壁画，描绘了狩猎习惯和萨满教习俗;
• clay tablets documenting trade, royal protocols, and divine commandments;
  记录贸易、皇家礼仪和神圣诫命的泥板;
• papyrus scrolls containing political and trade agreements for the library archive;
  包含图书馆档案的政治和贸易协议的纸莎草卷轴;
• hand-painted advertisements for sword fights, wrestling matches, and theater plays on the walls of ancient cities (across the Roman Empire, the Indian subcontinent, and China);
  在古城（横跨罗马帝国、印度次大陆和中国）的墙壁上手绘剑斗、摔跤比赛和戏剧广告;
• individually made books about important political figures, religious traditions, and the myths and legends of a particular society; and
  单独制作的关于重要政治人物、宗教传统以及特定社会的神话和传说的书籍;和
• all the mechanical and electronic media since the invention of the printing press, truly opening up media making and use to almost anyone.
  自印刷机发明以来的所有机械和电子媒体，真正向几乎任何人开放了媒体制作和使用。

The Practice of Media Love
媒体之爱的实践

Given people’s love for their media, recognizing the fact that we spend the majority of our time concurrently exposed to media and considering how these devices converge and become increasingly mobile and personal in an always online capacity, substantial attention and scholarship have been dedicated in recent decades to the question of media addiction, and discussions abound on such issues as problematic internet use and smartphone dependence. Internet gaming and online gambling disorder was, for example, included in the 2020 version of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) of the World Health Organization. Harmful media use tends to be defined either as a psychiatric disorder or as part of a broader set of behavioral conditions involving excessive humanmachine interactions. Such disorders differ in definition across the literature but generally contain two main components: compulsivity (the inability to control a certain type of media use) and impairment (how such media use harms or interferes with a person’s life).
鉴于人们对媒体的热爱，认识到我们大部分时间都同时暴露在媒体上，并考虑这些设备如何融合并变得越来越移动和个人化，始终在线，近几十年来，人们对媒体成瘾问题投入了大量关注和学术研究，并就互联网使用有问题和智能手机依赖等问题进行了大量讨论。例如，互联网游戏和在线赌博障碍被纳入世界卫生组织 2020 年版国际疾病分类 （ICD-11） 中。有害的媒体使用往往被定义为一种精神疾病，或者被定义为涉及过度人机交互的更广泛行为状况的一部分。此类疾病在文献中的定义不同，但通常包含两个主要组成部分：强迫性（无法控制某种类型的媒体使用）和损害（此类媒体使用如何伤害或干扰一个人的生活）。

The Mediation of Love  爱的中介

• the “orgasmatron” in the 1964 French science fiction comic book created by Jean-Claude Forest and its motion picture adaptation Barbarella (1964, directed by Roger Vadim and starring Jane Fonda);
  让-克劳德·福雷斯特 （Jean-Claude Forest） 创作的 1964 年法国科幻漫画书及其电影改编版《芭芭拉》（Barbarella，1964 年，由罗杰·瓦迪姆 （Roger Vadim） 执导，简·方达 （Jane Fonda） 主演）中的“性高潮”;
• an electromechanical cube also called the “orgasmatron” in Woody Allen’s film Sleeper (1973, starring Allen and Diane Keaton); and
  一个机电立方体，在伍迪·艾伦的电影《沉睡者》（1973 年，由艾伦和黛安·基顿主演）中也被称为“高潮仪”;和
• high-tech headgear intended to substitute sexual intercourse in Demolition Man (1993, directed by Marco Brambilla, starring Sandra Bullock, Wesley Snipes, and Sylvester Stallone).
  旨在替代《爆破人》（1993 年，由马可·布兰比拉执导，桑德拉·布洛克、韦斯利·斯奈普斯和西尔维斯特·史泰龙主演）中的高科技头饰。

Our love for media may have matured somewhat, and people perhaps recognize and appreciate their omnipresence and sway, but this does not mean we have truly come to terms with media unambiguously. Moral panics and public freakouts about media endure, across all cultures, regardless of more complex, complimentary constructions of humanmachine relations in literature, the arts-such as in the work of new media artists like Nam Jun Paik (from South Korea) and Linda Dounia (from Senegal)—and science fiction. Despite their familiarity and intimacy, media to some extent remain a somewhat alien other, at times credited with great power.
我们对媒体的热爱可能已经有些成熟，人们可能会认识到并欣赏它们的无处不在和影响力，但这并不意味着我们已经真正明确地接受了媒体。在所有文化中，无论文学、艺术（如白南俊（Nam Jun Paik，来自韩国）和琳达·杜尼亚（Linda Dounia，来自塞内加尔）等新媒体艺术家的作品——以及科幻小说中对人机关系的更复杂、更互补的构建，都存在。尽管他们熟悉和亲密，但媒体在某种程度上仍然是一个有点陌生的他者，有时被认为拥有强大的力量。

Mediatization of Love  爱的媒介化

• operating and regularly updating a website,
  运营并定期更新网站，
• being responsive to phone calls and email queries,
  对电话和电子邮件查询做出回应，
• developing a social media strategy,
  制定社交媒体策略，
• looking to earn publicity through actions and campaigns that warrant the attention of media, and, in general,
  希望通过值得媒体关注的行动和活动来赢得公众关注，总的来说，
• always being available to the spotlight of media attention.
  总是在媒体关注的聚光灯下。

Beyond self-expression, identity play, and developing a sense of belonging, a fourth love for media can be distinguished from the various accounts on the WhyIHeartMyMedia website: the ability to have, express, and give meaning to what could be considered more extreme emotions. The chance to express strong emotions, to be passionate in whatever shape or form for which there is or seems to be no space elsewhere, makes media powerfully attractive. Some contributors to the group blog describe how they found old social media posts of themselves expressing heartache after a breakup or total elation seeing an amazing live performance. We probably all remember the first time hearing a certain song or seeing a particular movie scene that changed our life in some way, of ducking behind a friend’s shoulder during an especially scary moment of a film or laughing until you cried and regularly reliving that moment by looking up the clip of that segment on YouTube. Sometimes, as students and scholars, it is easy to forget such magical moments in and of media, so deeply involved as we are in our critical analyses, sophisticated research methods, and rigorous documentation of our findings. The various posts of students on the WhyIHeartMyMedia blog remind me of how amazing media can be and how important it is to be mindful of that. At the same time, the relative freedom to express extreme emotions in media also comes at a price: some people-predominantly men-clearly feel quite uninhibited to use online social networks to disseminate hate and find pleasure in attacking others
除了自我表达、身份游戏和培养归属感之外，对媒体的第四种热爱可以与 WhyIHeartMyMedia 网站上的各种账户区分开来：拥有、表达和赋予可能被认为是更极端的情感事物意义的能力。有机会表达强烈的情感，以任何形式或形式充满激情，而其他地方没有或似乎没有空间，这使得媒体具有强大的吸引力。该小组博客的一些贡献者描述了他们如何发现自己在分手后表达心痛或看到精彩现场表演时欣喜若狂的旧社交媒体帖子。我们可能都记得第一次听到某首歌或看到以某种方式改变了我们生活的特定电影场景，在电影中特别可怕的时刻躲在朋友的肩膀后面，或者笑到哭泣，并定期通过在 YouTube 上查找该片段的剪辑来重温那一刻。有时，作为学生和学者，很容易忘记媒体中和媒体中如此神奇的时刻，因为我们如此深入地参与我们的批判性分析、复杂的研究方法和对我们发现的严格记录。学生在 WhyIHeartMyMedia 博客上的各种帖子提醒了我媒体是多么神奇，以及注意这一点是多么重要。与此同时，在媒体上表达极端情绪的相对自由也是有代价的：一些人——主要是男性——显然觉得使用在线社交网络传播仇恨并从攻击他人中获得乐趣
(especially women and any kind of minorities). Such dark participation (as also discussed in chapter 4) is a regrettable byproduct of the love we have for media.
（尤其是女性和任何类型的少数群体）。这种黑暗的参与（正如第 4 章所讨论的）是我们对媒体的热爱的令人遗憾的副产品。

Media Love  媒体之爱

1. https://whyiheartmymedia.com/.
   https://whyiheartmymedia.com/。

6

Change Life  改变生活

From 2014 onward, the world has been shocked by the footage of executions and other horrific propaganda materials distributed via social media by the militant group IS (Islamic State; Daesh in Arabic) operating in Iraq and Syria, with affiliate networks in Afghanistan and elsewhere. The posts, songs, and videos by IS were intended to terrify as well as serving as a recruitment tool, yet they also galvanized efforts throughout the Arab world to remix, parody, and make fun of their militant interpretation of Sharia (Islamic law).
从 2014 年开始，激进组织 IS（伊斯兰国;Daesh）在伊拉克和叙利亚开展业务，在阿富汗和其他地方设有附属网络。伊斯兰国的帖子、歌曲和视频旨在恐吓并作为招募工具，但它们也激发了整个阿拉伯世界对伊斯兰教法（Sharia）的激进解释的重新混合、模仿和取笑的努力。

• using media for fun (or simply artistically and aesthetically) to create awareness, instigate ethical debates, and deliberation about one’s mediated presence in public spaces;
  使用媒体来娱乐（或仅仅在艺术和美学上）来创造意识，煽动道德辩论，并就一个人在公共空间中的中介存在进行审议;
• using media to inspire conscious shopping and other acts of participating more critically-reflexively in the daily rituals of everyday life;
  利用媒体激发有意识的购物和其他行为，以更批判性的方式参与日常生活的日常仪式;
• using media to organize, coordinate, publicize and promote, archive and document, and galvanize support for political protests;
  利用媒体组织、协调、宣传和促进、存档和记录，并激发对政治抗议的支持;
• using media to cause terror and to radicalize supporters for militant causes;
  利用媒体制造恐怖，使激进事业的支持者激进化;
• using media to take part in a variety of activist campaigns (about issues profoundly affecting people’s private lives) without necessarily being physically co-present.
  利用媒体参与各种活动家活动（关于深刻影响人们私人生活的问题），而不必亲自出席。

• as distinct artifacts, media enable and shape activist or revolutionary networks, groups, and movements in specific ways;
  作为独特的人工制品，媒体以特定的方式支持和塑造活动家或革命家的网络、团体和运动;
• using media for activist purposes inevitably includes and excludes particular people (based on having the ability, access, and motivation to use particular technologies); and
  将媒体用于活动家目的不可避免地包括和排除特定的人（基于拥有使用特定技术的能力、访问权限和动机）;和
• different kinds of media become a principal part of all the ways in which individuals as much as entire social movements organize and express themselves.
  不同种类的媒体与整个社会运动一样，成为个人组织和表达自己的所有方式的主要部分。

Addendum: The Role of Media in War and Conflict
附录：媒体在战争和冲突中的作用

What makes the contemporary context for the role of media in war and conflict of such importance for our considerations of life in media is the military notion of hybrid warfare, whereby a nation’s government and military combine information warfare (specifically, propaganda and disinformation campaigns) and cyber warfare (attacks to weaken or destroy an opponents’ information and communication infrastructure) with conventional warfare (which would involve an invasion with troops, tanks, and other military equipment). The concept is not necessarily new as it can be traced back as far as to the wars between Athens and Sparta in ancient Greece, and it has been taken up in military discourse around the world (including, for example, in China and among terrorist networks like IS). There is a specifically Russian equivalent to hybrid warfare called gibridnaya voyna that defines the country’s approach to war, the primary purpose of which is to subvert, manipulate, and confuse the enemy-in Russia’s case, the West. The governing idea is that media are used in all kinds of different ways to undermine whatever the enemy is doingincluding meddling in the elections of other countries, fueling social and political polarization (e.g., through coordinated campaigns on social media), engaging in hacking attempts of foreign computer systems, and especially by producing an endless variety of stories, alternate theories, and counterfactual statements aimed to distort and pervert any kind of consensual message or narrative coming from the enemy. The notion of hybrid war seems directly inspired by the digital environment we all find
对于我们思考媒体生活而言，媒体在战争和冲突中的作用的当代背景如此重要的原因是混合战争的军事概念，即一个国家的政府和军队将信息战（特别是宣传和虚假信息运动）和网络战（削弱或摧毁对手信息和通信基础设施的攻击）与常规战争（这将涉及军队入侵， 坦克和其他军事装备）。这个概念不一定是新的，因为它可以追溯到古希腊雅典和斯巴达之间的战争，并且它已经被用于世界各地的军事话语中（包括，例如，在中国和伊斯兰国等恐怖主义网络中）。有一种特别相当于俄罗斯的混合战争，称为 gibridnaya voyna，它定义了该国的战争方法，其主要目的是颠覆、纵和迷惑敌人——就俄罗斯而言，是西方。其主导思想是，媒体以各种不同的方式被用来破坏敌人正在做的事情，包括干预其他国家的选举，助长社会和政治两极分化（例如，通过社交媒体上的协调活动），参与外国计算机系统的黑客攻击企图，特别是通过制作无穷无尽的故事， 替代理论和反事实陈述旨在歪曲和歪曲来自敌人的任何类型的共识信息或叙述。混合战争的概念似乎直接受到我们都发现的数字环境的启发
ourselves in, turning warfare into an unlimited (and possibly never-ending) enterprise.
我们自己参与进来，将战争变成一项无限的（也可能是永无止境的）事业。

• the respective presidents and their governments;
  各自的总统及其政府;
• the armies involved, both officially sanctioned communiqués and soldiers on the ground uploading smartphone and drone footage of what they are doing;
  参与其中的军队，包括官方批准的公报和地面士兵上传他们正在做什么的智能手机和无人机镜头;
• thousands of Ukrainian and foreign journalists (and their local helpers, often called fixers, stringers, or producers);
  数以千计的乌克兰和外国记者（以及他们的当地帮手，通常被称为协调人、特约工或制片人）;
• all kinds of other professional media makers in Ukraine, such as famous film directors, musicians and bands, game developers, and advertising and marketing creatives; and
  乌克兰的各类其他专业媒体制作人，如著名电影导演、音乐家和乐队、游戏开发者以及广告和营销创意人员;和
• people both locally and all over the world using platforms, chat applications, and social media, such as TikTok, Facebook, YouTube, Telegram, and Twitter.
  本地和世界各地的人们使用平台、聊天应用程序和社交媒体，例如 TikTok、Facebook、YouTube、Telegram 和 Twitter。

Revolution, Rebellion, and Activism in Media
媒体中的革命、反叛和激进主义

• online activism generally extends from offline actions, whereas offline engagement at times proceeds from online exchanges;
  在线行动主义通常从线下行动延伸，而线下参与有时来自在线交流;
• the distinctions between local events, groups, and participants versus global initiatives and campaigns become less clear-cut as everything gets mixed up in the digital environment;
  随着数字环境中的一切都变得混淆，本地活动、团体和参与者与全球倡议和活动之间的区别变得不那么明显;
• different kinds of communities are co-present in an online contextinterpersonal networks consisting of individuals and working groups, organizational networks consisting of local groups and affiliate organizations, and a global (virtual) community of participants and supporters-all interacting and mutually shaping the activism involved;
  不同类型的社区在在线环境中共同存在由个人和工作组组成的人际网络，由当地团体和附属组织组成的组织网络，以及由参与者和支持者组成的全球（虚拟）社区——所有这些都相互作用并共同塑造所涉及的行动主义;
• in a networked context, the involvement of a diverse range of people and groups ebbs and flows, divides and fuses, and can be really intense while sometimes it altogether disappears;
  在网络化的环境中，各种各样的人和群体的参与起伏不定，分裂和融合，可能非常强烈，有时甚至完全消失;
• among all the participants, both near and far, there is a less-than-clear expression or experience of rank and hierarchy, and at different moments, different people take the lead or otherwise become influential.
  在所有参与者中，无论远近，对等级和等级的表达或体验都不太明确，在不同的时刻，不同的人起着带头作用或以其他方式变得有影响力。
  

  

Defining and Understanding Media Activism
定义和理解媒体激进主义

• a tool for planning, organization, and coordination, including fundraising, networking, and coalition building;
  用于规划、组织和协调的工具，包括筹款、网络和联盟建设;
• a vehicle for participation and engagement, as well as mobilization and recruitment;
  参与和参与以及动员和招募的工具;
• an amplifier for messages, actions, events, and news involving the movement and its cause; and
  一个放大器，用于涉及运动及其原因的消息、行动、事件和新闻;和
• an archive for preserving the histories of social movements and protest networks.
  一个保存社会运动和抗议网络历史的档案。

• various forms of slacktivism or clicktivism and metavoicing (reacting to other people’s online presence and posts), where we are mostly spectators or cheerleaders of activist campaigns;
  各种形式的懒散主义或点击主义和元声音（对其他人的在线存在和帖子做出反应），我们主要是激进主义运动的旁观者或啦啦队长;
• supporting activities, such as contributing to crowdfunding campaigns, signing up for activist newsletters (and other online registrations of
  支持活动，例如为众筹活动做出贡献、注册 Activist 时事通讯（以及其他在线注册
  interest), and signing digital petitions;
  interest） 和签署数字请愿书;
• engaging in direct action, for example, participating in gathering and analyzing data, helping to hack online sites and services (known as hacktivism), organizing and publicizing campaigns and events, coordinating actions online, and making media (including memes, short videos, and so on); and
  参与直接行动，例如，参与收集和分析数据，帮助黑客入侵在线网站和服务（称为黑客行动主义），组织和宣传活动和活动，协调在线行动，以及制作媒体（包括模因、短视频等）;和
• all types of actions where participants digitally organize yet lack a clear cause, getting involved in media without necessarily being all that committed to the specific group or objective, but still feel engaged, which can also be labeled as a kind of affective or somatic solidarity, often motivated simply by a desire to be connected and belong.
  参与者以数字方式组织但缺乏明确原因的所有类型的行动，参与媒体而不必完全致力于特定的群体或目标，但仍然感到参与，这也可以被贴上一种情感或躯体团结的标签，通常只是出于对联系和归属感的渴望。

Key Issues when Changing the World in and through Media
在媒体中和通过媒体改变世界时的关键问题

The inclusivity of digitally mediated activism is exemplified by providing a relatively affordable and convenient arrangement for participation, while its exclusivity is amplified by different kinds of digital inequalities, divides, and forms of digital marginalization. Of particular concern here is the popular and sometimes necessary use of corporate social media for purposes of crucial civic engagement. Such commercial online social networks both flatten as well as create hierarchies by a combination of their technological affordances, the ways in which they are used, and what kind of actions, expressions, and organizations they propagate. All of this greatly benefits larger and very active networks, favoring people with clear awareness of platform logics, and prefers any kind of noncontroversial discourse. Smaller groups with people coming from a diverse range of backgrounds, skill sets, and perspectives tend to find popular platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube less user-friendly. At the same time, these networks remain popular tools for activism as they tend to be stable and durable, are available almost everywhere, and remain difficult to censor or control completely.
数字媒介的行动主义的包容性体现在提供相对实惠和方便的参与安排上，而其排他性则被各种数字不平等、鸿沟和数字边缘化形式放大。这里特别令人担忧的是，为了关键的公民参与，企业社交媒体的普遍使用有时是必要的。这种商业在线社交网络既扁平化，又通过其技术功能、使用方式以及它们传播的行为、表达和组织的组合来创造等级制度。所有这些都极大地有利于更大且非常活跃的网络，有利于对平台逻辑有清晰认识的人，并更喜欢任何一种无争议的话语。由来自不同背景、技能和观点的人组成的较小群体往往会发现 Twitter、Facebook 和 YouTube 等流行平台对用户不太友好。与此同时，这些网络仍然是流行的激进主义工具，因为它们往往稳定耐用，几乎无处不在，并且仍然难以审查或完全控制。

• it is combined with offline, physical, and proximate engagement, such as street work, social organizing, and community and grassroots activities;
  它与线下、实体和近距离参与相结合，例如街头工作、社会组织以及社区和基层活动;
• the informal and flexible networks typical of mediated connections are supported by some kind of formal organization; and
  中介联系典型的非正式和灵活的网络由某种正式组织支持;和
• the strategies and tactics of the people and social movement(s) involved are politically aligned.
  所涉及的人民和社会运动的战略和战术在政治上是一致的。

On the Properties of Media Activism Today
论当今媒体行动主义的特性

Problems of Changing Life in Media
改变媒体生活的问题

• the German eBay alternative global marketplace Fairmondo (launched in 2013);
  德国 eBay 另类全球市场 Fairmondo（于 2013 年推出）;
• the collectively owned ride-sharing app Eva (started in 2017 in Canada);
  集体拥有的拼车应用程序 Eva（2017 年在加拿大成立）;
• the UK-based music streaming service Resonate (operating since 2015), which is jointly owned by artists, listeners, and volunteers;
  总部位于英国的音乐流媒体服务 Resonate（自 2015 年起运营），由艺术家、听众和志愿者共同拥有;
• several initiatives to challenge or provide an alternative to online social networks like Facebook and Twitter, including MeWe (since 2015), Mastodon (since 2016), CounterSocial (since 2017), and BeReal (since 2020), generally offering more control over privacy; and
  一些挑战或提供 Facebook 和 Twitter 等在线社交网络替代品的举措，包括 MeWe（自 2015 年起）、Mastodon（自 2016 年起）、CounterSocial（自 2017 年起）和 BeReal（自 2020 年起），通常提供对隐私的更多控制;和
• the Dutch coalition of organizations PublicSpaces, “committed to providing an alternative software ecosystem that serves the common interest and does not seek profit” (quoting from its manifesto, published in 2018).
  荷兰组织联盟 PublicSpaces，“致力于提供一个服务于共同利益而不追求利润的替代软件生态系统”（引自 2018 年发布的宣言）。

A crucial question is how social media and digital platforms can be appropriated in alternative ways by individuals, groups, and movements beyond or outside the mainstream of society, ideally including the widest variety of voices and truly delivering on the empowering promise of participation for everyone.
一个关键问题是，个人、团体和运动如何以其他方式挪用社交媒体和数字平台，超越社会主流或之外，理想情况下包括最广泛的声音，并真正兑现每个人参与的赋权承诺。

A fourth potential problem that occurs as media activism goes online is that of a possible reversal of democratic gains, as state actors, security forces, and corporate entities are in the process of heightening their efforts to surveil, police, and sanction activist activity on publicly available platforms. Despotic regimes are notorious for spying and censoring, clamping down on the supposedly liberating space of social media, and stifling digital dissent with impunity. Yet (as seen in chapter 4), surveillance is a global phenomenon, affecting anyone going online, and also works the other way around-with the actions of oppressors coming into full view online. Related to this is the additional risk women, minorities, and members from otherwise marginalized groups take when they speak out in media, often resulting in personal attacks. Women suffer from censorship and state surveillance throughout the MENA region and in the Global North are the primary victims of cyberbullying and online harassment by men.
随着媒体行动主义在网上出现的第四个潜在问题是民主成果可能逆转，因为国家行为者、安全部队和企业实体正在加大对公开平台上活动进行监视、监管和制裁的行动力度。专制政权因间谍和审查、压制本应解放的社交媒体空间以及扼杀数字异见而不受惩罚而臭名昭著。然而（如第 4 章所示），监控是一种全球现象，影响到任何上网的人，并且也反过来——压迫者的行为在网上得到了充分的展示。与此相关的是，女性、少数族裔和来自其他边缘化群体的成员在媒体上发声时要承担额外的风险，这通常会导致人身攻击。在整个中东和北非地区，女性都受到审查和国家监控，而在北半球，女性是男性网络欺凌和在线骚扰的主要受害者。

On the Successes and Failures of Media Activism
关于媒体行动主义的成功与失败

Change Life  改变生活

1. Zapatista Army of National Liberation, “First Declaration of La Realidad for Humanity and against Neoliberalism,” quoted in DeeDee Halleck, Hand-held Visions: The Impossible Possibilities of Community Media (New York: Fordham University Press, 2002 ), 415.
   萨帕塔民族解放军，“为人类和反对新自由主义而发表的《现实宣言》”，引自 DeeDee Halleck，《手持愿景：社区媒体的不可能可能性》（纽约：福特汉姆大学出版社，2002 年），第 415 页。
2. Alex Warofka, “An Independent Assessment of the Human Rights Impact of Facebook in Myanmar,” Meta, November 5, 2018, https://about.fb.com/news/2018/11/myanmar-hria/.
   亚历克斯·瓦罗夫卡（Alex Warofka），〈脸书在缅甸人权影响的独立评估〉，Meta，2018 年 11 月 5 日，https://about.fb.com/news/2018/11/myanmar-hria/。

7

Make Life  创造生活

Beyond their significance as profitable industries and producers of culture, the media (and the professionals at work in them) are crucial to consider because of the ways in which the words, sounds, and images of
除了它们作为有利可图的行业和文化生产者的重要性之外，媒体（以及在其中工作的专业人士）也至关重要，因为
media not just reflect but also direct the world in which we live. Given the ubiquity of (mass) media in society, the history of making media is also a history of media practitioners producing a certain way of looking at the world. This does not mean we all see the world in the same way because we have all watched the same movies, binged the same (or similar) television series, or rocked out on the dance floor to the same tunes. It does suggest, however, that we have all grown accustomed to a stunningly similar way of experiencing the world and expressing ourselves in media. The particular genre conventions, production techniques, storytelling formats, formulas, and scripts of media industries such as journalism, film, and advertising have become mundane to us. Tactically framing a photograph, angling the camera to get the best possible light, composing a message in a compelling way, using various songs to collate a soundtrack for our life, adding a filter or digitally touching up our appearance before posting something onlinenone of this seems strange or unusual. Even more so, so many of us seem to just know what to do in such circumstances-often without any formal training. We seem to sense what to do with media because we have been living with (and in) media for all our lives.
媒体不仅反映而且指导我们生活的世界。鉴于（大众）媒体在社会中的无处不在，制作媒体的历史也是一部媒体从业者产生某种看待世界的方式的历史。这并不意味着我们都以相同的方式看待世界，因为我们都看过相同的电影，狂欢过相同（或类似）的电视连续剧，或者在舞池中随着相同的曲调摇滚。然而，它确实表明，我们都已经习惯了一种惊人相似的方式来体验世界和在媒体上表达自己。新闻、电影和广告等媒体行业的特定类型惯例、制作技术、讲故事格式、公式和脚本对我们来说已经变得平凡。战术性地构图、调整相机角度以获得最佳光线、以引人注目的方式撰写信息、使用各种歌曲为我们的生活整理配乐、添加滤镜或在在线发布内容之前对我们的外表进行数字修饰这些都不奇怪或不寻常。更重要的是，我们中的许多人似乎只知道在这种情况下该怎么做——通常没有任何正式的培训。我们似乎感觉到该如何处理媒体，因为我们一生都与媒体共存（并在媒体中生活）。

• publicizing and marketing media products and services to get people’s attention;
  宣传和营销媒体产品和服务以吸引人们的注意力;
• incessantly investing in new technologies, talent, and production techniques in the hope of securing future markets;
  不断投资于新技术、人才和生产技术，以期获得未来的市场;
• acquiring, maintaining, and upgrading expensive advanced equipment, studios, technical know-how and expertise, and all other production facilities and resources; and
  收购、维护和升级昂贵的先进设备、工作室、技术知识和专业知识，以及所有其他制作设施和资源;和
• paying off debts to third parties, such as investment firms, technology platforms, and corporate owners.
  偿还对第三方的债务，例如投资公司、技术平台和公司所有者。

On Defining Media as Industries
关于将媒体定义为行业

Another genre particular to technology-driven, self-sharing, and highly commodified creator culture is the mukbang, or eating broadcast, becoming massively popular in the 2010s in South Korea, later on spreading across Asia and North America via YouTube and Twitch. In these shows-at times watched live by millions-someone eats copious amounts of food, earning money through ads on their channels. The success of mukbang tends to be explained by social factors, such as loneliness and people’s desire to feel connected, and technological developments, especially the rise of social media.
另一种技术驱动、自我分享和高度商品化的创作者文化特有的类型是 mukbang，或吃广播，在 2010 年代在韩国广泛流行，后来通过 YouTube 和 Twitch 传播到亚洲和北美。在这些节目中——有时有数百万人现场观看——有人吃大量的食物，通过他们频道上的广告赚钱。mukbang 的成功往往可以用社会因素来解释，例如孤独和人们渴望建立联系，以及技术发展，尤其是社交媒体的兴起。

1. The businesses of news, film, television, games, music, advertising, and social media
   新闻、电影、电视、游戏、音乐、广告和社交媒体业务
2. Telecommunications, including the development and provision of telecom equipment, services, and wireless communication
   电信，包括电信设备、服务和无线通信的开发和提供
3. The technology industry, specifically the manufacturing of consumer electronics, and any information technology-related products and services (including software development, web design, and platforms)
   技术行业，特别是消费电子产品的制造，以及任何与信息技术相关的产品和服务（包括软件开发、网页设计和平台）

• financing content, generally through private investors and investment firms, grants and subsidies (including tax incentives), sponsorship (including advertising, branding, and product placement), and presales;
  为内容融资，通常通过私人投资者和投资公司、赠款和补贴（包括税收优惠）、赞助（包括广告、品牌推广和植入广告）和预售;
• producing (original) content, which can involve employing professionals or inviting anyone to contribute (generally for free);
  制作（原创）内容，这可能涉及雇用专业人士或邀请任何人贡献（通常免费）;
• distributing content so that it may appear on your screen, speakers, or doorstep in one way or another; or
  分发内容，使其可能以某种方式出现在您的屏幕、扬声器或门口;或
• exhibiting content directly to people by offering a unique gateway (e.g., a cinema or a dedicated application) to access it.
  通过提供独特的网关（例如，电影院或专用应用程序）来访问内容，直接向人们展示内容。

• the various working environments of media professionals, ranging from newsrooms and other open office-type environments to temporary settings (such as filming locations outside of a studio complex or journalists reporting out in the field), individuals working in shared workspaces (including cafés, hotel lobbies, and libraries), as well as countless people working from the intimate place of their home;
  媒体专业人士的各种工作环境，从新闻编辑室和其他开放式办公类型的环境到临时环境（例如工作室综合体外的拍摄地点或在现场报道的记者）、在共享工作空间工作的个人（包括咖啡馆、酒店大堂和图书馆），以及无数在家中私密场所工作的人;
• the full range of hardware and software that make specific media production possible, including dedicated computer programs for the organization of television production, content management systems for news publications, and the requisite equipment for designing and developing games, vlogs, and any other digital form; and
  使特定媒体制作成为可能的全套硬件和软件，包括用于组织电视制作的专用计算机程序、新闻出版物的内容管理系统，以及用于设计和开发游戏、视频博客和任何其他数字形式的必要设备;和
• the material context of production as determined by the complex contractual, financial, legal, and otherwise economic arrangements under which the work takes place.
  由工作发生的复杂合同、财务、法律和其他经济安排决定的生产的物质环境。

The Paradoxes of Professionally Producing Culture
专业生产文化的悖论

Profitable and Loss Making
盈利和亏损
Most media organizations are run as businesses yet tend to include goals beyond turning a profit-such as creating original, beautiful, or otherwise meaningful products and services. Some media are run primarily for idealistic social or cultural purposes, without seeking profit-but they still have to pay the bills. For instance, public service media have generally had a bureaucratic form of organization but with nonprofit social and cultural goals. Most major film studios also operate smaller, “arthouse” studios to experiment with smaller budgets, to earn a reputation and credibility as a nurturer of talent, and to diversify their portfolio of movies-even though these productions tend to be written off (in advance) as loss makers. In this delicate balancing act, most media companies do not turn a profit on the basis of what they make. Despite at times impressive sales figures of digital games, some box office success of films, and huge viewing numbers for
大多数媒体机构都是以企业的形式运营的，但往往包括盈利以外的目标——例如创造原创、美观或其他有意义的产品和服务。一些媒体主要是为了理想主义的社会或文化目的而运营的，不追求利润——但他们仍然必须支付账单。例如，公共服务媒体通常采用官僚主义的组织形式，但具有非营利性的社会和文化目标。大多数主要电影制片厂还经营较小的“艺术”工作室，以较小的预算进行试验，以赢得作为人才培养者的声誉和信誉，并使他们的电影组合多样化——尽管这些作品往往被（提前）注销为亏损者。在这种微妙的平衡行为中，大多数媒体公司不会根据他们的收入来盈利。尽管数字游戏的销售数据有时令人印象深刻，电影也取得了一些票房成功，并且观看人数众多。
shows on streaming services or for vlogs on video-sharing platforms, all this revenue can quickly disappear when set against the long-term expenses involved in sustaining the business.
流媒体服务上的节目或视频共享平台上的视频博客，与维持业务所涉及的长期费用相比，所有这些收入都会很快消失。

• Does the project/gig/assignment pay (enough)?
  项目/演出/任务的报酬（足够）吗？
• Does the work inspire/bring joy?
  这项工作是否激发/带来快乐？
• Would this product or service build or sustain reputation/prestige in the field?
  该产品或服务能否在该领域建立或维持声誉/声望？

Datafied and Creative  数据化和创意

Switched On and Switched Off
开启和关闭

1. Temporary employment: fixed-term contracts (including project- or taskbased contracts), casual work, and daily work
   临时工作：定期合同（包括基于项目或任务的合同）、临时工作和日常工作
2. Part-time and on-call work: normal working hours (yet fewer than fulltime equivalents), marginal part-time employment, on-call work (including zero-hours contracts)
   兼职和随叫随到的工作：正常工作时间（但少于全职工作时间）、边际兼职工作、随叫随到的工作（包括零工时合同）
3. Multiparty employment relationships: including temporary agency work, being on call as subcontracted labor
   多方雇佣关系：包括临时代理工作、作为分包劳动力随叫随到
4. Disguised employment / dependent self-employment: work that is not part of a formal employment relationship (including false employment, where a freelancer works for one company exclusively), as well as speculative work (meaning work that is unpaid but done in the hopes of securing future gigs, clients, or employment)
   变相就业/受抚养自雇：不属于正式雇佣关系的工作（包括虚假就业，自由职业者只为一家公司工作），以及投机性工作（指无薪但为了获得未来的演出、客户或就业而完成的工作）

Impactful and Disconnected
有影响力且断开连接

Artisanal and Industrial  手工业

Informal and Militarized  非正式和军事化

Similar stories and reports can be found throughout the media industries. Especially in the digital games industry, numerous high-profile efforts are underway to address issues related to problematic working conditions and office culture. During 2021 and 2022, several lawsuits and investigations unfolded at the American game studio Blizzard Activision-home of such successful titles as World of Warcraft, Guitar Hero, and Call of Duty (with billions of US dollars in annual revenue). Employees complain about different kinds of abuse, such as “cube crawls” in which drunk male employees subjected women to unwanted advances, a lack of women in leadership positions, and unequal pay for women, and accuse the studio of fostering a “frat boy” culture and “rock star” mentality that is a breeding ground for “rampant sexism,” including sexual harassment and discrimination against women. In the weeks following the initial lawsuit against the company, thousands of employees organized to stand with their colleagues who experienced mistreatment or harassment of any kind, releasing statements critical of executives, and staging walkouts and work stoppages. Numerous media-including the New York Times, Vice, IGN (Imagine Games Network), and the Wall Street Journal, published their own investigations into the company’s lackluster handling of employee complaints. Throughout it all, current and former workers posted their experiences and reflections online combining such references as #MeToo and #timesup with game-industry-specific hashtags #WomenWhoCode and
类似的故事和报道可以在媒体行业中找到。特别是在数字游戏行业，许多备受瞩目的努力正在进行中，以解决与有问题的工作条件和办公室文化相关的问题。2021 年和 2022 年期间，美国游戏工作室暴雪动视展开了几起诉讼和调查，该工作室是《魔兽世界》、《吉他英雄》和《使命召唤》（年收入数十亿美元）等成功游戏的发源地。员工抱怨各种虐待行为，例如“立方体爬行”，其中醉酒的男性员工对女性进行不必要的挑逗，领导职位上缺乏女性，以及女性薪酬不平等，并指责工作室培养了“兄弟会男孩”文化和“摇滚明星”心态，这是滋生“猖獗的性别歧视”的温床，包括性骚扰和对女性的歧视。在对该公司提起初步诉讼后的几周内，数千名员工组织起来与遭受任何形式的虐待或骚扰的同事站在一起，发表批评高管的声明，并举行罢工和停工。包括《纽约时报》、Vice、IGN （Imagine Games Network） 和《华尔街日报》在内的众多媒体都发表了他们自己的调查，调查了该公司对员工投诉的处理不力。在整个过程中，现任和前任员工在网上发布了他们的经验和感想，将 #MeToo 和 #timesup 等参考资料与游戏行业特定的标签 #WomenWhoCode 和
#gamergirls, in conjunction with company-specific tags like #actiblizzwalkout and #ActivisionBlizzard. Over one thousand of their colleagues at the rival French game company Ubisoft pledged support by starting the #ABetterUbisoft campaign, demanding that management do more to end abuse at its own company. Another competitor, Bungiedeveloper of the hugely popular Halo and Destiny franchises-announced in September 2021 it would hire a diversity and inclusion director, update hiring practices, and improve training and tools about social safety, among other efforts to address problems with its working conditions, which include overt sexism, a boys’ club culture, and systemic inequalities.
#gamergirls，与公司特定的标签（如 #actiblizzwalkout 和 #ActivisionBlizzard）结合使用。他们在竞争对手法国游戏公司育碧（Ubisoft）的 1000 多名同事发起了 #ABetterUbisoft 运动，承诺提供支持，要求管理层采取更多措施来结束自己公司的滥用行为。另一个竞争对手，广受欢迎的 Halo 和 Destiny 特许经营权的 Bungiedeveloper 于 2021 年 9 月宣布，它将聘请一名多元化和包容性总监，更新招聘实践，并改进有关社会安全的培训和工具，以及其他解决其工作条件问题的努力，包括公开的性别歧视、男孩俱乐部文化和系统性不平等。

Dynamic and Routinized  动感和路由化

Collective and Fragmented
集体和碎片化

Empowering and Exploitative
赋权与剥削

Liberating and Interdependent
解放和相互依存

Idealistic and Homogenous
理想主义和同质化

• the International Game Developers Association (IGDA) collecting and publishing data on the lack of diversity in the game industry since it started its annual worldwide developer satisfaction surveys in 2014;
  国际游戏开发者协会 （IGDA） 自 2014 年开始年度全球开发者满意度调查以来，收集和发布有关游戏行业缺乏多样性的数据;
• the notable #Oscarssowhite social media and boycott campaign in the US film industry (ignited in 2015 by media strategist April Reign);
  美国电影业著名的 #Oscarssowhite 社交媒体和抵制运动（由媒体策略师 April Reign 于 2015 年发起）;
• the annual UK screen industries’ Project Diamond reports providing longterm monitoring of diversity data (launched in 2016);
  英国屏幕行业的年度 Project Diamond 报告，提供对多样性数据的长期监控（于 2016 年推出）;
• the Walkley Foundation’s Media Diversity Australia award (since 2019) honoring journalists who report on diverse people and issues in Australia;
  沃克利基金会的澳大利亚媒体多样性奖（自 2019 年起），表彰报道澳大利亚不同人群和问题的记者;
• the World Federation of Advertisers’ first-ever global diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) census of the marketing and advertising industry launched in 2021; and
  2021 年启动的世界广告商联合会 （World Federation of Advertisers） 首次全球营销和广告行业多元化、公平性和包容性 （DEI） 普查;和
• throughout the music industry, labels and professional associations’ reports and projects such as the Universal Music Group’s Taskforce for Meaningful Change (in 2021), after earlier announcements (in 2020) of the “big three” companies Universal, Warner, and Sony, to set up funds for social and racial justice organizations.
  在整个音乐行业，唱片公司和专业协会的报告和项目，例如环球音乐集团的有意义变革工作组（2021 年），在“三大”公司环球、华纳和索尼早些时候宣布（2020 年）为社会和种族正义组织设立基金。

Pleasurable and Precarious
愉快而不稳定

Media Work for a Life in Media
媒体工作，媒体生活

Envisioning the future of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in 2004, the company embraced the “Martini media” principle, suggesting that people want to access media anytime, anyplace. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} The Martini concept is a reference to a series of 1970s European television and radio commercials for Martini, a popular brand of Italian vermouth. The advertisements featured a jingle with the memorable words “capture a moment-that Martini moment-any time, any place, anywhere-there is a wonderful place you can share-and the right one, the right one-that’s Martini” (the original advertising score was composed in 1970 by the British composer Christopher Gunning, later on becoming a hit single in 1977 for the South African singer Danny Williams, adapted and titled “Dancin’ Easy”). This Martini media principle, originally referring to content moving freely between different devices and platforms, today extends to the entire media production process as practitioners come to terms with developing story lines that work across a variety of media, while also considering a cocreative role for the audience as people who participate and collaborate in finding, producing, sharing, curating, and remixing content.
2004 年，该公司设想了英国广播公司 （BBC） 的未来，采用了“Martini media”原则，建议人们希望随时随地访问媒体。 ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} 马提尼概念参考了 1970 年代意大利苦艾酒流行品牌马提尼的一系列欧洲电视和广播广告。广告中有一个叮当声，上面写着令人难忘的词语“捕捉一个时刻——那个马提尼时刻——任何时间、任何地方、任何地方——都有一个你可以分享的好地方——正确的一个——那就是马提尼”（最初的广告配乐是由英国作曲家克里斯托弗·冈宁于 1970 年创作的，后来在 1977 年成为南非歌手丹尼·威廉姆斯的热门单曲， 改编并命名为“Dancin' Easy”）。这个马提尼媒体原则，最初指的是内容在不同设备和平台之间自由移动，今天延伸到整个媒体制作过程，因为从业者开始接受开发跨各种媒体工作的故事情节，同时也考虑观众作为参与和合作寻找的人的共同创造角色， 制作、共享、策划和重新混合内容。

• by companies and publishers, as a way of organizing and taming the sprawling and unpredictable economy for cultural products into separate, narrowly defined markets;
  由公司和出版商组织起来，将庞大而不可预测的文化产品经济组织起来，并将其驯服为独立的、狭隘的市场;
• by media professionals, to meet the demands of specific technologies, to develop and deploy available skills and competences, and to meet the expectations of clients and employers;
  由媒体专业人士提供，以满足特定技术的需求，开发和部署可用的技能和能力，并满足客户和雇主的期望;
• by audiences, enabling people to identify themselves along specific styles and traditions (e.g., by stating “I am not into sci-fi” or “I’m a metalhead”) to differentiate themselves; and
  通过观众，使人们能够根据特定的风格和传统来识别自己（例如，通过说“我不喜欢科幻”或“我是金属乐迷”），以区分自己;和
• by the material context of media production, as specific technologiessuch as the printing press, a studio complex, the open-plan office, (proprietary) software and interfaces-impose structural limitations (and possibilities) for storytelling practices.
  通过媒体制作的物质环境，如印刷机、工作室综合体、开放式办公室、（专有）软件和界面等特定技术，为讲故事的实践施加了结构性限制（和可能性）。

Make Life  创造生活

• skills—possessing the expertise and ability necessary to make the best use of people, material conditions, and expectations in a given context;
  技能——拥有在特定环境中充分利用人员、物质条件和期望所需的专业知识和能力;
• access-having the capability, reputation, and clout to make something happen, including having access to particular people and resources;
  访问 - 拥有实现某事的能力、声誉和影响力，包括获得特定的人员和资源;
• position-being in a position where you can make a difference in your activities and circumstances or in those of others as related to one’s role in the working environment (e.g., based on workplace seniority and level of experience);
  职位 - 您可以改变自己的活动和环境，或改变他人的活动和环境，这与自己在工作环境中的角色相关（例如，基于工作场所的资历和经验水平）;
• motivation-attitudes and reasons for (not) using the opportunities available to you (as sometimes you can push for some kind of change but are not enthusiastic about doing it).
  动机 - 态度和（不）利用你可用的机会的原因（因为有时你可以推动某种改变，但并不热衷于去做）。

• reducing the effort-reward imbalance experienced by media workers, and commit to fair treatment and just pay for everyone involved in the creative process;
  减少媒体工作者所经历的努力与回报不平衡，并承诺公平对待和公正地为参与创作过程的每个人支付报酬;
• being much more transparent and explicit about hiring, firing, and promotion procedures;
  在招聘、解雇和晋升程序方面更加透明和明确;
• establishing clear protocols that prevent and combat sexism and any other kind of workplace discrimination; and
  制定明确的协议，防止和打击性别歧视和任何其他形式的工作场所歧视;和
• controlling the culture of overwork throughout.
  全程控制过度工作的文化。

1. Susmita Baral, “Is Facebook Is A Tech Or Media Company? CEO Mark Zuckerberg Weighs In,” International Business Times, August 30, 2016, https://www.ibtimes.com/facebook-tech-or-media-company-ceo-mark-zuckerberg-weighs-2409428.
   Susmita Baral，“Facebook 是一家科技公司还是媒体公司？首席执行官马克·扎克伯格 （Mark Zuckerberg） 发表评论“，国际商业时报，2016 年 8 月 30 日，https://www.ibtimes.com/facebook-tech-or-media-company-ceo-mark-zuckerberg-weighs-2409428。
2. Miriam Dean, “Independent Review of Workplace Culture for Weta Digital,” 1 News, December 23, 2020, https://www.1news.co.nz/2020/12/23/independent-review-of-workplace-culture-for-wetadigital/.
   Miriam Dean，“Weta Digital 工作场所文化独立审查”，1 News，2020 年 12 月 23 日，https://www.1news.co.nz/2020/12/23/independent-review-of-workplace-culture-for-wetadigital/。
3. Dean, “Workplace Culture for Weta.”
   院长，“Workplace Culture for Weta”。
4. Ashley Highfield, “The On-Demand World Is Finally Coming,” speech given to FT New Media & Broadcasting Conference 2004, March 2, 2004, https://www.bbc.co.uk/pressoffice/speeches/stories /highfield_ft.shtml.
   Ashley Highfield，“按需世界终于来了”，在 2004 年 FT 新媒体与广播会议上的演讲，2004 年 3 月 2 日，https://www.bbc.co.uk/pressoffice/speeches/stories /highfield_ft.shtml。

8

Life in Media  媒体生活

TRUMAN: What’s goin’ on? I really would like to know what’s going on!
杜鲁门：这是怎么回事？我真的很想知道发生了什么！
LAUREN: Get out of here. Come and find me.
劳伦：离开这里。快来找我吧。

1. We can fight the media-either through disconnection and digital “detoxing” activities and destroying the machines around us or by “arming” ourselves with the insights and instrumental skills of media literacy.
   我们可以与媒体作斗争——要么通过断开连接和数字 “排毒 ”活动，摧毁我们周围的机器，要么通过用媒体素养的洞察力和工具技能 “武装 ”自己。
2. We can surrender to a mediated existence-either by becoming players with information, utilizing the various affordances of our digital environment to get the most out of the media experience, or by truly embracing the uncanny notion that who we are is and always has been interconnected with our technologies and media.
   我们可以屈服于一种中介化的存在——要么成为信息的参与者，利用我们数字环境的各种功能来充分利用媒体体验，要么真正接受一个不可思议的概念，即我们是谁，并且一直与我们的技术和媒体相互联系。
3. We can become media-either by adapting carefully (if not critically) to what media want from us or by learning how to reprogram and hack the system, making it a participatory rather than imposed reality.
   我们可以成为媒体——要么通过仔细地（如果不是批判性的）适应媒体对我们的期望，要么通过学习如何重新编程和破解系统，使其成为参与式的而不是强加的现实。

• figuring out how the media in their environment work and trying to escape from or take to bits the gaze of trackers, cameras, and programmers, or exploiting all the technologies at their disposal to consciously change the narrative;
  弄清楚他们环境中的媒体是如何运作的，并试图逃避或接受追踪器、摄像机和程序员的目光，或者利用他们可以使用的所有技术有意识地改变叙事;
• opting to live the (screenwritten, preprogrammed) mediated life to the fullest or to engage other people in the mediated environment (e.g., characters, actors, avatars) in continuous self-reflective debate about the various roles to play in this environment;
  选择充分地过上（编剧的、预先编程的）中介生活，或者让中介环境中的其他人（例如，角色、演员、化身）参与关于在这个环境中扮演的各种角色的持续自我反思辩论;
• gaining and raising awareness about all the subtle (and not so subtle) ways in which technologies in general and media in particular nudge and direct us, or find ways to completely rewrite the script or code to create a different (yet still mediated) world.
  获得并提高对技术，特别是媒体推动和指导我们的所有微妙（和不那么微妙）方式的认识，或者找到完全重写脚本或代码的方法，以创造一个不同的（但仍然是中介的）世界。

The Dark Side (and the Light)
黑暗面（和光明）

1. The environmental impact of (mining for and discarding of) media and efforts to green the media
   媒体对环境的影响（开采和丢弃）以及绿色媒体的努力
2. The workers’ rights aspect of precarious conditions in electronics factories, hardware and software development and engineering, and media production facilities versus corporate social responsibility, fan and shareholder activism, and increased collective organizing (including unionization)
   电子工厂、硬件和软件开发和工程以及媒体制作设施的不稳定条件的工人权利方面与企业社会责任、粉丝和股东激进主义以及增加的集体组织（包括工会化）的对比
3. The representational quality of media (e.g., regarding issues of intersectionality in film, games, and the news and considering the dominance of platforms, surveillance, and algorithmic systems in our digital environment) versus consumer activism as well as a growing media literacy movement around the world.
   媒体的代表性质量（例如，关于电影、游戏和新闻中的交叉性问题，并考虑到平台、监控和算法系统在我们的数字环境中的主导地位）与消费者激进主义以及世界各地日益增长的媒体素养运动。

Environmental Impact  环境影响

Once media devices find their way into our hands and homes, their carbon footprint primarily consists of electricity use and how anything with plugs, cords, and electronic components get disposed of and turned into electronic waste (or e-waste). Although the power consumption of a single household may not amount to much, media industries are historically known as heavy users and polluters-consider, for example, poisonous solvents, inks, fumes, dust, and wastewater as the byproducts of printing books, magazines, and newspapers and the manufacturing of film stock, as well as the massive destruction of trees and usage of substantial amounts of land and water resources to print, produce, and distribute media. In today’s digital environment, we additionally have to consider the environmental costs involved with powering and cooling the vast data centers that connect us with the digital products and streaming services offered by the media industries, especially regarding the top three cloud computing companies in the world: Amazon Web Services, Google Cloud Platform, and Microsoft Azure.
一旦媒体设备进入我们的手和家中，它们的碳足迹主要包括用电以及任何带有插头、电线和电子元件的东西如何被丢弃并转化为电子垃圾（或电子垃圾）。虽然一个家庭的用电量可能不多，但媒体行业在历史上被称为重度用户和污染者——例如，将有毒溶剂、油墨、烟雾、灰尘和废水视为印刷书籍、杂志和报纸以及制造胶片的副产品，以及大量破坏树木和使用大量土地和水资源进行印刷。 制作和分发媒体。在当今的数字环境中，我们还必须考虑为将我们与媒体行业提供的数字产品和流媒体服务连接起来的庞大数据中心供电和冷却所涉及的环境成本，尤其是关于世界三大云计算公司：Amazon Web Services、Google Cloud Platform 和 Microsoft Azure。

Workers' Rights  工人权利

• people generally work in largely informal circumstances, generally unregulated and without clear policies and standards (both regarding bodily and social safety);
  人们通常在很大程度上在非正式的环境中工作，通常不受监管，没有明确的政策和标准（关于身体和社会安全）;
• the transforming technological context of the work expects workers to constantly learn and adapt to new requirements, skills, and procedures;
  工作不断变化的技术环境要求工人不断学习和适应新的要求、技能和程序;
• the work tends to be (physically, cognitively, emotionally) involving and demanding, for example, leading to long working hours and having to be “always on” to keep going and make it work;
  工作往往（身体上、认知上、情感上）涉及和要求很高，例如，导致工作时间长，必须“永远在线”才能继续前进并使其发挥作用;
• jobs are few and far between, often without formal benefits (such as sick pay, medical or legal protections, and scheduled time off); and
  工作机会很少，而且相距甚远，通常没有正式的福利（如病假工资、医疗或法律保护以及预定的休假）;和
• the labor market and culture at work can be quite competitive, highstrung, and full of conflict, characterized by looming deadlines, intense schedules, and pressured productivity.
  劳动力市场和工作文化可能竞争激烈、紧张且充满冲突，其特点是截止日期迫在眉睫、日程安排紧张和生产力压力。

Although the role of unions is traditionally weak in the new media industries, coders, programmers, and developers do form informal networks, within countries and internationally, as the tech workforce is spread worldwide. An example would be a form of collective organization among employees of a single company, such as Google (as a subsidiary of the Alphabet conglomerate). Tensions within the company between employees and management have grown over such issues as the company’s decision to censor its search engine for the Chinese market, its collaboration with US military and law enforcement on surveillance projects, and more generally the way the company struggles to provide a safe and supportive working environment for women and people of color (the case of Timnit Gebru comes to mind). This culminated in a walkout of more than twenty thousand employees in November 2018. Subsequently, workers at Google started to formally organize, forming the Alphabet Workers Union in 2021 -invoking the concluding statement in Google’s internal Code of Conduct: “And remember … don’t be evil, and if you see something that you think isn’t right-speak up!” ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} This was followed by a global union alliance called Alpha Global, composed of thirteen different unions representing tech workers in such countries as the United States, United Kingdom, Ireland, Sweden, and Switzerland. In the United States, the national union of the Communications Workers of America launched a Campaign to Organize Digital Employees (CODE) in 2020 targeting tech and video game workers.
尽管工会在新媒体行业中的作用传统上很弱，但随着技术劳动力遍布全球，编码员、程序员和开发人员确实在国内和国际上形成了非正式网络。一个例子是单个公司的员工之间的集体组织形式，例如 Google（作为 Alphabet 集团的子公司）。公司内部员工和管理层之间的紧张关系因公司决定审查其针对中国市场的搜索引擎、与美国军队和执法部门在监控项目上的合作，以及更普遍地说，公司努力为女性和有色人种提供安全和支持性工作环境的方式等问题而加剧（我想到了 Timnit Gebru 的案例）。这最终导致 2018 年 11 月有 2 万多名员工罢工。随后，谷歌的工人开始正式组织起来，于 2021 年成立了 Alphabet 工会——援引谷歌内部行为准则中的结论性声明：“请记住......不要作恶，如果你看到你认为不对的事情，就说出来吧！ ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 紧随其后的是一个名为 Alpha Global 的全球工会联盟，该联盟由代表美国、英国、爱尔兰、瑞典和瑞士等国家技术工人的 13 个不同的工会组成。在美国，美国通信工人全国工会于 2020 年发起了一项针对技术和视频游戏工作者的组织数字员工 （CODE） 运动。

• a variety of tasks,  各种任务，
• learning new things,  学习新事物，
• not doing the same things over and over, and
  而不是一遍又一遍地做同样的事情，以及
• having decision authority on when and how to work.
  对何时以及如何工作拥有决策权。

The work clearly matters to the professionals involved-and that passionate engagement in turn makes everything personal. That means that a compliment from a colleague goes a long way, just as much as any rejection (of an idea, a gig, or project) can make one feel hurt and vulnerable. This is not to say that working in the media is inevitably awful, nor is this long list of potential problems with workers’ rights in media production intended to discourage anyone from wanting to work there. Quite the opposite-media work is (or can be) genuinely fun and fulfilling and at its best contributes to society and the greater good in all kinds of meaningful ways. It is perhaps not a stretch to say-with specific reference to those in creative roles - that the pain of working in the media in part makes the work pleasurable. I would argue that students and scholars in the field of media studies have a responsibility to highlight and tackle some of
这项工作显然对参与其中的专业人士很重要——而这种热情的参与反过来又使一切都变得个性化。这意味着同事的赞美大有帮助，就像任何拒绝（对一个想法、一个演出或项目）都会让人感到受伤和脆弱一样。这并不是说在媒体工作就一定很糟糕，也不是说这一长串与媒体制作中工人权利有关的潜在问题并不是为了阻止任何人想在那里工作。恰恰相反，媒体工作是（或可以）真正有趣和充实的，并且在最好的情况下以各种有意义的方式为社会和更大的利益做出贡献。也许可以毫不夸张地说——具体提到那些担任创意角色的人——在媒体工作中的痛苦在一定程度上使工作变得愉快。我认为，媒体研究领域的学生和学者有责任强调和解决一些
the more problematic issues about working in the media-not in the least because the majority of students taking courses in media and communication are primarily interested in pursuing a career in the media. This is how the subdiscipline of production studies emerged at the start of the twenty-first century, highlighting a growing interest and awareness among media scholars about the conditions, norms, and values that structure how media get made. In line with how the media as an industry is transforming, audience studies and production studies in recent years of scholarship tend to converge in recognition of a growing interdependency between those who make media and those who consume it-such as between professionals working on a TV series and fans of the show, between developers working on new editions of a game and gamers online, between those working on a film set and the communities where they are filming. As using media to some extent also involves producing media, it seems productive to collapse the categories of production and audience in our studies of media, particularly when we include the role of platforms, online social networks, and other interactive media in our analyses.
在媒体工作的问题更多——这主要是因为大多数参加媒体和传播课程的学生主要对从事媒体事业感兴趣。这就是生产研究的子学科在 21 世纪初的出现方式，凸显了媒体学者对构成媒体制作方式的条件、规范和价值的兴趣和意识日益浓厚。与媒体作为一个行业的转变方式一致，近年来学术研究的受众研究和制作研究趋于一致，因为认识到媒体制作者和消费者之间日益增长的相互依存关系——例如，在制作电视剧的专业人士和节目的粉丝之间，在开发新版本游戏的开发人员和在线游戏玩家之间， 在电影布景工作人员和他们拍摄的社区之间。由于使用媒体在某种程度上也涉及媒体的生产，因此在我们的媒体研究中，折叠生产和受众的类别似乎是有益的，特别是当我们在分析中包括平台、在线社交网络和其他互动媒体的作用时。

• media production taking place in newsrooms, within the film and television studio system, in creative agencies and game studios, organized through publishers and broadcasters, large holding firms, and multinational corporations;
  在新闻编辑室、电影和电视工作室系统、创意机构和游戏工作室中进行的媒体制作，通过出版商和广播公司、大型控股公司和跨国公司组织起来;
• media content that is based on routinized, scripted, and formulaic industry formats and genre conventions;
  基于常规化、脚本化和公式化的行业格式和类型惯例的媒体内容;
• media audiences that are massively aggregated and programmed around release schedules and predictable media events (such as the Olympics, the Eurovision song festival, and a press conference by a country’s political leader).
  媒体受众是围绕发布时间表和可预测的媒体活动（例如奥运会、欧洲歌唱大赛和国家/地区政治领导人的新闻发布会）进行大规模聚合和编程的媒体受众。

It is important to note that media literacy, both as a research discipline and a field of practice, has been around for quite some time. Several governments have consistently supported education about their national press and cinema from the 1960s onward-including countries such as Russia, France, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
值得注意的是，媒体素养作为一门研究学科和实践领域，已经存在了相当长的一段时间。从 1960 年代开始，一些政府一直支持对其国家新闻和电影的教育，包括俄罗斯、法国、英国、加拿大和美国等国家。联合国教育、科学及文化组织
(UNESCO) has promoted the development of media education since the mid-1970s, urging member states to promote a critical understanding of media among their citizens. Such programs generally morphed into more comprehensive approaches to media education in the 1980s and 1990s. Gradually, the focus shifted from learning about the rich history and traditions of national media cultures to more instrumental approaches to media, including learning skills and competences associated with handling technological equipment (such as cameras and computers) and the ability to distinguish between different types of information (such as between news and advertising). Today, the number of programs, initiatives, and centers in some form of digital/media/information literacy, training, and education is truly astounding, prompting initiatives to come up with a global governance structure around media and information literacies, generally focusing on primary and secondary education-yet also mindful of the fact that media literacy involves a lifelong learning process, as media continually transform and evolve.
（联合国教科文组织）自 1970 年代中期以来一直推动媒体教育的发展，敦促会员国促进其公民对媒体的批判性理解。此类计划在 1980 年代和 1990 年代通常演变为更全面的媒体教育方法。渐渐地，重点从学习国家媒体文化的丰富历史和传统转移到更工具性的媒体方法，包括学习与处理技术设备（如相机和计算机）相关的技能和能力，以及区分不同类型信息的能力（如新闻和广告）。今天，某种形式的数字/媒体/信息素养、培训和教育的计划、倡议和中心的数量确实令人震惊，这促使倡议围绕媒体和信息素养提出全球治理结构，通常侧重于中小学教育，但也要考虑到媒体素养涉及终身学习过程的事实， 随着媒体的不断转变和发展。

• reading, writing, and interacting with and across a range of platforms, tools, and media and
  阅读、写作以及与一系列平台、工具和媒体互动，以及
• navigating through multiple domains (including the ability to search, to evaluate, to test, to validate, and to modify information).
  在多个域中导航（包括搜索、评估、测试、验证和修改信息的能力）。

• media archaeology, opening the black box of media devices to explore their material as well as cultural history and genealogy;
  媒体考古学，打开媒体设备的黑匣子，探索其材料以及文化历史和家谱;
• production studies, casting a critical eye on the way media get made, both by professionals as well as all of us as audiences, participants, and cocreators of media content and experiences;
  制作研究，批判性地看待媒体的制作方式，无论是专业人士还是我们所有人，作为媒体内容和体验的受众、参与者和共同创造者;
• transliteracy and transmedia literacy, developing a way to learn and play with(in) a complex and converging digital environment.
  跨文化素养和跨媒体素养，开发一种在复杂而融合的数字环境中学习和玩耍的方法。