Two-state solution 两-state solution

和平运动的海报:以色列和巴勒斯坦国旗以及阿拉伯语和希伯来语的“和平”一词。类似的图片被多个支持两国方案的团体使用。

2011 年西岸和加沙地带地图。就可接受的边界达成一致是两国方案面临的主要困难之一。

西岸地区 C 区,由以色列控制,蓝色和红色表示,2011 年 12 月
| Part of a series on 系列文章之一 the Israeli–Palestinian conflict 以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突 |
| Israeli–Palestinian 以色列-巴勒斯坦 peace process 和平进程 |
|---|
The two-state solution is a proposed approach to resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, by creating two states on the territory of the former Mandatory Palestine. It is often contrasted with the one-state solution, which is the establishment a single state in former Mandatory Palestine with equal rights for all its inhabitants. The two-state solution is supported by many countries and the Palestinian Authority.[1] Israel currently does not support the idea, though it has in the past.[2]
两国解决方案是解决以巴冲突的一种提议方法,即在原巴勒斯坦托管领土上建立两个国家。它与单一国家解决方案形成对比,后者是指在原巴勒斯坦托管领土上建立一个国家,为所有居民提供平等权利。许多国家和巴勒斯坦民族权力机构支持两国解决方案。 [1] 以色列目前不支持这一构想,尽管过去曾支持过。 [2]
The first proposal for separate Jewish and Arab states in the territory was made by the British Peel Commission report in 1937.[3] In 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a partition plan for Palestine, leading to the 1948 Palestine war.[4][5] As a result, Israel was established on the area the UN had proposed for the Jewish state, as well as almost 60% of the area proposed for the Arab state. Israel took control of West Jerusalem, which was meant to be part of an international zone. Jordan took control of East Jerusalem and what became known as the West Bank, annexing it the following year. The territory which became the Gaza Strip was occupied by Egypt but never annexed. Since the 1967 Six-Day War, both the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza Strip have been militarily occupied by Israel, becoming known as the Palestinian territories.
第一份关于在领土内分别建立犹太国家和阿拉伯国家的提议由英国皮尔委员会报告于 1937 年提出。 [3] 1947 年,联合国大会通过了巴勒斯坦分治方案,导致了 1948 年巴勒斯坦战争。 [4] [5] 结果,以色列在该联合国建议为犹太国家的地区以及几乎 60%的为阿拉伯国家提议的地区建立。以色列控制了西耶路撒冷,而该地区本应是一个国际地区的一部分。约旦控制了东耶路撒冷和后来被称为约旦河西岸的地区,并在随后的一年将其吞并。而成为加沙地带的领土则被埃及占领,但从未被吞并。自 1967 年六日战争以来,西岸地区(包括东耶路撒冷)和加沙地带均被以色列军事占领,并被称为巴勒斯坦领土。
The Palestine Liberation Organization has accepted the concept of a two-state solution since the 1982 Arab Summit, on the basis of an independent Palestinian state based in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem.[6] In 2017, Hamas announced their revised charter, which claims to accept the idea of a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders, but without recognising the statehood of Israel.[7] Diplomatic efforts have centred around realizing a two-state solution, starting from the failed 2000 Camp David Summit and the Clinton Parameters, followed by the Taba Summit in 2001. The failure of the Camp David summit to reach an agreed two-state solution formed the backdrop to the commencement of the Second Intifada, the violent consequences of which marked a turning point among both peoples’ attitudes.[8][9][10] A two-state solution also formed the basis of the Arab Peace Initiative, the 2006–2008 peace offer, and the 2013–14 peace talks.
巴勒斯坦解放组织自 1982 年阿拉伯峰会以来已接受两国方案的概念,该方案基于在西岸、加沙和东耶路撒冷建立一个独立的巴勒斯坦国。 [6] 2017 年,哈马斯宣布了他们的修订版章程,该章程声称接受在 1967 年边界内建立巴勒斯坦国的概念,但不承认以色列的国家地位。 [7] 外交努力一直围绕实现两国方案展开,从 2000 年戴维营峰会的失败和克林顿参数开始,接着是 2001 年的塔巴峰会。戴维营峰会未能达成一致的两国方案,成为第二次巴勒斯坦起义开始的背景,其暴力结果改变了双方民众的态度。 [8] [9] [10] 两国方案也构成了阿拉伯和平倡议、2006 至 2008 年的和平提议以及 2013 至 2014 年和平谈判的基础。
Currently there is no two-state solution proposal being negotiated between Israel and Palestinians. The Palestinian Authority supports the idea of a two-state solution;[1] Israel at times has also supported the idea, but currently rejects the creation of a Palestinian state.[2] Long-serving Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated his objection to a Palestinian state on two separate occasions, in 2015 and 2023.[11][12][13] Former Israeli prime ministers Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert in late 2023 expressed support for a two-state solution.[14][15] Public support among Israelis and Palestinians (measured separately) for "the concept of the two-state solution" have varied between above and below 50%, partially depending on how the question was phrased.
目前以色列和巴勒斯坦之间没有正在谈判的双边解决方案。巴勒斯坦权力机构支持双边解决方案的想法;以色列有时也表示支持该想法,但目前拒绝建立巴勒斯坦国。长期担任以色列总理的 Benjamin Netanyahu 分别在 2015 年和 2023 年两次表明他反对建立一个巴勒斯坦国。前以色列总理 Ehud Barak 和 Ehud Olmert 在 2023 年底表示支持双边解决方案。以色列人和巴勒斯坦人(分别测量)对“双边解决方案概念”的公众支持率时高时低,约在 50%以上或以下波动,部分取决于问题的表述方式。
The major points of contention include the specific boundaries of the two states (though most proposals are based on the 1967 lines), the status of Jerusalem, the Israeli settlements and the right of return of Palestinian refugees. Observers have described the current situation in the whole territory, with the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and blockade of the Gaza Strip, as one of de facto Israeli sovereignty.[16][17] The two-state solution is an alternative to the one-state solution and what observers consider a de facto one-state reality.[16][17][18]
争议的主要问题包括两个国家具体的边界(尽管大多数提案基于 1967 年的边界线)、耶路撒冷的地位、以色列定居点以及巴勒斯坦难民的回归权。有观察者将当前整个地区的局势,包括以色列对西岸的占领和对加沙地带的封锁,描述为事实上的以色列主权。 [16] [17] 两国方案是对一国方案的替代,也是观察家们认为的事实上的一国现实。 [16] [17] [18]
Following the October 7 attacks and the subsequent Gaza war, multiple governments restarted discussions on a two-state solution. This received pushback from Israel's government, especially from prime minister Netanyahu. On 26 September 2024, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud and Norway's Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide co-chaired a meeting of representatives of about 90 countries, held on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, to launch a global alliance for a two-state solution.[19][20][21][22][23]
在 10 月 7 日袭击和随后的加沙战争之后,多国政府重启了关于两国方案的讨论。这遭到了以色列政府的反对,尤其是总理内塔尼亚胡的反对。2024 年 9 月 26 日,沙特外交大臣法赫德·本·法哈纳·阿勒沙特亲王和挪威外交大臣埃斯彭·巴特·埃德共同主持了约 90 个国家代表参加的会议,该会议在联合国大会的会外举行,旨在启动一个全球性的两国方案联盟。 [19] [20] [21] [22] [23]
History 历史

1946 年的英国委任统治区。
In the wake of Jewish migration from Europe in the context of Zionism and intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine, the first proposal for the creation of Jewish and Arab states in the British Mandate of Palestine was made by the British Peel Commission report of 1937 led by William Peel, 1st Earl Peel.[24][3] The plan maintained a mandate covering a small area containing Jerusalem and allotted the poorest lands of Palestine, including the Negev Desert, and areas that are known today as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to the Arabs; while most of the coastline and some of Palestine's most fertile agricultural land in the Galilee were allotted to the Jews.[25] Consequently, the recommended partition proposal was rejected by the Arab community of Palestine, and was accepted by most of the Jewish leadership.[26][27][28]
在犹太复国主义背景下,欧洲犹太人大批移民到巴勒斯坦非自治领土,并发生了当地社群冲突后,由威廉·皮尔第一代皮尔伯爵领导的英国皮尔委员会于 1937 年提出了在巴勒斯坦英国委任统治下创建犹太国和阿拉伯国的第一个方案。 [24] [3] 该方案保留了涵盖耶路撒冷小区域的委任统治地,并将巴勒斯坦最贫瘠的土地分配给阿拉伯人,包括内盖夫沙漠,以及如今被称为约旦河西岸地区和加沙地带的区域;而大部分海岸线以及部分巴勒斯坦最肥沃的加利利农业用地则分配给了犹太人。 [25] 随后,巴勒斯坦阿拉伯社群否决了这一建议的分割方案,而大多数犹太领袖接受了该方案。 [26] [27] [28]
Partition was again proposed by the 1947 UN Partition Plan for the division of Palestine. It proposed a three-way division, again with Jerusalem held separately, under international control. The partition plan was accepted by Jewish Agency for Palestine and most Zionist factions who viewed it as a stepping stone to territorial expansion at an opportune time.[29][30] The Arab Higher Committee, the Arab League and other Arab leaders and governments rejected it on the basis that Arabs formed a two-thirds majority and owned a majority of the lands.[31][32] They also indicated an unwillingness to accept any form of territorial division,[33] arguing that it violated the principles of national self-determination in the UN Charter.[34][35] They announced their intention to take all necessary measures to prevent the implementation of the resolution.[36][37][38][39] Subsequently, the Intercommunal conflict in Palestine gave way to civil war[40] and the plan was not implemented.[41]
分区方案再次由 1947 年联合国分治计划提出,用于分裂巴勒斯坦。该方案提议三方分治,同样将耶路撒冷单独划出,置于国际管控之下。分治方案被犹太代办处和大多数犹太复国主义派系接受,他们认为这为未来在适当时机扩大领土提供了跳板。 [29] [30] 阿拉伯高级委员会、阿拉伯联盟以及其他阿拉伯领袖和政府则基于阿拉伯人占三分之二多数且拥有多数土地的理由予以拒绝。 [31] [32] 他们同时表示不愿接受任何形式的领土分割, [33] 主张此举违反了联合国宪章中的民族自决原则。 [34] [35] 他们宣告将采取一切必要措施阻止该决议的落实。 [36] [37] [38] [39] 随后,巴勒斯坦的邦际冲突演变为内战, [40] 导致该方案未能实施。 [41]

1955 年联合国地图,显示根据 1949 年停战协定中的绿线划定的以色列边境。
At the end of the British Mandate, with the establishment of the State of Israel and entry of Arab regular armies into what had been Mandatory Palestine, the 1948 war became an international conflict.[42] At the end of the war, the Green Line established by the 1949 Armistice Agreements became the de facto borders of the State of Israel.[42] The war resulted in the fleeing or expulsion of 711,000 Palestinians, which the Palestinians call Nakba, from the territories which became the state of Israel.[43]
在英国托管结束时,随着以色列国的建立和阿拉伯正规军队进入当时属于托管地的巴勒斯坦地区,1948 年的战争演变为国际冲突。 [42] 战争结束时,根据 1949 年停战协定划定的绿线成为以色列国的事实上边界。 [42] 这场战争导致 711,000 名巴勒斯坦人流离失所或被驱逐,巴勒斯坦人称之为“灾难”。 [43]
UN resolution 242 and the recognition of Palestinian rights
联合国第 242 号决议与巴勒斯坦权利的认可
After the 1967 Arab–Israeli war, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed resolution 242 calling for Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied during the war, in exchange for "termination of all claims or states of belligerency" and "acknowledgement of sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every state in the area". The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which had been formed in 1964, strongly criticized the resolution, saying that it reduced the question of Palestine to a refugee problem.[44]: 18
1967 年阿拉伯-以色列战争之后,联合国安全理事会一致通过第 242 号决议,要求以色列从战争期间占领的领土撤出,以换取“所有要求或敌对状态的终止”以及“承认该地区每个国家的主权、领土完整和政治独立”。1964 年成立的巴勒斯坦解放组织(PLO)强烈批评这项决议,认为它将巴勒斯坦问题简化为难民问题。 [44] : 18
In September 1974, 56 member states proposed that "the question of Palestine" be included as an item in the General Assembly's agenda. In a resolution adopted on 22 November 1974, the General Assembly affirmed Palestinian rights, which included the "right to self-determination without external interference", "the right to national independence and sovereignty", and the "right to return to their homes and property". These rights have been affirmed every year since.[45]: 24
1974 年 9 月,56 个成员国提议将“巴勒斯坦问题”列入大会议程的一项议题。在 1974 年 11 月 22 日通过的一项决议中,联合国大会确认了巴勒斯坦权利,其中包括“不受外部干涉的自决权”、“民族独立和主权的权利”以及“返回家园和财产的权利”。这些权利自此每年都会得到确认。 [45] : 24
Early Palestinian articulations of two-state solution
早期巴勒斯坦人对两国方案的表述
The first indication that the PLO would be willing to accept a two-state solution, on at least an interim basis, was articulated by Said Hammami in the mid-1970s.[46][47]
巴勒斯坦解放组织(PLO)愿意接受两国方案,至少是临时接受,最早的迹象是由赛义德·哈姆ами在 20 世纪 70 年代中期提出的。 [46] [47]
Likud party's insistence on only Israeli sovereignty
利库德集团坚持要求以色列拥有唯一主权
The Israeli Likud party, in its manifesto for the 1977 elections which it won in a landslide, declared: "Between the sea and the Jordan there will only be Israeli sovereignty."[48][49][50] Similar statements have been made by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as late as 18 January 2024.[51]
以色列利库德党在其赢得压倒性胜利的 1977 年选举纲领中宣布:“在海与约旦河之间,将只有以色列的主权。” [48] [49] [50] 以色列总理本杰明·内塔尼亚胡也在 2024 年 1 月 18 日发表了类似声明。 [51]
On 18 July 2024, the Israeli parliament passed a resolution that rejected the establishment of a Palestinian state. The resolution passed in the Knesset with 68 votes in favour and nine against it. Netanyahu’s coalition with far-right parties co-sponsored the resolution, while the opposition left the session to avoid supporting the statement.[52]
2024 年 7 月 18 日,以色列议会通过了一项决议,拒绝建立巴勒斯坦国。该决议在以色列议会中以 68 票赞成、9 票反对通过。内塔尼亚胡与极右翼政党的联盟共同发起了这项决议,而反对派则离开会议以避免支持该声明。 [52]
Palestinian Declaration of Independence
巴勒斯坦独立宣言
The Palestinian Declaration of Independence of 15 November 1988, which referenced the UN Partition Plan of 1947 and "UN resolutions since 1947" in general, was interpreted as an indirect recognition of the State of Israel, and support for a two-state solution. The Partition Plan was invoked to provide legitimacy to Palestinian statehood. Subsequent clarifications were taken to amount to the first explicit Palestinian recognition of Israel.[53][54]
1988 年 11 月 15 日通过的巴勒斯坦独立宣言,引用了 1947 年联合国分治计划和“1947 年以来的联合国决议”,被解读为对以色列国的间接承认,以及对两国方案的支持。分治计划被援引以赋予巴勒斯坦国地位的合法性。随后的澄清被视为巴勒斯坦对以色列的首次明确承认。 [53] [54]
2017 Hamas Charter 2017 年哈马斯宪章
The 2017 Hamas charter presented the Palestinian state being based on the 1967 borders. The text says "Hamas considers the establishment of a Palestinian state, sovereign and complete, on the basis of the June 4, 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital and the provision for all the refugees to return to their homeland."[7] This is in contrast to Hamas' 1988 charter, which previously called for a Palestinian state on all of Mandatory Palestine. Nevertheless, even in the 2017 charter, Hamas did not recognize Israel.[7]
2017 年哈马斯宪章提出了基于 1967 年边界的巴勒斯坦国。文本称“哈马斯认为,应建立一个在 1967 年 6 月 4 日基础上,以耶路撒冷为首府的完整主权巴勒斯坦国,并允许所有难民返回家园。” [7] 这与哈马斯 1988 年宪章形成对比,后者之前要求在整个委任统治巴勒斯坦地区建立一个巴勒斯坦国。尽管如此,即使在 2017 年宪章中,哈马斯仍未承认以色列。 [7]
6th Netanyahu cabinet
In December 2022, Benjamin Netanyahu returned as Prime Minister of Israel, forming the most right-wing government in Israel's history. Netanyahu's coalition partners rejected the two-state solution.[55][56] In February 2023, Netanyahu said he would be willing to grant Palestinians autonomy but not sovereignty, and in any future deal Israel would maintain full security control of the West Bank.[57] In June 2023, Netanyahu told members of the Knesset that Israel must block the creation of a Palestinian state.[58][59]
2022 年 12 月,本杰明·内塔尼亚胡再次就任以色列总理,组建了以色列历史上最右翼的政府。内塔尼亚胡的联盟伙伴拒绝了两国解决方案。 [55] [56] 2023 年 2 月,内塔尼亚胡表示他愿意给予巴勒斯坦人自治权,但不给予主权,并且在任何未来的交易中,以色列都将保持对约旦河西岸的完全安全控制。 [57] 2023 年 6 月,内塔尼亚胡告诉议会成员,以色列必须阻止巴勒斯坦国的建立。 [58] [59]
Later in 2023, despite Israeli PM Netanyahu's statement denying the creation of a Palestinian state as a condition for a normalization with Saudi Arabia,[60][61][62] Saudi Arabian crown prince Mohammed bin Salman said normalization with Israel was "for the first time real".[63] This was an apparent reversal of Saudi policy, articulated in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, when Saudi Arabia had offered Israel normalization with the whole Arab world if Israel allows the creation of a Palestinian state.[64][65][66][67] Israeli[67] and other officials involved in the negotiations confirmed that the Saudis were considering normalization with Israel without the creation of a Palestinian state.[68] Many Palestinians worried that Israeli-Saudi normalization would cost them their last significant leverage for Palestinian statehood.[69]
2023 年晚些时候,尽管以色列总理内塔尼亚胡表示,把巴勒斯坦国的建立作为与沙特阿拉伯实现关系正常化的条件是不可能的,沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼表示与以色列的关系正常化“前所未有地真实”。这似乎意味着沙特政策发生了转变,此前在 2002 年的阿拉伯和平倡议中,沙特曾表示,如果以色列允许巴勒斯坦国的建立,沙特将推动以色列与整个阿拉伯世界实现关系正常化。以色列和其他参与谈判的官员证实,沙特正在考虑在不建立巴勒斯坦国的情况下与以色列实现关系正常化。许多巴勒斯坦人担心,以色列与沙特的关系正常化将使他们失去争取巴勒斯坦建国的最后重要筹码。
In October 2023, Hamas launched an attack on Israel. Numerous sources identified the lack of a Palestinian state as a cause of the war.[70][71][72][73][74] The Associated Press wrote that Palestinians are "in despair over a never-ending occupation in the West Bank and suffocating blockade of Gaza".[75] After Netanyahu invaded Gaza, he once again reiterated his opposition to the existence of a Palestinian state.[76]
2023 年 10 月,哈马斯对以色列发动袭击。多家来源指出巴勒斯坦国未能建立是战争的原因。 [70] [71] [72] [73] [74] 美联社报道称,巴勒斯坦人“对巴勒斯坦人在西岸没完没了的占领和加沙窒息性的封锁感到绝望”。 [75] 内塔尼亚胡入侵加沙后,他再次重申反对建立巴勒斯坦国。 [76]
Diplomatic efforts 外交努力
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Security Council resolutions dating back to June 1976 supporting the two-state solution based on the pre-1967 lines were vetoed by the United States,[77] which supports a two-state solution but argued that the borders must be negotiated directly by the parties.
美国否决了可追溯至 1976 年 6 月支持基于 1967 年前边界建立两国制的联合国安理会决议, [77] 虽然支持两国制,但主张边界必须由当事方直接谈判确定。
After the First Intifada began in 1987, considerable diplomatic work went into negotiations between the parties, beginning with the Madrid Conference in 1991. The most significant of these negotiations was the Oslo Accords, which officially divided Palestinian land into three administrative divisions and created the framework for how much of Israel's political borders with the Palestinian territories function today. The Accords culminated in the Camp David 2000 Summit, and follow-up negotiations at Taba in January 2001, which built explicitly on a two-state framework, but no final agreement was ever reached. The violent outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000 had demonstrated the Palestinian public's disillusionment with the Oslo Accords and convinced many Israelis that the negotiations were in vain.
第一次巴勒斯坦大起义开始于 1987 年后,各方的谈判投入了大量外交工作,始于 1991 年的马德里会议。其中最重要的谈判是奥斯陆协议,该协议正式将巴勒斯坦土地划分为三个行政管理区,并创建了以两国制框架为基础的机制,这在很大程度上塑造了以色列与巴勒斯坦地区的政治边界功能至今。协议最终在 2000 年的戴维营峰会达到高潮,并在 2001 年 1 月塔巴的后续谈判中继续深入研究两国制框架,但始终未能达成最终协议。2000 年第二次巴勒斯坦大起义的暴力爆发,体现了巴勒斯坦公众对奥斯陆协议的失望,也使许多以色列人相信谈判毫无意义。

仅承认以色列。
仅承认巴勒斯坦国
以色列和巴勒斯坦国
In 2002, Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia (who would go on to be King from 2005 to 2015) proposed the Arab Peace Initiative, which garnered the unanimous support of the Arab League while Israeli leaders continually refuse to discuss the initiative. President Bush announced his support for a Palestinian state, opening the way for United Nations Security Council Resolution 1397, supporting a two-state solution.[78][page needed][79]
2002 年,沙特阿拉伯王储阿卜杜拉(后来于 2005 年至 2015 年担任国王)提出了阿拉伯和平倡议,该倡议获得了阿拉伯联盟的一致支持,而以色列领导人则持续拒绝讨论该倡议。总统布什宣布支持建立一个巴勒斯坦国,为联合国安理会第 1397 号决议开辟了道路,该决议支持两国方案。 [78] [page needed] [79]
At the Annapolis Conference in November 2007, three major parties – The PLO, Israel, and the US – agreed on a two-state solution as the outline for negotiations. However, the summit failed to achieve an agreement.[citation needed]
2007 年 11 月的安纳波利斯会议上,三大主要方面——巴勒斯坦解放组织、以色列和美国——同意将两国方案作为谈判的大纲。然而,峰会未能达成协议。 [citation needed]
Following the conflict that erupted between the two main Palestinian parties, Fatah and Hamas, Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip, splintering the Palestinian Authority into two polities, each claiming to be the true representatives of the Palestinian people. Fatah controlled the Palestinian National Authority in the West Bank and Hamas Governed in Gaza.
在法塔赫与哈马斯特两大主要巴勒斯坦政党的冲突爆发后,哈马斯控制了加沙地带,使巴勒斯坦权力机构分裂为两个实体,各自声称是巴勒斯坦人民的真正代表。法塔赫在西岸控制巴勒斯坦民族权力机构,哈马斯在加沙执政。
The latest initiatives were the 2013–14 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks under the guidance of John Kerry, the United States Secretary of State. These talks also failed to reach an agreement.
最新的倡议是在美国国务卿约翰·克里指导下进行的 2013~2014 年以巴和平谈判。这些谈判同样未能达成协议。
Viability 可行性
By 2010, when direct talks were scheduled to be restarted, continued growth of settlements on the West Bank and continued strong support of settlements by the Israeli government had greatly reduced the land and resources that would be available to a Palestinian state, creating doubt among Palestinians and left-wing Israelis that a two-state solution continued to be viable.[80]
到了 2010 年,原定于重新启动直接谈判,但持续在约旦河西岸扩建定居点以及以色列政府对定居点的持续大力支持,已大大减少了供巴勒斯坦国使用的土地和资源,令巴勒斯坦人和部分以色列左翼人士对两国方案的可行性产生疑虑。 [80]
In January 2012 the European Union Heads of Mission report on East Jerusalem found that Israel's continuing settlement activities and the fragile situation of the Palestinian population in East Jerusalem, as well in area C, was making a two-state solution less likely.[81] The Israeli Foreign Ministry rejected this EU report, claiming it was "based on a partial, biased and one sided depiction of realities on the ground".[82] In May 2012, the EU council stressed its "deep concern about developments on the ground which threaten to make a two-state solution impossible".[83]
2012 年 1 月,欧盟外交官代表团关于东耶路撒冷的报告指出,以色列持续的定居点活动以及东耶路撒冷和区域 C 地区巴勒斯坦人口的脆弱状况,使两国方案变得愈加不可能。 [81] 以色列外交部驳回了这份欧盟报告,称其“基于对实地现实的片面、偏见和单方面描述”。 [82] 2012 年 5 月,欧盟理事会强调其“对可能使两国方案变得不可能的实地发展深感关切”。 [83]
On 29 November 2012, the UN General Assembly voted by 138 to 9, with 46 abstentions, to recognize Palestine as a "non-member observer state". On the following day, Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu announced the building of 3,000 new homes on land to the east of East Jerusalem, in an area referred to as "E-1".[84] The move was immediately criticized by several countries, including the United States, with Israeli ambassadors being personally called for meetings with government representatives in the United Kingdom, France and Germany, among others. Israel's decision to build the homes was described by the Obama administration as "counterproductive", while Australia said that the building plans "threaten the viability of a two-state solution". This is because they claim the proposed E-1 settlement would physically split the lands under the control of the Palestinian National Authority in two, as the extent of the PNA's authority does not extend all the way to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea.[85][86][87] Israel's Labor party has voiced support for the two-state solution, with Isaac Herzog stating it would be "in Israel's interests".[88]
2012 年 11 月 29 日,联合国大会以 138 票赞成、9 票反对、46 票弃权的结果,承认巴勒斯坦为“非成员国观察员国”。在次日,以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡宣布,将在东耶路撒冷以东的一块被称为“E-1”的区域建造 3,000 套新房。 [84] 这一举动立即遭到包括美国在内的多个国家的批评,以色列大使也被英国、法国、德国等国政府代表召去会面。以色列建造房屋的决定被奥巴马政府描述为“适得其反”,而澳大利亚则表示这些建筑计划“威胁到两国方案的可持久性”。这是因为他们声称,提议中的 E-1 定居点将在物理上将巴勒斯坦民族权力机构控制下的土地一分为二,因为巴勒斯坦民族权力机构的管辖范围并未延伸至约旦河和死海。 [85] [86] [87] 以色列工党曾表示支持两国方案,伊萨克·赫尔佐格指出这将“符合以色列的利益”。 [88]
In March 2015, Netanyahu declared that a Palestinian state would not be established during his administration,[11] while he also stated that he disapproved of the one-state solution for the ongoing conflict between two people.[89]
2015 年 3 月,内塔尼亚胡宣布在其任期内不会建立巴勒斯坦国, [11] 同时他也表示,他不同意针对双方持续冲突的“一国方案”。 [89]
After the Trump administration's controversial decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital in December 2017, Palestinian officials said the policy change "destroys the peace process" and the decision indirectly meant the United States was "abdicating its role as a peace mediator"[90] because the United States had become a party to the dispute instead of neutral intercessor for negotiations.[91]
特朗普政府于 2017 年 12 月承认耶路撒冷是以色列首都的决定备受争议,巴勒斯坦官员表示,这一政策转变“破坏了和平进程”,该决定间接意味着美国“放弃了其和平调解者的角色” [90] ,因为美国已从谈判的中立调停方变成了争议的参与方。 [91]
A 2021 survey among 521 scholars who have dedicated their professional lives to the study of this region and its politics found that 52 percent of respondents believed the two-state solution is no longer possible. If a two-state solution is not achieved, 77 percent predict "a one-state reality akin to apartheid" and 17 percent "one-state reality with increasing inequality, but not akin to apartheid"; one percent think a binational state with equal rights for all inhabitants is likely.[92]
一项针对 521 名学者的 2021 年调查中发现,这些学者毕生致力于该地区及其政治的研究,结果显示,52%的受访者认为“两国方案”已不再可能。如果“两国方案”无法实现,77%的人预测会出现“类似于种族隔离的‘一国现实’”,另有 17%的人预测会出现“不类似种族隔离但不断加剧不平等的‘一国现实’”;1%的人认为一个保障所有居民平等权利的双民族国家可能会出现。 [92]
Settlements in the West Bank
西岸的定居点
UN resolutions affirm the illegality of settlements in West Bank, including East Jerusalem, including United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334 passed in December 2016.[93] As of November 2023, there are at least 700,000 Israeli settlers in the Occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem across 150 settlements and 128 outposts.[94][95] More than three-quarters of the existing settlements have been constructed since the Oslo Accords.[96]
联合国决议确认,包括东耶路撒冷在内的西岸定居点非法,包括联合国安理会于 2016 年 12 月通过的 2334 号决议。 [93] 截至 2023 年 11 月,在被占领西岸和东耶路撒冷共有至少 70 万以色列定居者,分布在 150 个定居点和 128 个前哨点。 [94] [95] 超过四分之三的现有定居点是在《奥斯陆协议》签署后建造的。 [96]
The establishment and expansion of the illegal settlements in the Occupied West Bank constitute a major challenge to the possibility of a two-state solution by "violating Palestinian sovereignty, threatening civil peace and security, jeopardizing water resources, and blocking agricultural development."[97] This has progressively reduced Area A and B of the West Bank territory to a "shrinking archipelago of enclaves".[96][98]
在被占领西岸建立和扩建非法定居点,构成了“侵犯巴勒斯坦主权、威胁民事和平与安全、破坏水资源,以及阻碍农业发展”的双边解决方案的主要挑战。 [97] 这已逐步将西岸地区的 A 区和 B 区缩减为“萎缩的飞地群岛”。 [96] [98]
Proposals have been offered for over 50 post-evacuation compensation of settlers for abandoned property[clarification needed], as occurred following Israel's withdrawal of settlements from Gaza in 2005 and from the Sinai Peninsula in 1982.[99] Some settlers in those previous withdrawals were forcibly removed by the IDF.[100][101]
已提出超过 50 项撤离后对定居者放弃财产的补偿方案, [clarification needed] 如同以色列于 2005 年从加沙撤出定居点、1982 年从西奈半岛撤出时所发生的情况。 [99] 在这些之前的撤出中,部分定居者被以色列国防军强制驱逐。 [100] [101]
Public opinion in Israel and Palestine
以色列和巴勒斯坦的公众意见

以色列人反对吞并约旦河西岸的示威活动,2020 年 6 月 6 日,特拉维夫-雅法的拉宾广场
In a 2002 poll conducted by PIPA, 72% of both Palestinians and Israelis supported at that time a peace settlement based on the 1967 borders so long as each group could be reassured that the other side would be cooperative in making the necessary concessions for such a settlement.[102] A 2013 Gallup poll found 70% of Palestinians in the West Bank and 48% of Palestinians in Gaza Strip, together with 52% of Israelis supporting "an independent Palestinian state together with the state of Israel".[103]
在 PIPA 于 2002 年进行的民意调查中,72%的巴勒斯坦人和以色列人当时支持一项基于 1967 年边界的和平协议,前提是每组都能确信对方会在为达成这样的协议做出必要的让步时进行合作。 [102] 一项 2013 年盖洛普民意调查显示,70%的西岸巴勒斯坦人和 48%的加沙地带巴勒斯坦人,以及 52%的以色列人支持“一个独立的巴勒斯坦国和以色列国并存”。 [103]
Support for a two-state solution varies according to the way the question is phrased. Some Israeli journalists suggest that the Palestinians are unprepared to accept a Jewish State on any terms.[104][105] According to one poll, "fewer than 2 in 10 Arabs, both Palestinian and all others, believe in Israel's right to exist as a nation with a Jewish majority."[106] Another poll, however, cited by the US State Department, suggests that "78 percent of Palestinians and 74 percent of Israelis believe a peace agreement that leads to both states living side by side as good neighbors" is "essential or desirable".[107][108]
对两国方案的支持情况因提问方式的不同而有所变化。一些以色列记者认为,巴勒斯坦人无论如何都不愿意接受一个犹太国家。 [104] [105] 根据一项民意调查,“不到十分之二的中东阿拉伯人,包括巴勒斯坦人和其他所有人士,相信以色列有权作为一个犹太多数民族国家存在。” [106] 然而,另一项被美国国务院引用的民意调查表明,“78%的巴勒斯坦人和 74%的以色列人认为一项导致两国友好共处邻邦的和平协议是‘必不可少或令人想往的’”。 [107] [108]
In 2021, a poll by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research revealed that 39% of Palestinians supported "the concept of the two-state solution", while 59% said they rejected it.[109] Support is even lower among younger Palestinians; in 2008, then-U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice noted: "Increasingly, the Palestinians who talk about a two-state solution are my age."[110] A survey taken before the outbreak of fighting in 2014 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) found that 60 percent of Palestinians say the goal of their national movement should be "to work toward reclaiming all of historic Palestine from the river to the sea" compared to just 27 percent who endorse the idea that they should work "to end the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and achieve a two-state solution." WINEP says that "this is a new finding compared to similar (but not identical) questions asked in the past, when support for a two-state solution typically ranged between 40–55 percent".[111][112] By 2020, 40% in Gaza and 26% in the West Bank believe that a negotiated two-state solution should solve the conflict.[113] Another report, published also in 2021 by the RAND Corporation, found that also 60% of Israelis across the political spectrum were opposed to a two-state solution.[114]
2021 年,巴勒斯坦政策与调查研究中心的一项民意调查显示,39%的巴勒斯坦人支持“两国方案”概念,而 59%的人表示拒绝。 [109] 在较年轻的巴勒斯坦人中支持率更低;2008 年,时任美国国务卿康多莉扎·赖斯指出:“越来越多讨论两国方案的巴勒斯坦人,都和我同龄。” [110] 华盛顿近东政策研究所(WINEP)曾在 2014 年冲突爆发前进行的一项调查发现,60%的巴勒斯坦人认为其民族运动的目标应该是“努力收复历史上全部巴勒斯坦领土,从河流到大海”,相比之下,只有 27%的人赞同他们应该“结束对西岸和加沙的占领并实现两国方案”。WINEP 表示,“这相较于过去类似(但不完全相同)调查问题的结论,是一项新发现——因为在过去,支持两国方案的比率通常在 40%至 55%之间”。 [111] [112] 到 2020 年,加沙地带 40%的人、西岸 26%的人认为,通过谈判达成的两国方案应该解决这一冲突。 [113] 另一份由兰德公司于 2021 年发布的报告发现,政治光谱各端的 60%的以色列人也都反对“两国方案”。 [114]
The two-state solution enjoyed majority support in Israeli polls although there has been some erosion to its prospects over time.[115] A 2014 Haaretz poll asking "Consider that in the framework of an agreement, most settlers are annexed to Israel, Jerusalem will be divided, refugees won't return to Israel and there will be a strict security arrangement, would you support this agreement?", only 35% of Israelis said yes.[111]
“两国方案”在以色列民意调查中曾获得多数支持,但其在时间推移过程中的前景有所削弱。 [115] inges 2014 年《哈阿雷茨报》的一项民意调查询问:“考虑到协议框架下,大部分定居者将并入以色列,耶路撒冷将被分割,难民不会返回以色列,并且将实施严格的安全安排,你是否支持这项协议?”,只有 35%的以色列人表示赞成。 [111]
According to a 2021 PCPSR poll, support for a two-state solution among Palestinians and Israeli Jews, as of 2021, had declined to 43 percent and 42 percent, respectively.[113][116] According to Middle East experts David Pollock and Catherine Cleveland, as of 2021, the majority of Palestinians said they wanted to reclaim all of historic Palestine, including pre-1967 Israel. A one-state solution with equal rights for Arabs and Jews was ranked second.[113]
根据 2021 年巴勒斯坦中心民意与民意调查会的调查,截至 2021 年,巴勒斯坦人和以色列犹太人对“两国方案”的支持率分别下降到了 43%和 42%。 [113] [116] 根据中东问题专家大卫·波洛克和凯瑟琳·克莱门的说法,截至 2021 年,大多数巴勒斯坦人称他们希望收回历史上所有巴勒斯坦的土地,包括 1967 年之前的以色列领土。“一国方案”并为阿拉伯人和犹太人提供平等权利的方案被列为第二选择。 [113]
Some researchers argue that the two-state solution has already been implemented because Jordan, which makes up 78% of the former Mandatory Palestine, was originally created as a state for the Arabs.[117][118][119]
一些研究者认为,两国方案已经实施,因为约旦作为以前巴勒斯坦托管地的 78%地区,最初就是为阿拉伯人建立的国家。 [117] [118] [119]
In December 2022, support for a two-state solution was 33% among Palestinians, 34% among Israeli Jews, and 60% among Israeli Arabs. 82% of Israeli Jews and 75% of Palestinians believed that the other side would never accept the existence of their independent state.[120]
2022 年 12 月,巴勒斯坦人中支持两国方案的占 33%,以色列犹太人中占 34%,以色列阿拉伯人中占 60%。82%的以色列犹太人和 75%的巴勒斯坦人认为对方永远不会接受他们独立国家的存在。 [120]
At the end of October 2023, the two-state solution had the support of 71.9% of Israeli Arabs and 28.6% of Israeli Jews.[121] Prior to the October 7 attack, according to Gallup, just 24% of Palestinians supported a two-state solution, a drop from 59% in 2012.[122]
2023 年 10 月底,71.9%的以色列阿拉伯人支持两国方案,而 28.6%的以色列犹太人支持两国方案。 [121] 根据盖洛普调查,在 10 月 7 日袭击之前,仅有 24%的巴勒斯坦人支持两国方案,这一比例比 2012 年的 59%有所下降。 [122]
Notable individuals 著名人物
Ehud Olmert, Israel's Prime Minister from 2006 to 2009, told Politico on 16 October 2023 that the two-state solution "is the only real political solution for this lifelong conflict".[123] On 6 November 2023, he told CBC that "a two-state solution should still be the goal of the Israeli government".[15]
埃胡德·奥尔默特,以色列总理(任期 2006 至 2009 年),于 2023 年 10 月 16 日对 Politico 表示,两国方案“是这场终生冲突唯一的真正政治解决方案”。 [123] 同年 11 月 6 日,他对 CBC 表示,“两国方案仍应是以色列政府的目标”。 [15]
Ehud Barak, Israel's Prime Minister from 1999 to 2001 and Minister of Defense from 2007 to 2013, told TIME on 6 November 2023 that "The right way is to look to the two-state solution".[14]
埃胡德·巴拉克,以色列总理(任期 1999 至 2001 年)和国防部长(任期 2007 至 2013 年),于 2023 年 11 月 6 日对 TIME 表示,“正确的做法是着眼于两国方案”。 [14]
Interviewed by Ezra Klein on 8 December 2023, Nimrod Novik, a member of the executive committee of Commanders for Israel’s Security (CIS), reiterated the CIS's view that the two-state solution is "the only solution that [...] serves Israel’s security and well-being long-term."[124]
2023 年 12 月 8 日,内摩德·诺维克接受埃泽尔·克莱因采访。他是以色列安全指挥官(CIS)执行委员会成员,重申了 CIS 的观点,认为两国方案“是唯一能[...]从长远保障以色列安全与福祉的方案”。 [124]
Ami Ayalon, the head of Israel's Shin Bet internal security service from 1995 to 2000, said on 14 January 2024 in an interview with The Guardian that "Israel will not have security until Palestinians have their own state".[125]
阿米·阿亚隆,以色列国内安全局(辛贝特)局长(任期 1995 至 2000 年),于 2024 年 1 月 14 日接受《卫报》采访时表示,“巴勒斯坦人拥有自己的国家之前,以色列不会获得安全”。 [125]
On 17 July 2024, Ehud Olmert and former Palestinian Authority Foreign Minister Nasser al-Kidwa, signed a joint proposal[126] for an end to the Gaza war, and subsequent steps towards a two-state solution.[127][128][129][130]
2024 年 7 月 17 日,埃胡德·奥尔默特和前巴勒斯坦民族权力机构外长纳赛尔· al-Kidwa 签署了一份联合提案,以结束加沙战争,并朝着两国解决方案迈出后续步骤。
Yair Golan, former IDF deputy chief of staff and current leader of The Democrats, a political party formed by a merger of the Israeli Labor Party and Meretz, said in a July 2024 interview with the Guardian, "Our vision is a two-state solution [...]".[131]
以色列国防军前副参谋长和民主党的现任领导人亚尔·戈兰表示,在 2024 年 7 月接受《卫报》采访时,“我们的愿景是两国解决方案[...]”。
International positions regarding two-state solution
有关两国解决方案的国际立场
Following the 2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel and the subsequent Gaza war, multiple governments renewed the long-dormant idea of a two-state solution. This received serious pushback from Israel's government, especially from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
在 2023 年哈马斯对以色列发起的袭击以及随后的加沙战争之后,多个政府重新提出了长期搁置的两国解决方案的想法。这遭到了以色列政府的严重反对,尤其是总理本杰明·内塔尼亚胡。
Support 支持
Global Alliance for the Implementation of a Palestinian State and a Two-State Solution
支持建立巴勒斯坦国和实现两国路线图方案的国际联盟
On 26 September 2024, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud and Norway's Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide co-chaired a meeting of representatives of about 90 countries, held on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, to launch a global alliance to strive for a two-state solution.[19][20][21][22][23] Subsequent meetings of the alliance took place in October 2024 in Riyadh, in November 2024 in Brussels and in January 2025 in Oslo.[132][133][134][135]
2024 年 9 月 26 日,沙特阿拉伯外交大臣费萨尔·本·法汉·阿勒沙特亲王和挪威外交大臣埃斯彭·巴尔特·埃德共同主持了一场在联大会议期间举办的、汇集了约 90 个国家代表的会议,旨在倡导建立寻求两国方案的全球统一战线。 [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] 此后该联盟的重要会议分别于 2024 年 10 月在利雅得、2024 年 11 月在布鲁塞尔以及 2025 年 1 月在奥斯陆召开。 [132] [133] [134] [135]
G7
In the statement issued after their virtual meeting of 6 December 2023, the Leaders of the G7 wrote that they are "committed to a Palestinian state as part of a two-state solution that enables both Israelis and Palestinians to live in a just, lasting, and secure peace."[136]
在 2023 年 12 月 6 日举行的首脑视频会议结束后发表的声明中,G7 各国领导人表示将“致力于推动建立作为实现两国路线图方案一部分的巴勒斯坦国,使以色列人与巴勒斯坦人都能生活在公正、持久且安全的和平环境之下”。 [136]
European Union 欧洲联盟
Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, wrote on 15 November 2023: "We need to work with our regional partners towards [...] the two-state solution [...] it remains the only viable way to bring peace to the region."[137]
欧洲联盟外交与安全政策高级代表约瑟普·博雷尔在 2023 年 11 月 15 日表示:“我们需要与地区的合作伙伴一起努力推动……两国方案……它仍然是为该地区带来和平的唯一可行方式。” [137]
In her address to the G20 leaders on 22 November 2023, Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, said: "We have to [...] work for a two-state solution. This is the only way to ensure lasting peace for Israeli and Palestinian people as neighbours."[138]
在 2023 年 11 月 22 日对二十国集团领导人发表的讲话中,欧盟委员会主席乌尔苏拉·冯德莱恩表示:“我们必须……为两国方案而努力。这是确保以色列和巴勒斯坦人民作为邻居实现持久和平的唯一途径。” [138]
Arab League 阿拉伯国家联盟
In a statement issued following its 16 May 2024 meeting in Manama, the 22-member Arab League called for an international conference "to resolve the Palestinian issue on the basis of the two-state solution".[139]
在 2024 年 5 月 16 日巴林会议后的声明中,22 个成员国的阿拉伯联盟呼吁举行一次“基于两国方案解决巴勒斯坦问题”的国际会议。 [139]
United States 美国
President Joe Biden had made numerous statements in favour of a two-state solution,[140] as have Secretary of State Antony Blinken[140] and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.[141]
总统乔·拜登曾多次表示支持两国解决方案, [140] 以及国务卿安东尼·布林肯 [140] 和国防部长劳埃德·奥斯汀 [141] 也是如此。 [141]
China
China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi has stated that "China calls for [...] the formulation of a specific timetable and road map for the implementation of the 'two-state solution'".[142]
中国外交部长王毅表示,"中国呼吁 [...] 制定实施'两国方案'的具体时间表和路线图"。 [142]
Germany 德国
Germany, in a governmental declaration of 2021, repeated in November 2023, wished for an independent Palestinian state side by side with Israel, in peace with each other, and 'based on the 4 June 1967 borders' unless 'the conflicting parties agree' about changing those borders, while also the Palestinian refugee problem "needs a just and realistic solution".[143]
德国在 2021 年的一份政府声明中(2023 年 11 月重申),希望看到一个与以色列和平共处、独立巴勒斯坦国的出现,其边界'基于 1967 年 6 月 4 日的边界',除非'冲突双方同意'改变这些边界,同时巴勒斯坦难民问题"需要公正且务实的解决方案"。 [143]
In November 2023, Chancellor Olaf Scholz repeated Germany's call for a two-state solution for Israel and the Palestinians.[144]
2023 年 11 月,德国总理奥拉夫·朔尔茨重申了德国对以色列和巴勒斯坦实施两国方案的呼吁。 [144]
India
India's External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, at the February 2024 Munich Security Conference ('Peace through Dialogue'), referring to the prevailing situation in Gaza, said that a two-state solution to the Palestine issue is now "more urgent" than before.[145]
印度外交部长 S·贾 ishankar 在 2024 年 2 月的慕尼黑安全会议(“通过对话实现和平”)上,提及加沙当前局势时表示,巴勒斯坦问题上的两国解决方案如今比以往“更加紧迫”。 [145]
United Kingdom 英国
The previous Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Foreign Secretary David Cameron, strongly advocated a two-state solution.[146] David Cameron and German Minister of Foreign Affairs Annalena Baerbock published a joint statement, supporting a two-state solution.[147] Keir Starmer, the current Prime Minister, wrote that the only solution that can break the cycle of violence is "a two-state solution, with Israel [...] safe and secure alongside the [...] Palestinian state.".[148]
前首相里希·苏纳克和外交大臣大卫·卡梅伦,强烈倡导两国解决方案。 [146] 大卫·卡梅伦和德国外交部长安娜莱娜·贝尔伯克发表了联合声明,支持两国解决方案。 [147] 当前首相基尔·斯塔默写道,能够打破暴力循环的唯一解决方案是“一个以色列……与……巴勒斯坦国家并存、安全且可靠的两国解决方案”。 [148]
France 法国
President Emmanuel Macron has advocated a two-state solution.[149]
总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙一直倡导两国方案。 [149]
Italy 意大利
Following a meeting with Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammed Mustafa, Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani reiterated Italy's support for the two-state solution.[150]
在与巴勒斯坦总理穆罕默德·穆斯塔法会面后,意大利外长安东尼奥·塔亚尼重申了意大利对两国方案的支持。 [150]
Canada, Australia and New Zealand
加拿大、澳大利亚和新西兰
Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Australia's Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and New Zealand's Prime Minister Christopher Luxon have issued a joint statement, saying "We recommit ourselves to [...] a just and enduring peace in the form of a two-state solution".[151]
加拿大总理贾斯汀·特鲁多、澳大利亚总理安东尼·阿尔巴内塞和新西兰总理克里斯托弗·卢森已发表联合声明,表示“我们重申致力于……以两国方案形式实现公正且持久的和平”。 [151]
Saudi Arabia 沙特阿拉伯
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal Bin Farhan has said that Saudi Arabia would be interested in a normalisation deal with Israel that is linked to a two-state solution.[152]
沙特阿拉伯外交大臣法赫德·本·法拉汉亲王表示,沙特阿拉伯对与以色列达成与两国方案相关的正常化协议感兴趣。 [152]
Opposed 反对
Israel 以色列
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly and emphatically rejected a two-state solution,[153][154] emphasizing that "Israel will continue to oppose unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state."[155]
总理本尼扎明·内塔尼亚胡反复且明确地拒绝两国方案, [153] [154] 强调“以色列将继续反对单方面承认一个巴勒斯坦国”。 [155]
Iran 伊朗
President Ebrahim Raisi has rejected a two-state solution, instead proposing a "single state based on ballot boxes involving Palestinians of all faiths".[156]
总统易卜拉欣·莱西拒绝两国方案,而是提出建立一个“基于投票箱、包括所有信仰巴勒斯坦人的单一国家”。 [156]
Non-governmental supporters of a two-state solution
支持两国方案的非政府组织支持者
North America 北美洲
New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman has strongly supported President Biden's calls for a two-state solution and criticised Prime Minister Netanyahu's opposition.[157]
《纽约时报》专栏作家托马斯·弗里德曼强烈支持拜登总统呼吁的两国方案,并批评内塔尼亚胡总理的反对立场。 [157]
Twenty-seven former Jewish leaders of organizations including AIPAC, the Jewish Agency for Israel, the Jewish Federations of North America, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations and the Union for Reform Judaism, wrote a letter to President Biden on 14 December 2023, calling for a "steadfast US commitment to the pursuit of two states for two peoples".[158][159]
包括 AIPAC、以色列犹太事务局、北美犹太联合会、美国主要犹太组织主席会议以及改革犹太教联盟在内的 27 位前犹太组织领导人士,于 2023 年 12 月 14 日给拜登总统写了一封信,呼吁"坚定的美国承诺,以实现两个民族的两个国家"。 [158] [159]
UK
In "The Jewish Manifesto for the General Election 2024" published on 21 June 2024, the Board of Deputies of British Jews called for "a negotiated two-states model", resulting in "a secure Israel alongside a viable Palestinian state".[160] On 17 July 2024, the Board of Deputies reaffirmed its support for "a two state solution with a secure Israel alongside a viable Palestinian state."[161]
在 2024 年 6 月 21 日发表的《2024 年大选中犹太人宣言》中,犹太人代表委员会呼吁建立“一个通过谈判达成的两国模式”,使“以色列安全”与“一个有能力生存的巴勒斯坦国”并存。 [160] 2024 年 7 月 17 日,犹太人代表委员会重申其对“一个使以色列安全与一个有能力生存的巴勒斯坦国并存的两国解决方案”的支持。 [161]
Other solutions 其他解决方案

特朗普为创建巴勒斯坦国提出的和平计划。
The main alternative is the binational solution, which could either be a twin regime federalist arrangement or a unitary state.[162] Other alternatives are the three-state solution and the Jordanian option, also known as the "no-state solution".
主要替代方案是两国共同治理方案,这可能是双政权联邦制安排,或是单一制国家。 [162] 其他替代方案包括三边解决方案和约旦方案,后者亦被称为“无国家方案”。
Three-state solution 三边解决方案
The three-state solution has been proposed as another alternative. The New York Times in 2009[163] reported that Egypt and Jordan were concerned about having to retake responsibility for Gaza and the West Bank. In effect, the result would be Gaza returning to Egyptian rule, and the West Bank to Jordan.[164]
三态方案被提议为另一种替代方案。《纽约时报》在 2009 年 [163] 报道称,埃及和约旦担心必须重新承担起加沙和西岸地区的责任。实际上,这将导致加沙重新置于埃及统治之下,西岸地区回归约旦统治 [164] 。
Jordanian option 约旦方案
The "Jordanian option" refers to various proposals aimed at resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict through the involvement of the Kingdom of Jordan. These proposals generally involve Jordan retaking control of parts of the West Bank or establishing a federation or confederation with a Palestinian state.
所谓“约旦方案”是指各种旨在通过约旦王国参与化解以巴冲突的提议。这些方案通常包括约旦重新控制部分西岸地区,或与巴勒斯坦国建立某种程度的联邦或邦联关系。
In the 1950s and 1960s, King Hussein of Jordan and his officials promoted the idea that "Jordan is Palestine and Palestine is Jordan," aiming to present Jordanians and Palestinians as one unified people with a shared destiny.[165][166] Following the 1967 Six-Day War, which resulted in Jordan losing the West Bank to Israel, Israeli leaders Yigal Allon and Abba Eban presented King Hussein with the Allon Plan, which suggested returning parts of the West Bank to Jordan. However, disagreements over this plan led to a stalemate in negotiations.[167] In 1986, PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat and King Hussein of Jordan reached an agreement advocating for a peaceful solution to the conflict based on a Jordanian-Palestinian confederation.[168] This idea was further explored through the secret Peres–Hussein London Agreement of April 1987, resulting from covert discussions between Israel and Jordan.[169] In 1988, King Hussein renounced Jordan’s claims to the West Bank and Palestinian affairs.[170] Despite Jordanian opposition to the confederation idea, leading to limited advocacy from Israeli leaders,[171] renewed interest in the Jordanian option has emerged as a potential solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.[172][171][173]
在 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代,约旦国王侯赛因及其官员推广了“约旦就是巴勒斯坦,巴勒斯坦就是约旦”的理念,旨在将约旦人和巴勒斯坦人视为一个统一且拥有共同命运的民族。 [165] [166] 1967 年六日战争后,约旦将约旦河西岸失于以色列,以色列领导人伊加尔·阿伦和阿巴·埃班向国王侯赛因提出了阿伦计划,该计划建议将约旦河西岸的部分地区归还约旦。然而,对于该计划的分歧导致了谈判陷入僵局。 [167] 1986 年,巴勒斯坦解放组织主席亚西尔·阿拉法特和约旦国王侯赛因达成协议,倡导基于约旦—巴勒斯坦邦联的和平解决方案来解决冲突。 [168] 这一构想通过 1987 年 4 月以色列与约旦秘密商谈产生的佩雷斯—侯赛因伦敦协议得到了进一步探索。 [169] 1988 年,国王侯赛因放弃了约旦对约旦河西岸及巴勒斯坦事务的主张。 [170] 尽管约旦反对联邦制构想,导致以色列领导人仅有限地提倡, [171] 但对约旦选项的重新兴趣已浮出水面,作为解决以巴冲突的一种潜在方案。 [172] [171] [173]
Dual citizenship 双重国籍
A number of proposals for the granting of Palestinian citizenship or residential permits to Jewish settlers in return for the removal of Israeli military installations from the West Bank have been fielded by such individuals[174] as Arafat,[175] Ibrahim Sarsur[176] and Ahmed Qurei.
一些提议曾由阿拉法特、易卜拉欣·萨尔苏尔和阿哈迈德·库赖等人提出,提议为犹太定居者授予巴勒斯坦国籍或居住许可,以换取以色列军事设施从约旦河西岸撤离。
Israeli Minister Moshe Ya'alon said in April 2010 that "just as Arabs live in Israel, so, too, should Jews be able to live in Palestine." ... "If we are talking about coexistence and peace, why the [Palestinian] insistence that the territory they receive be ethnically cleansed of Jews?"[177]
以色列部长莫什·亚隆在 2010 年 4 月表示:“阿拉伯人生活在以色列,犹太人也应能在巴勒斯坦生活。”……“如果我们谈论的是共存与和平,为何巴勒斯坦方坚持他们获得的领土必须实施犹太人的种族清洗?” [177]
The idea has been expressed by both advocates of the two-state solution[178] and supporters of the settlers and conservative or fundamentalist currents in Israeli Judaism[179] that, while objecting to any withdrawal, claim stronger links to the land than to the state of Israel.
该观点得到了两-state 解决方案的支持者 [178] 以及支持定居者和以色列犹太教中的保守派或原教旨主义势力 [179] 的表达,他们虽然反对任何撤出行动,但声称对这片土地的联系比对以色列国家更紧密。
New-state solution 新国家方案

地图显示西奈半岛沿地中海分布,加沙和以色列位于右侧。
The New-state solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict proposes to resolve the conflict by establishing a new city-state on the Sinai Peninsula along the Mediterranean Sea close to Arish. The implementation of a New-state solution would involve the establishment of a democratic independent sovereign State of Palestine away from the State of Israel what is currently Egypt.[180]
新国家解决方案针对以色列—巴勒斯坦冲突建议通过在靠近阿里什的西奈半岛地中海沿岸建立一个新的城市国家来解决冲突。实施新国家解决方案将涉及在远离以色列和目前属于埃及的国家之外建立一个民主独立的主权巴勒斯坦国。 [180]
See also 另请参阅
- United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine (1947)
关于巴勒斯坦的联合国分治计划(1947 年) - List of Middle East peace proposals
中东和平方案列表 - Jordanian option 约旦选项
- Jordanian annexation of the West Bank (1950-1967/1988)
约旦对约旦河西岸的吞并(1950-1967/1988) - King Hussein's federation plan (1972)
侯赛因国王的联邦计划(1972) - Peres–Hussein London Agreement (1987)
佩雷斯-侯赛因伦敦协议(1987)
- Jordanian annexation of the West Bank (1950-1967/1988)
- Allon Plan (1967) 阿隆计划(1967)
- State of Palestine (declared 1988)
巴勒斯坦国(宣布于 1988 年) - State of Judea (declared 1988)
犹大王国(宣布于 1988 年) - Madrid Conference of 1991
马德里会议(1991 年) - Oslo Accords (1993, 1995)
奥斯陆协议(1993 年、1995 年) - Palestinian Authority (est. 1995)
巴勒斯坦民族权力机构(成立于 1995 年)
- General concepts 一般概念
- From the river to the sea
从河流到海洋 - Greater Israel 大以色列
- Halachic state 拉比国家
- Palestinianism 巴勒斯坦主义
- Zionism 犹太复国主义
References 参考文献
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巴勒斯坦问题与联合国,“犹太机构尽管对欧洲犹太移民等问题表示不满,但仍接受了该决议。” - ^ Tessler, Mark A. (1994). A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict. Bloomington: Indiana State University. p. 720. ISBN 978-0253208736.
Inhabitants of the occupied territories and other Palestinians had shown serious interest in a two-state solution since the mid-1970s, and the mainstream of the PLO had since the 1982 Arab summit in Fez been officially committed to mutual recognition between Israel and a Palestinian state located in the West Bank and Gaza, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Support for a two-state solution had also informed PLO diplomacy in the mid-1980s, when Yasir Arafat worked with King Hussein in an effort to persuade the United States to recognize the Palestinian people's right to self-determination in return for PLO acceptance of UN [Resolution] 242.
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巴解组织谈判事务部(2008 年 11 月 13 日)。“历史性的妥协:巴勒斯坦独立宣言和二十年来争取两国方案的斗争”(PDF)。原始文件(PDF)已于 2012 年 4 月 26 日存档。2010 年获取。Quigley, John (2005). The Case for Palestine: An International Law Perspective. Duke University Press. p. 212. doi:10.1215/9780822386766. ISBN 978-0-8223-3527-6.
奇格利,约翰(2005)。《为巴勒斯坦辩护:国际法视角》。杜克大学出版社。第 212 页。doi: 10.1215/9780822386766。ISBN 978-0-8223-3527-6。 - ^ Jump up to: a b c "Hamas accepts Palestinian state with 1967 borders". Al Jazeera. 2 May 2017. Retrieved 3 November 2023.
"Hamas 接受以 1967 年边界设立的巴勒斯坦国". Al Jazeera. 2 May 2017. Retrieved 3 November 2023. - ^ Palti, Zohar (8 September 2023). "The Implications of the Second Intifada on Israeli Views of Oslo". The Washington Institute. Retrieved 3 April 2024.
Palti, Zohar (2023 年 9 月 8 日). "第二次巴勒斯坦大起义对以色列人看待《奥斯陆协议》的影响". 华盛顿研究所. 于 3 April 2024 年检索. - ^ "Background & Overview of 2000 Camp David Summit". Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 3 April 2024.
"2000 年戴维营峰会背景与概述". 犹太虚拟图书馆. 于 3 April 2024 年检索. - ^ "Second Intifada". Makan. Archived from the original on 24 September 2024. Retrieved 3 April 2024.
The Second Intifada starkly demonstrated the failure of years of negotiations, and marked a turning point in both internal Israeli and Palestinian politics.
“第二次巴勒斯坦起义”。Makan。原始内容存档于 2024 年 9 月 24 日。检索于 3 April 2024。第二次巴勒斯坦起义鲜明地证明了多年谈判的失败,并在以色列和巴勒斯坦内部政治上都标志着转折点。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Azulay, Moran (16 March 2015). "Netanyahu says no Palestinian state if he remains PM". Ynet.
Whoever moves to establish a Palestinian state or intends to withdraw from territory is simply yielding territory for radical Islamic terrorist attacks against Israel
Azulay, Moran (16 March 2015).《内塔尼亚胡表示若继续担任总理将不会建立巴勒斯坦国》。Ynet。任何试图建立巴勒斯坦国或打算从领土上撤军的人,正是在让出领土以助长针对以色列的极端伊斯兰恐怖袭击。 - ^ "Palestinians furious over Netanyahu claims that Israel must 'crush' statehood ambitions". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. 1 July 2023. Retrieved 26 July 2024.
“巴勒斯坦人对内塔尼亚胡声称以色列必须‘粉碎’建国愿望表示愤怒”。耶路撒冷邮报 | JPost.com。2023 年 7 月 1 日。2024 年 26 July 日检索。 - ^ "Netanyahu's call to block creation of Palestinian state sparks fury, condemnation". Arab News. 26 June 2023. Retrieved 26 July 2024.
“内塔尼亚胡呼吁阻止巴勒斯坦国成立引发愤怒和谴责”。阿拉伯新闻。2023 年 6 月 26 日。2024 年 26 July 日检索。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Cortellessa, Eric (6 November 2023). "Former Israeli Prime Minister: Israel's Endgame in Gaza Should be a Palestinian State". TIME. Retrieved 21 December 2023.
科泰勒萨,埃里克(2023 年 11 月 6 日)。“前以色列总理:以色列在加沙的最终目标是建立一个巴勒斯坦国”。TIME。2023 年 21 December 日检索。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Ramsaran, Sarah (6 November 2023). "Former Israeli and Palestinian PMs say a two-state solution is still possible". Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 21 December 2023.
拉姆斯兰,萨 arah 拉(2023 年 11 月 6 日)。“前以色列和巴勒斯坦总理表示,两国方案仍然是可能的”。加拿大广播公司。2023 年 21 December 日检索。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Iraqi, Amjad (12 January 2021). "Why B'Tselem is calling Israel an apartheid regime, from the river to the sea". +972 Magazine. Retrieved 28 November 2023.
伊拉克人,阿姆贾德(2021 年 1 月 12 日)。“为什么 B'Tselem 称以色列为种族隔离政权,从河到海”。+972 杂志。2023 年检索。 - ^ Jump up to: a b "B'Tselem (Document): A Regime of Jewish Supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This Is Apartheid". Institute for Palestine Studies. 12 January 2021. Retrieved 28 November 2023.
"B'Tselem (文件):《从约旦河到地中海的犹太霸权体制:这就是种族隔离》”。巴勒斯坦研究学会。2021 年 1 月 12 日。于 28 November 2023 年获取。 - ^ Barnett, Michael; Brown, Nathan; Lynch, Marc; Telhami, Shibley (14 April 2023). "Israel's One-State Reality". Foreign Affairs. Vol. 102, no. 3. ISSN 0015-7120. Retrieved 3 April 2024.
巴内特,迈克尔;布朗,内森;林奇,马克;特哈利,舍比利 (2023 年 4 月 14 日)。“以色列的一国现实”。《外交事务》杂志。第 102 卷,第 3 期。ISSN 0015-7120。于 3 April 2024 年获取。 - ^ Jump up to: a b "Global alliance launched to support Palestinian state amid ongoing conflicts". The Jerusalem Post. 30 September 2024. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
"全球联盟发起以支持巴勒斯坦国建立,同时应对持续冲突".《耶路撒冷邮报》. 2024 年 9 月 30 日. 查阅于 2 October 2024. - ^ Jump up to: a b Lederer, Edith (29 September 2024). "Europeans, Arab and Muslim nations launch a new initiative for an independent Palestinian state". Associated Press. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
勒德勒,埃迪丝(2024 年 9 月 29 日)。“欧洲人、阿拉伯和穆斯林国家启动新的独立巴勒斯坦国倡议”。美联社。2024 年取自。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Tanios, Clauda (27 September 2024). "Saudi Arabia forms global alliance to push for Israeli-Palestinian two-state solution". Reuters. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
Tanios, Clauda (2024 年 9 月 27 日).《沙特阿拉伯组建全球联盟,推动以色列入巴两大民族国家方案》。路透社。于 2 October 2024 年检索。 - ^ Jump up to: a b "Foreign Minister Delivers Saudi Arabia's Speech at the 79th Session of the UN General Assembly". Saudi Press Agency. 29 September 2024. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
《外交部长在第 79 届联合国大会上发表沙特阿拉伯演讲》。沙特通讯社。2024 年 9 月 29 日。于 2 October 2024 年检索。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud (2 October 2024). "Saudi foreign minister: A two-state solution is more urgent than ever". Financial Times. Retrieved 4 October 2024.
法赫德·本·法尔汉·沙特(2024 年 10 月 2 日)。“沙特外交大臣:两国方案比以往任何时候都更加紧迫”。《金融时报》。2024 年 4 October 日检索。 - ^ Pappe, Ilan (2007), "Zionism and the two-state solution", Where now for Palestine?, Zed Books Ltd, doi:10.5040/9781350223936.ch-002, ISBN 978-1-84277-839-5, retrieved 28 June 2024
班普,伊兰(2007),“锡安主义与两国方案”,《巴勒斯坦的未来在哪里?》,泽德出版社有限公司,doi: 10.5040/9781350223936.ch-002,ISBN 978-1-84277-839-5,2024 年 28 June 日检索。 - ^ Rogan, Eugene (2012). The Arabs: A History (3rd ed.). Penguin. p. 257. ISBN 9780718196837.
罗根,欧文(2012 年)。《阿拉伯人:历史》(第三版)。企鹅出版社。第 257 页。ISBN 9780718196837。 - ^ Swedenburg, Ted (1988). "The Role of the Palestinian Peasantry in the Great Revolt 1936–1939". In Burke, Edmund III; Lapidus, Ira (eds.). Islam, Politics, and Social Movements. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. pp. 189–194. ISBN 0-520-06868-8.
瑞格纳堡,泰德(1988 年)。“巴勒斯坦农民在 1936–1939 年大起义中的作用”。载于伯克,爱德蒙三世;拉皮德斯,伊拉(编)。《伊斯兰教、政治与社会运动》。加利福尼亚州伯克利:加州大学出版社。第 189– 194 页。ISBN 0-520-06868-8。 - ^ Gettleman, Marvin; Schaar, Stuart (2003). The Middle East and Islamic World Reader. New York City: Grove Press. pp. 177–181. ISBN 0-8021-3936-1.
盖特曼,马尔文;肖尔,斯图尔特(2003 年)。《中东和伊斯兰世界读本》。纽约市:Grove Press 出版。第 177– 181 页。ISBN 0-8021-3936-1。 - ^ Ilan, Pappé (2004). A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. p. 106. ISBN 0-521-55632-5.
伊兰·帕普(2004)。《现代巴勒斯坦史:一片土地,两个民族》。英国剑桥:剑桥大学出版社。第 106 页。ISBN 0-521-55632-5。 - ^ Morris, Benny (2008). 1948: a history of the first Arab-Israeli war. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-300-12696-9. Retrieved 24 July 2013.
The night of 29–30 November passed in the Yishuv's settlements in noisy public rejoicing. Most had sat glued to their radio sets broadcasting live from Flushing Meadow. A collective cry of joy went up when the two-thirds mark was achieved: a state had been sanctioned by the international community.
莫里斯,本尼(2008)。《1948:第一次阿以战争史》。美国康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社。第 75 页。ISBN 978-0-300-12696-9。检索于 24 July 2013 年。11 月 29 日至 30 日的夜晚,犹太社区定居点中充斥着喧嚣的公共欢庆。大多数人一直守在收听来自弗洛特格罗夫的现场广播的收音机旁。当达到三分之二多数时,欢呼声四起:一个国家得到了国际社会的认可。 - ^ "The Question of Palestine and the UN" (PDF). Washington, DC: United Nations. 2008.
"巴勒斯坦问题与联合国"(PDF)。华盛顿特区:联合国。2008 年。 - ^ Benny Morris, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War, 2008, pp. 66, 67, 72
本尼·莫里斯,《1948 年:第一次阿拉伯-以色列战争的历史》,2008 年,第 66、67、72 页 - ^ Rogan, Eugene (2012). The Arabs: A History (3rd ed.). New York City: Penguin Books. p. 321. ISBN 978-0-7181-9683-7.
Rogan, Eugene (2012)《阿拉伯人:历史》(第 3 版)。纽约:企鹅出版社。第 321 页。ISBN 978-0-7181-9683-7。 - ^ Morris, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War, p. 2008, p. 73
Morris, 1948: 《第一次阿以战争史》,第 2008 页,第 73 页。 - ^ The Question of Palestine and the UN
巴勒斯坦问题与联合国 - ^ Hadawi, Sami (1991). Bitter Harvest: A Modern History of Palestine. Northampton, Massachusetts: Olive Branch Press. p. 76. ISBN 9780940793767.
哈达维, 萨米 (1991)。《苦涩的收获:巴勒斯坦现代史》。马萨诸塞州纳霍珀顿:橄榄枝出版社。第 76 页。ISBN 9780940793767。 - ^ Perkins, Kenneth J.; Gilbert, Martin (1999). "Israel: A History". The Journal of Military History. 63 (3): 149. doi:10.2307/120539. ISSN 0899-3718. JSTOR 120539.
珀金斯, 肯尼斯 J. & Gilbert, 马丁 (1999)。“以色列:一部历史”。《军事史杂志》, 63(3): 149。doi: 10.2307/120539。ISSN 0899-3718。JSTOR 120539。 - ^ Best, Antony (2004). International History of the Twentieth Century and Beyond. Milton Park, Abingdon-on-Thames, Oxfordshire, England: Routledge. p. 531. doi:10.4324/9781315739717-1. ISBN 978-1-315-73971-7. Retrieved 29 June 2022.
Best, Antony (2004). 《二十世纪及之后国际史》。英格兰牛津郡埃文河畔阿宾登米尔顿公园:劳特利奇出版社。第 531 页。doi: 10.4324/9781315739717-1。ISBN 978-1-315-73971-7。检索于 29 June 2022。 - ^ Rothrock, James (2011). Live by the Sword: Israel's Struggle for Existence in the Holy Land. Bloomington, Indiana: WestBow Press. p. 14. ISBN 9781449725198.
Rothrock, James (2011). 《遵循利剑:以色列在圣地求生存的斗争》。印第安纳州布卢明顿:WestBow Press。第 14 页。ISBN 9781449725198。 - ^ Lenczowski, G. (1962). The Middle East in World Affairs (3rd Ed.). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. p. 723
Lenczowski, G. (1962)。《世界事务中的中东(第 3 版)》]。纽约伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社。第 723 页 - ^ Article "History of Palestine", Encyclopædia Britannica (2002 edition), article section written by Walid Ahmed Khalidi and Ian J. Bickerton.
《巴勒斯坦历史》一文,《大英百科全书》(2002 年版),由瓦利德·阿赫迈德·哈立德和伊恩·J·比克顿撰写的文章部分。 - ^ Galnoor, Itzhak (1994). The Partition of Palestine: Decision Crossroads in the Zionist Movement. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. p. 195. ISBN 9781438403724.
加拉诺尔,伊扎克(1994)。《巴勒斯坦分治:犹太复国运动中的决策十字路口》。纽约州奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社。第 195 页。ISBN 9781438403724。 - ^ Jump up to: a b Morris, Benny (2009). 1948: a history of the First Arab-Israeli war. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15112-1.
莫里斯,本尼(2009)。《1948:第一次阿以战争史》。康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社。ISBN 978-0-300-15112-1。 - ^ United Nations General Assembly (23 August 1951). "General Progress Report and Supplementary Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine". Archived from the original (OpenDocument) on 22 August 2011. Retrieved 3 May 2007.
联合国大会(1951 年 8 月 23 日)。“联合国巴勒斯坦调解委员会一般进展报告和补充报告”。原始文档(OpenDocument)的存档版本,1951 年 8 月 22 日。2007 年检索。 - ^ "The Question of Palestine and the United Nations" (PDF). United Nations. Retrieved 2 August 2014.
“巴勒斯坦问题与联合国”(PDF)。联合国。2014 年检索。 - ^ "A/RES/3236 (XXIX) Question of Palestine". The United Nations – General Assembly. 22 November 1974. Archived from the original on 1 January 2010. Retrieved 30 September 2016.
“A/RES/3236(XXIX)巴勒斯坦问题”。联合国 – 大会。1974 年 11 月 22 日。原始文档的存档版本,1974 年 1 月 1 日。2016 年检索。 - ^ Ayoob, Mohammed. The Middle East in world politics. 1981, p. 90
艾尤布,穆罕默德。《中东在世界政治中》。1981 年,第 90 页 - ^ Āghā, Ḥusayn; Feldman, Shai; Khālidī, Aḥmad; Schiff, Zeev (2003). "Track-II diplomacy: lessons from the Middle East". Harvard Kennedy School Belfer Center. p. 11.
阿加,侯赛因;费尔德曼,沙伊;哈利迪,艾哈迈德;施皮茨,泽维尔(2003)。“第二轨道外交:从中东的经验教训”。哈佛大学肯尼迪学院贝尔弗中心。第 11 页。 - ^ Laquer, Walter; Rubin, Barry (2001). The Israel-Arab Reader: a Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict. New York City: Penguin Books. pp. 206–207. ISBN 978-0143113799.
拉奎尔,沃尔特;鲁宾,巴里(2001 年)。《以色列-阿拉伯读本:中东冲突的文献史》。纽约市:企鹅图书出版社。第 206– 207 页。ISBN 978-0143113799。 - ^ "Likud Party: Original Party Platform 1977". Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 16 November 2023.
“利库德集团:原始党章 1977 年”。犹太虚拟图书馆。检索于 16 November 2023。 - ^ Boffey, Daniel (31 October 2023). "'From the river to the sea': where does the slogan come from and what does it mean?". The Guardian.
Boffey, Daniel (2023 年 10 月 31 日). "‘从河流到海洋’:这个口号的来源及含义是什么?". 卫报. - ^ "Israel's Netanyahu reiterates rejection of Palestinian state after Gaza war". Al Jazeera.
“以色列内塔尼亚胡重申战后反对建立巴勒斯坦国”. 阿尔·杰济拉. - ^ "Israel's Knesset votes to reject Palestinian statehood". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 19 July 2024.
以色列议会投票拒绝巴勒斯坦建国。半岛电视台。 19 July 2024 年获取。 - ^ Rabie, Mohamed (Summer 1992). "The U.S.-PLO Dialogue: The Swedish Connection". Journal of Palestine Studies. 21 (4): 54–66. doi:10.1525/jps.1992.21.4.00p0140g. JSTOR 2537663.
拉比,穆罕默德(1992 年夏季)。《美巴对话:瑞典联系》。《巴勒斯坦研究杂志》21(4): 54– 66。doi: 10.1525/jps.1992.21.4.00p0140g。JSTOR 2537663。 - ^ Quandt, William B. (1993). Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. pp. 367–375, 494. ISBN 0-520-08390-3.
Quandt, William B. (1993).《和平进程:美国外交与自 1967 年以来的阿以冲突》。华盛顿特区:布鲁金斯学会。第 367– 375、494 页。ISBN 0-520-08390-3。 - ^ "Israel's most right-wing government agreed under Benjamin Netanyahu". 21 December 2022.
“本雅明·内塔尼亚胡领导下的以色列极右翼政府同意了”。2022 年 12 月 21 日。 - ^ "Israel's Netanyahu says deal agreed with far-right to form gov't". Al Jazeera.
“以色列内塔尼亚胡表示与极右翼达成组建政府协议”。半岛电视台。 - ^ Gold, Hadas (1 February 2023). "Netanyahu outlines vision for two-state solution – without Palestinian sovereignty". CNN.
戈德,哈达斯(2023 年 2 月 1 日).《内塔尼亚胡阐述没有巴勒斯坦主权的两国方案愿景》。美国有线电视新闻网。 - ^ "Netanyahu's call to block creation of Palestinian state sparks fury, condemnation". Arab News. 26 June 2023.
《内塔尼亚胡阻止巴勒斯坦国成立的呼吁引发愤怒和谴责》。阿拉伯新闻。2023 年 6 月 26 日。 - ^ "Palestinians furious over Netanyahu claims that Israel must 'crush' statehood ambitions". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. 1 July 2023.
《巴勒斯坦人对内塔尼亚胡声称以色列必须“粉碎”建国野心感到愤怒》. 《耶路撒冷邮报》| JPost.com. 2023 年 7 月 1 日. - ^ Kaye, Dalia Dassa (17 August 2023). "The Case Against an Israeli-Saudi Deal". Foreign Affairs.
In an early August interview with Bloomberg, Netanyahu...called the Palestinian issue no more than a "checkbox" and reiterated his opposition to a Palestinian state.
Kaye, Dalia Dassa (2023 年 8 月 17 日). 《反对沙特-以色列协议的理由》. 《外交事务》. 在八月初接受彭博社采访时,内塔尼亚胡...称巴勒斯坦问题不过是一个“复选框”,并重申自己反对巴勒斯坦建国。 - ^ "Israel-Saudi peace can end all hope for Palestinian statehood – opinion". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. 10 August 2023.
To which [Palestinian state] Bibi emphatically says, 'No, never.' Many in Israel and elsewhere are confident that the Saudis aren't really serious about Palestinian statehood and are unwilling to sacrifice their own interests for it.
“以沙特和解可能终结巴勒斯坦建国的所有希望——观点”。耶路撒冷邮报 | JPost.com。2023 年 8 月 10 日。针对该巴勒斯坦国,内塔尼亚胡断言,“不,永远不会。”许多以色列国内及世界各地的人士确信,沙特对巴勒斯坦建国并不真正认真,也不愿为此牺牲自身利益。 - ^ "Netanyahu: Normalisation with Saudi not linked to creation of Palestinian state". Middle East Monitor. 8 August 2023.
"内塔尼亚胡:与沙特关系正常化与巴勒斯坦国建国的关联性". 中东观察. 2023 年 8 月 8 日. - ^ Kingsley, Patrick; Kershner, Isabel (7 October 2023). "Israel-Gaza Conflict: Gaza and Israel on War Footing After Militants Launch Surprise Assaults". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 7 October 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2023.
帕特里克·金斯利;伊莎贝尔·克希纳(2023 年 10 月 7 日). "以色利-加沙冲突:在激进分子发动突袭后,加沙和以色列进入战争状态". 纽约时报. 原文存档于 2023 年 10 月 7 日. 检索于 7 October 2023. - ^ Ackerman, Spencer (10 October 2023). "A Mideast Deal Signed in Blood". The Nation.
It is not lost on anyone, least of all the Palestinians, that in 2002, then–Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz conditioned recognition for Israel on Palestinian statehood. Now–Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has removed that condition.
斯宾塞·阿克曼(2023 年 10 月 10 日). "血泪之中的中东协议". 民众. 这个协议并非无人知晓,尤其是巴勒斯坦人,他们认为在 2002 年,当时的沙特王储阿卜杜拉·本·阿卜杜勒阿齐兹将承认以色列的条件定为了巴勒斯坦国建国。现任沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼已经解除了该条件。 - ^ Lawati, Abbas Al (11 October 2023). "Mideast and US leaders tried to sweep the Palestinian issue under the rug. That may not work anymore". CNN. CNN News.
[MBS] effectively abandoning a two-decade-old Saudi pledge to only make peace with Israel after it fully withdraws from land it occupies.
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[bin Salman] stopped short of calling for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, which has been Riyadh's official stance for two decades.
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The No-State Solution ; Hamas cares more about Shariah than 'Palestine'
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“澳大利亚、加拿大和新西兰总理联合声明”。加拿大总理府。2023 年 12 月 12 日。于 17 January 2024 年获取。 - ^ "Saudi FM urges ceasefire, says Riyadh interested in Israel normalization". The Times of Israel. 16 January 2024. Retrieved 17 January 2024.
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Caldwell, Leigh Ann;Meyer, Theodoric(2023 年 12 月 18 日)。“混乱的初选可能会颠覆参议院选举”。《华盛顿邮报》。检索于 20 December 2023 年。 - ^ "Dear President Biden" (PDF). The Washington Post. 14 December 2023. Retrieved 20 December 2023.
“致拜登总统的信”(PDF)。《华盛顿邮报》。2023 年 12 月 14 日。检索于 20 December 2023 年。 - ^ "The Jewish Manifesto 2024". Board of Deputies of British Jews. 21 June 2024. Retrieved 18 September 2024.
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“英国犹太人代表委员会欢迎大屠杀纪念法案被列入政府立法议程”。英国犹太人代表委员会。2024 年 7 月 17 日。检索于 18 September 2024 年。 - ^ One State Threat, Reut Institute, 1 November 2004, archived from the original on 30 June 2017, retrieved 1 January 2008
《一国威胁》,雷厄研究所,2004 年 11 月 1 日,存档自原始网页,2017 年 6 月 30 日,检索于 1 January 2008 年。 - ^ Slackman, Michael (12 January 2009). "Crisis Imperils 2-State Plan, Shifting a Balance". The New York Times. Retrieved 28 March 2010.
Slackman, Michael (2009 年 1 月 12 日)。“危机危及两国计划,重塑平衡”。《纽约时报》。检索于 28 March 2010 年。 - ^ "Israel-Palestine: The return of the Jordanian option". Haaretz. 3 July 2007. Archived from the original on 18 August 2007. Retrieved 30 September 2016.
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- ^ Sharnoff 2024, p. 2.
- ^ Shemesh 2010, pp. 87, 92–95.
- ^ Quandt 2005, pp. 261–262.
Quandt 2005, 第 261–262 页。 - ^ Peters & Newman 2015, pp. 532.
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"Arafat 可能允许犹太定居者留在西岸地区"。2001 年 1 月 30 日。 - ^ "Arab MK: I would agree to grant settlers Palestinian citizenship".
阿拉伯议会议员:我会同意赋予定居者巴勒斯坦国籍。 - ^ 'No need to remove any settlements' By Herb Keinon, Jerusalem Post, 16 April 2010
'无需撤离任何定居点' 作者:Herb Keinon,《耶路撒冷邮报》,2010 年 4 月 16 日 - ^ "Jewish-Arab conflict". Archived from the original on 6 October 1999.
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Bibliography 参考文献
- Ashton, Nigel (2008). King Hussein of Jordan. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09167-0. No Google Books preview (August 2024).
阿什顿,尼古拉(2008)。《约旦的侯赛因国王》。纽黑文和伦敦:耶鲁大学出版社。ISBN 978-0-300-09167-0。没有谷歌图书预览(2024 年 8 月)。 - Bani Salameh, Mohammed Torki; El-Edwan, Khalid Issa (2016). "The identity crisis in Jordan: historical pathways and contemporary debates". Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity. 44 (6). Routledge: 985–1002. doi:10.1080/00905992.2016.1231454.
巴尼·萨拉梅,穆罕默德·托尔基;埃尔-埃德万,哈立德·伊萨(2016)。《约旦的身份危机:历史路径与当代争论》。《国籍论文:民族主义与族群性杂志》。44(6)。劳特利奇: 985– 1002。doi: 10.1080/00905992.2016.1231454. - Peters, Joel; Newman, David, eds. (2015). Routledge Handbook on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. ISBN 9781138925373. No Google Books preview (August 2024).
彼得斯,乔尔;纽曼,大卫,编(2015)。《以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突手册》。伦敦和纽约:Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group。ISBN 9781138925373。无 Google 图书预览(2024 年 8 月)。 - Quandt, William B. (2005). Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict Since 1967 (3rd ed.). Washington, D.C., Berkeley and Los Angeles: Brookings Institution Press and University of California Press. pp. 261–262. ISBN 9780520246317. Retrieved 26 August 2024.
昆德特,威廉·B.(2005)。《和平进程:自 1967 年以来的美国外交与阿以冲突》(第 3 版)。华盛顿特区、伯克利和洛杉矶:布鲁金斯学会出版社和加州大学出版社。第 261– 262 页。ISBN 9780520246317。检索于 26 August 2024 年。 - Siniver, Asaf, ed. (2023). Routledge Companion to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Abingdon and New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-032-24901-8.
西尼弗,阿萨夫,编(2023)。《以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突指南》。阿宾登和纽约:Routledge。ISBN 978-1-032-24901-8。 - Sharnoff, Michael (2024). "Visualizing Palestine in Arab postage stamps: 1948–1967". Middle Eastern Studies. 60 (6). Routledge: 979–999. doi:10.1080/00263206.2024.2314523. Retrieved 27 August 2024.
沙诺夫,迈克尔(2024)。"阿拉伯邮票上的巴勒斯坦:1948–1967"。《中东研究》。60(6)。Routledge: 979– 999。doi: 10.1080/00263206.2024.2314523。检索于 27 August 2024 年。 - Shemesh, Moshe (2010). "On Two Parallel Tracks – The Secret Jordanian-Israeli Talks (July 1967–September 1973)". Israel Studies. 15 (3). Indiana University Press: 87–120. doi:10.2979/isr.2010.15.3.87. JSTOR 10.2979/isr.2010.15.3.87. Retrieved 26 August 2024.
Shemesh, Moshe (2010). "关于两条平行轨道——秘密约旦-以色列会谈(1967 年 7 月至 1973 年 9 月)". 以色列研究. 15 (3). 印第安纳大学出版社:第 120 页。doi: 10.2979/isr.2010.15.3.87。JSTOR 10.2979/isr.2010.15.3.87。检索于 2024 年 26 August 日。 - Shlaim, Avi (2008). Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace. New York: Knopf. ISBN 978-1-4000-4305-7.
Shlaim, Avi (2008). 《约旦雄狮:侯赛因国王的战争与和平生涯》。纽约:诺普夫出版社。ISBN 978-1-4000-4305-7。
Further reading 延伸阅读
- Aharon Cohen, Israel and the Arab World (Funk and Wagnalls, New York, 1970).
Aharon Cohen, 《以色列与阿拉伯世界》(Funk and Wagnalls, 纽约, 1970 年)。
External links 外部链接
Wikiquote 有与两国方案相关的语录。
- The Future of the TwoState Solution, Giora Eiland, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, February 2009 Archived 2012-03-03 at the Wayback Machine
两国方案的未来, Giora Eiland,耶路撒冷公共事务中心,2009 年 2 月 存档于 2012 年 3 月 3 日,可供机器读取 - Two-state solution-discredited – without workable alternative, Beate Zilversmidt, The Other Israel, May 2006 Archived 2017-07-01 at the Wayback Machine
两国方案——已不具可行性——且无其他可行替代方案,Beate Zilversmidt,《另一个以色列》,2006 年 5 月 存档于 2017 年 7 月 1 日,可供机器读取 - "Two-State Chimera, No-State Solution". Why there won't ever be two 'states'. Cameron Hunt, Counter Currents, May 2007
"两国家的幻想,无国家的解决办法"。为什么永远不会有两个"国家"。卡梅伦·亨特,反主流观点,2007 年 5 月 - "Banging Square Pegs into Round Holes," Dore Gold, ed. David Pollack, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, December 2008 Archived 2012-03-03 at the Wayback Machine
"把方钉打进圆孔里",多尔·戈尔德,编者大卫·波拉克,近东政策华盛顿研究所,2008 年 12 月,存档于 2012-03-03 的互联网档案馆 - "The Middle East conflict and the two-state solution," RearVision, ABC Radio National, September 23, 2009
"中东冲突与两国解决方案",RearVision,澳大利亚广播公司国家电台,2009 年 9 月 23 日 - Taking the two-state solution seriously[permanent dead link], Opinion by Alain Dieckhoff, March 2009, European Union Institute for Security Studies
认真对待两国解决方案 [permanent dead link] ,观点 by 阿兰·迪埃克霍夫,2009 年 3 月,欧洲联盟安全研究所 - A Demilitarized Palestinian State Archived 2016-11-04 at the Wayback Machine, On the meaning of that & summary of security arrangement out of previous Israeli-Palestinian accords, Reut Institution (a Think Tank)
一个非军事化的巴勒斯坦国,存档于 2016 年 11 月 4 日,来源:关于其含义以及对之前以色列-巴勒斯坦协议中安全安排的总结,雷特研究所(一家智库)