Nationalism and Gender  民族主义与性别

Chizuko Ueno  上野千鹤子

Nationalism and Gender  民族主义与性别

JAPANESE SOCIETY SERIES  日本社会系列

General Editor: Yoshio Sugimoto
总编辑：杉本义雄

Nationalism and Gender   民族主义与性别

Chizuko Ueno   上野千鹤子

Trans Pacific Press  跨太平洋出版社

Distributors  分销商

National Library of Australia Cataloging in Publication Data
澳大利亚国家图书馆出版目录数据

1. Comfort women - Asia. 2. World War, 1939-1945 - Atrocities. 3. Service, Compulsory nonmilitary - Asia. 4. Soldiers - Japan - Sexual behavior. 5. Japan - History - 1926-1945. I. Title.
   慰安妇——亚洲。2. 第二次世界大战，1939-1945——暴行。3. 强制非军事服务——亚洲。4. 士兵——日本——性行为。5. 日本——历史——1926-1945。I. 题名。
   940.54/05/095

Contents  目录

Translator's Introduction
译者介绍

A Triple Crime  三重罪行

Translator's Introduction
译者介绍

Post-Cold War Politics and Historical Memory
后冷战政治与历史记忆

Historical memory of World War II suddenly gained new potency. Suppressed but not forgotten, old conflicts born of colonialism and war took on new urgency. This was particularly pertinent for the former Axis powers, which then had to bring to all future international negotiations not only the long neglected baggage they had accumulated during World War II but also that of the Cold War. As Germany and Japan moved from decades of political subordination to the United States (or in the case of East Germany, to the Soviet Union), they also lost the protection they had enjoyed from accepting full responsibility for their wartime acts. Grievances once swept under the rug by expensive American brooms in the name of anti-communist unity, (or by less expensive brooms in the name of Communist unity) were exposed to public view once again (Hein and Selden, 2000:15).
二战的历史记忆突然获得了新的力量。被压制但未被遗忘的殖民主义和战争所产生的旧冲突变得更加紧迫。这对于前轴心国尤为相关，这些国家不得不在所有未来的国际谈判中，不仅带上他们在二战期间积累的长期被忽视的包袱，还带上冷战时期的包袱。随着德国和日本从数十年对美国（或在东德的情况下，对苏联）的政治从属地位中转变，他们也失去了曾经享有的免于承担战争行为全部责任的保护。曾经以反共统一的名义被昂贵的美国扫帚掸到地毯下的怨恨，（或以共产主义统一的名义被较便宜的扫帚掸走的怨恨）再次暴露在公众视野中（Hein 和 Selden，2000:15）。

The Comfort Women Issue and the Politics of Memory
慰安妇问题与记忆政治

Violence Against Women  针对女性的暴力

It was the violence against women issue, especially domestic violence, that finally drew international attention to the idea that women’s rights are human rights. The issue transcended race, class, and cultures and united women worldwide in a common cause. It dramatically illustrated women’s subordinate position as no other issue had (Fraser, 2001:56).
正是针对女性暴力的问题，尤其是家庭暴力，最终引起了国际社会对“女性权利即人权”这一理念的关注。该问题超越了种族、阶级和文化，将全球女性团结在共同事业中。它以其他任何问题都未曾有过的方式，生动地展示了女性的从属地位（弗雷泽，2001：56）。

grew from a focus on rape and battering in intimate relationships to rape and gender violence enacted by states in warfare, torture, and imprisonment as well as during interethnic violence. Trafficking of sex workers, the AIDS pandemic, and particular social practices that have an impact on women such as female genital cutting have been defined as instances of violence against women (Merry, 2001:83).
从关注亲密关系中的强奸和殴打，发展到国家在战争、酷刑和监禁中实施的强奸和性别暴力，以及族群间暴力期间的暴力行为。性工作者的贩运、艾滋病大流行以及对女性产生影响的特定社会习俗，如女性生殖器切割，都被定义为针对女性的暴力实例（梅里，2001：83）。

The Korean Women's Movement and the Comfort Women Issue
韩国妇女运动与慰安妇问题

Since the end of the 1980s, the expansion of the women’s movement under the civilian regime has been striking. Women’s studies has progressed both in quality and quantity, and slowly but surely women’s issues and the position of the women’s movement has begun to change. After the establishment of the Korean Sexual Violence Relief Centre in January 1991, studies of rape, sexual harassment, prostitution, and other issues of sexual violence emerged and Korean scholars began to pay attention to gender issues. One link in the chain of events occurred when students in the faculty of women’s studies asked women’s organizations to bring public attention the comfort women issue (Yamashita, 1998:60).
自 20 世纪 80 年代末以来，女性运动在文官政权下的扩展令人瞩目。女性研究在质量和数量上都有所进步，女性议题和女性运动的地位也开始缓慢但稳步地发生变化。1991 年 1 月韩国性暴力救助中心成立后，关于强奸、性骚扰、卖淫及其他性暴力问题的研究开始出现，韩国学者开始关注性别议题。事件链中的一个环节是女性研究系的学生请求女性组织将慰安妇问题带入公众视野（山下，1998：60）。

The Response in Japan to the Comfort Women Issue
日本对慰安妇问题的回应

In regard to comfort women…it appears that the persons thus treated were led around by civilian operators following the military forces. We consider it impossible for us to investigate and make a definitive statement as regards to the actual conditions pertaining to this practice (Dai 118 kai kokkai sangiin yosan iinkai kaigiroku, cited and translated in Yoshimi, 1995:34).
关于慰安妇……似乎被这样对待的人是由跟随军队的民间经营者带领的。我们认为不可能调查并对这一做法的实际情况作出明确声明（第 118 届国会参议院预算委员会会议记录，引用并翻译自吉见，1995:34）。

Nationalism and Gender  民族主义与性别

The debates between Ueno and Yoshimi raise critical issues regarding survivors’ testimonies and their status in discussions of the comfort women issue. The challenge for survivors’ supporters is how to appreciate the varying and productive nature of survivor’s testimonies without undermining their power and coherence when they are taken up as evidence in the context of legal proceedings. It is through their testimonies and activism that survivors have been able to create new identities for themselves, and each of their testimonies illustrate that even an individual’s or a group’s memories of the past are plural. When this multiplicity is then brought to bear on the memories of people with a very different understanding of that past, it becomes clearer that all memories are necessarily limited and contextual, and that no one of them alone can suffice as historical truth. The question for discussion then becomes which memories, whose memories are given pride or place in history and accorded the status of truth (O’Brien, in Yoshimi, 1995:15).
上野与吉见之间的辩论提出了关于幸存者证词及其在慰安妇问题讨论中地位的关键问题。支持幸存者的人面临的挑战是如何在不削弱证词作为法律程序中证据的力量和连贯性的前提下，理解幸存者证词的多样性和富有成效的特性。正是通过她们的证词和行动，幸存者们得以为自己创造新的身份，她们的每一段证词都表明，个人或群体对过去的记忆是多元的。当这种多元性被带入对过去有着截然不同理解的人们的记忆中时，就更清楚地表明所有记忆必然是有限且有情境性的，没有任何一种记忆能够单独作为历史真相。讨论的问题因此变成了，哪些记忆、谁的记忆被赋予历史中的荣耀或地位，并被认可为真理（O’Brien，载于吉见，1995:15）。

Structure of Nationalism and Gender
《民族主义与性别》的结构

Notes on the Translation
翻译说明

Acknowledgements  致谢

Author's Preface to the English Edition
英文版作者序言

Part I  第一部分

Engendering the Nation  赋予国家性别意义

Methodological Issues  方法论问题

Paradigm Change in Post-War History
战后历史的范式转变

Japanese history during the fascist era followed an abnormal course, straying from the natural path of maturation that a modern society should follow. The trend towards democratisation in the Taishō era (1912-1926) suffered a setback when it came to the period of fascism, and in its place came a system of state power, with irrational ultra-nationalism as its ideological pillar, that forcibly dragged the people down the track of wartime mobilisation. Post-war reforms that began with defeat in 1945 returned Japanese history to the true line of Taishō democracy. From 1945 through to the present, Japanese history takes as its starting point post-war reforms (Yamanouchi, 1996a:33). ${}^{12}$${}^{12}$^(12){ }^{12}
日本法西斯时代的历史走上了一条异常的道路，偏离了现代社会应有的自然成熟轨迹。大正时代（1912-1926）民主化的趋势在法西斯时期遭遇挫折，取而代之的是以非理性的极端民族主义为意识形态支柱的国家权力体系，强行将人民拖入战争动员的轨道。1945 年战败后开始的战后改革，使日本历史回归了大正民主的正轨。从 1945 年到现在，日本历史以战后改革为起点（Yamanouchi, 1996a:33）。 ${}^{12}$${}^{12}$^(12){ }^{12}

The understanding of (ultra) state nationalism as a deviation of mass nationalism and its reduction to a problem of the war period is an indispensable and constituent factor in the discursive form that asserts the relative legitimacy of ‘post-war’ by ignoring the connection between the wartime mobilisation regime and post-war democracy, and by emphasising the abnormality of the wartime period. Recent research on the wartime mobilisation regime has grappled with this problem by paradoxically focusing on the dimension of continuity between the wartime and post-war periods when previously only the discontinuities had been discussed (Kasai, 1996:226; Sakai, De Bery, Iyotani 1996; Yamanouchi, Koschmann, and Narita 1995).
将（极端）国家民族主义理解为大众民族主义的偏离，并将其简化为战争时期的问题，是一种话语形式中不可或缺且构成性的因素，这种话语形式通过忽视战时动员体制与战后民主之间的联系，强调战时时期的异常性，从而主张“战后”相对的合法性。近期关于战时动员体制的研究通过矛盾地关注战时与战后时期之间的连续性维度，试图解决这一问题，而此前的研究仅讨论了断裂（Kasai, 1996:226；Sakai, De Bery, Iyotani 1996；Yamanouchi, Koschmann, and Narita 1995）。

All bodies we call ‘nation-states’ share the same character and structure, and each individual nation-state is no more than a variation on this…I consider the nation-state a historical product that needs to be transcended, and the debate about the nation-state is linked to the search for a way to do this (Nishikawa, 1995:4).
我们所称的“民族国家”都具有相同的特征和结构，每一个具体的民族国家不过是这一结构的变体……我认为民族国家是一个需要被超越的历史产物，关于民族国家的讨论与寻找超越它的方法密切相关（西川，1995：4）。

Paradigm Change in Women's History
女性历史的范式转变

The Nationalisation of Women and Wartime Mobilisation
女性的国家化与战时动员

As part of their image strategy for mobilising women, the state and those leaders with orders from the state, opinion leaders, and propagandists definitely did not offer women ‘scenes’ of the front line, a battle-inprogress, or victory. Neither did they proffer women such images as the triumphal return, defeat or occupation. War scenes with a capital ’ $W$$W$WW ’ were aimed at men, and bloody scenes of battle that were frequently featured in men’s magazines were a male domain (Wakakuwa, 1995:244).
作为动员女性的形象策略的一部分，国家及其下达命令的领导者、舆论领袖和宣传者绝不会向女性展示前线场景、正在进行的战斗或胜利的画面。他们也不会向女性提供凯旋归来、失败或占领的图像。带有大写“ $W$$W$WW ”的战争场面是针对男性的，而经常出现在男性杂志中的血腥战斗场景则是男性的领域（若川，1995：244）。

The Feminist Response  女权主义的回应

Why did somebody who had previously been considered outstanding end up committing such a mistake during the war?..What caused (these women) to get caught up in cooperating with the imperialist war? (Suzuki, 1989b45-46)
为什么一个曾被认为是杰出人物的人会在战争期间犯下如此错误？……是什么原因导致（这些女性）卷入了与帝国主义战争的合作？（铃木，1989b45-46）

Due to her continuous anti-modernism and anti-rationalism, Raichō rebelled against the existence of a total control system (the modernist, rationalist system created by the modern nation-state). However, this kind of critical spirit, that is to say taking on the authority of the state as an adversary, and her own position as an anti-modernist and anti-rationalist made it
由于她持续的反现代主义和反理性主义，莱蝶反抗了一个全面控制体系的存在（由现代民族国家创造的现代主义、理性主义体系）。然而，这种批判精神，也就是说将国家权威视为对手，以及她作为反现代主义者和反理性主义者的立场，使得
highly conceivable that she would literally be ‘seized’, when she found her own ideas in the dominant ideology grounded in the imperial view of history (Yoneda:1996:50).
当她发现自己的思想被根植于以天皇历史观为基础的主流意识形态时，她被字面意义上的“抓住”是非常可以想象的（米田：1996：50）。

Although Hiratuska placed great hopes in the state…the ‘state’ that Hiratsuka was talking about was not the state as it actually was, but refers to a state that has been re-modelled in an ideal way (Yosano 1918a; Kouchi, 1984:102).
虽然平塚对国家寄予厚望……但平塚所谈论的“国家”并非现实中的国家，而是指经过理想化改造的国家（与谢野 1918a；河内，1984：102）。

I do not believe a child is either a ‘thing’ or a ‘tool’. I consider each child an individual with his or her own independent character. A child belongs to his or her self. In contrast to Hiratsuka, I certainly do not view a child as the property of ‘society’ or ‘the nation’ (Yosano, 1918b; Kouchi, 1984:188). ${}^{36}$${}^{36}$^(36){ }^{36}
我不认为孩子是“物品”或“工具”。我认为每个孩子都是具有独立个性的个体。孩子属于他或她自己。与平塚相比，我绝不认为孩子是“社会”或“国家”的财产（与谢野，1918b；幸内，1984：188）。 ${}^{36}$${}^{36}$^(36){ }^{36}

The Feminist Version of 'Conquering the Modern'
“征服现代”的女权主义版本

From the period when everyone felt cowed into silence through to the revival of the ‘Japanese spirit’, many thinkers went down the road of enthusiastically involving themselves in the Imperial Rule Assistance system during the fifteen years of war…When one considers the results of Takamure linking together women’s liberation and the quest to ‘conquer the modern’, and that she pursued these with all her heart and soul, I cannot help feeling sorry for her (Kanō, 1987, 1995d:180-1).
从人人都被吓得噤声的时期，到“日本精神”复兴的阶段，许多思想家都热情地投身于十五年战争期间的皇国协力体制……当人们考虑到高群连结女性解放与“征服现代”的追求，并且她全心全意地追求这些时，我不禁为她感到惋惜（加纳，1987，1995d：180-1）。

The graceful, delicate ladies of this country make the family the centre of their existence, and have an unquenchable longing for the whole world to become one large family. Thus, as our holy war has been launched against that which obstructs this, it can be said most positively that this is a war for women. Women’s unfaltering purpose should be to encourage our children, our husbands, our older brothers, our younger brothers, and never to yield. In this great war we are not taking a stand ‘even though we are women’ but ‘precisely because we are women’. (Kōno et al., 1979:262).
这个国家优雅、纤细的女士们以家庭为生活的中心，怀有让整个世界成为一个大家庭的强烈渴望。因此，既然我们已经对阻碍这一目标的事物发动了神圣的战争，可以非常肯定地说，这是一场为女性而战的战争。女性坚定不移的目标应当是鼓励我们的孩子、丈夫、哥哥、弟弟，永不退缩。在这场伟大的战争中，我们不是“尽管我们是女性”而站出来，而是“正因为我们是女性”而站出来。（河野等，1979：262）

Female Socialist or Socialist Feminist? The Case of Yamakawa Kikue
女性社会主义者还是社会主义女权主义者？山川菊枝的案例

Along with refusing women the right to work, conventional society also denies them the right to a life. That being so, it was the conventional women’s rights movement that emerged stressing the former by shouting for equal opportunities from start to finish and as a proposed amendment to this are the mother’s rights campaigners who have risen up as advocates of the latter. The fault of the former is that in demanding all out for the right to work they forgot to demand the right to a life. While a shortcoming of the latter is that they did not advocate the right of all people equally to a life, but tamely limited their demands to mothers (Yamakawa, 1918; Kouchi, 1984:146).
除了剥夺女性的工作权利，传统社会还剥夺了她们的生活权利。正因为如此，最初出现的传统女性权利运动强调的是前者，从头到尾高喊争取平等机会，而作为对此的补充，母亲权利运动者则崛起，成为后者的倡导者。前者的缺陷在于，他们在全力争取工作权利时，忘记了争取生活权利。而后者的不足则在于，他们没有主张所有人平等享有生活权利，而是温顺地将诉求局限于母亲群体（山川，1918；幸地，1984：146）。

There was such wariness of the granting of universal male suffrage…that it was feared that it would ‘undermine the national polity’…Conservative forces considered the problem of women’s suffrage to be something akin to a child wanting somebody else’s toy, and it was not feared in the way that male suffrage had been…This was probably because, as a result of its baptism overseas, women’s suffrage, unlike the extension of the male franchise, was not regarded as something unusual or likely to bring sudden change, but was seen rather as something that would have many benefits for the conservative forces. There were no politicians nervous enough to oppose it because they foresaw changes in the national polity.
对于赋予普遍男性选举权存在极大的警惕……人们担心这会“破坏国家体制”……保守势力将女性选举权问题视为孩子想要别人的玩具，因而并不像对男性选举权那样感到恐惧……这大概是因为，经过海外的洗礼，女性选举权不同于男性选举权的扩展，不被视为异常或可能带来突变的事物，而是被看作对保守势力有诸多好处的东西。没有政治家因为预见到国家体制的变化而紧张反对它。

I was extremely fearful that the end result of simply wanting the right to vote without deciding the purpose of this or the kind of society that we wanted to create, would not be women’s liberation but the use of women as weapons of the military-bureaucratic dictatorship. Because already at the time there were numerous government-controlled women’s groups, such as the Young Girls Association (Shojokai) and the Women’s Patriotic Association, and working-class women and women from farming communities were being mobilized in the same way and were under their influence…In the past, women’s activists in the West have suggested that wars would be prevented if women had the vote, but history speaks clearly and most painfully of the fact that this alone will not prevent war (Yamakawa, 1979:73).
我非常担心，如果仅仅是想要投票权，而不去决定投票的目的或我们想要创造的社会类型，最终的结果不会是女性解放，而是女性被用作军官僚独裁的武器。因为当时已经有许多政府控制的妇女团体，比如少女会和妇女爱国会，工人阶级妇女和农民妇女也以同样的方式被动员，并且受到她们的影响……过去，西方的女性活动家曾提出，如果女性拥有投票权，战争将会被阻止，但历史清楚而痛苦地表明，仅凭这一点并不能阻止战争（山川，1979：73）。

The War Responsibility of Ordinary Women
普通女性的战争责任

At any rate, I feel that there has been a massive change in the lives of women given that the female masses have been mobilized, that they are having to work for society and the state outside the home, and that husbands are having to accept their wives leaving the home to do
无论如何，我觉得女性的生活发生了巨大变化，因为广大女性被动员起来，她们不得不在家庭之外为社会和国家工作，而丈夫们也不得不接受妻子离开家庭去做
this kind of work…In a variety of senses, I think that the habits that the ordinary housewife will form during these troubled days, and, in addition, the experience of cooperating in group projects can only leave behind a positive legacy. For example, they will come to understand the intimate relationship between the family and society/the state, and will be able to look at their own households through new eyes and will probably come to free themselves from their hitherto selfish focus on the home (Maruoka, 1976:647).
这种工作的现实……从多方面来看，我认为普通家庭主妇在这些动荡日子里形成的习惯，以及参与集体项目的经验，只会留下积极的遗产。例如，她们会理解家庭与社会/国家之间的密切关系，能够用新的眼光看待自己的家庭，可能会摆脱以往那种自私地只关注家庭的状态（丸岡，1976：647）。

Ordinary women who until now lacked awareness are as a result of the Incident acting like mobilized persons for the first time…They have been mobilized as members of the state and in the process have been found to have a special function as women and are receiving new training relating to this (Maruoka, 1976:653).
普通女性直到现在都缺乏意识，但由于这次事件，她们第一次像被动员的人一样行动……她们作为国家成员被动员，在这个过程中被发现作为女性具有特殊的功能，并正在接受与此相关的新训练（丸岡，1976：653）。

I do not think there is any need to hold back if women’s labour is indispensable to the state in order to increase productive capacity… When it comes to female labour, I would like the government itself to have a much clearer view of women’s work…I am deeply vexed that, even having reached this current stage, the way that almost all men, at all levels of society from the government down, think about women has not advanced a single step from the feudal age (Ichikawa, 1943a:6; Suzuki, 1986:132-133.
我认为，如果女性劳动力对国家提高生产能力是不可或缺的，就没有必要有所保留……谈到女性劳动力时，我希望政府本身能对女性的工作有一个更加清晰的认识……我深感恼火的是，即使到了现在这个阶段，几乎所有男人，从政府到社会各阶层，对女性的看法仍然没有从封建时代前进一步（市川，1943a:6；铃木，1986:132-133）。

The Dilemma of the Nation-State's Gender Strategy
民族国家性别策略的困境

Men to the front line overseas and women to the home front…In a situation of a total war that was also a war of aggression, norms concerning the existing gendered division of labour that made a distinction between the ‘inside’ (the home) and the ‘outside’ were, at a stroke, expanded to the whole of the state’ (Kanō, 1987, 1995:67).
男性被派往海外前线，女性则留守后方……在这场既是全面战争又是侵略战争的情况下，关于现有性别分工的规范——即区分“内”（家庭）与“外”的规范——一举扩展到了整个国家。（叶野, 1987, 1995:67）

Through this piece of national policy women have reached the point at which, for the first time, their status as the mothers of the Japanese race is recognised, and their consciousness and cooperation are sought by the state…The fact that giving birth and bringing up children are treated [in this plan] not as a private matter of concern to the mother alone or to the family, but as a public matter of concern to the state and the nation, brings the greatest pride and joy to those who are able to give birth (Ichikawa, 1943b; Suzuki 1986:128).
通过这项国家政策，女性首次被承认为日本民族的母亲，她们的意识和合作被国家所重视……在该计划中，生育和养育子女不再被视为仅母亲或家庭的私事，而是作为国家和民族的公共事务，这使得能够生育的人感到无比的自豪和喜悦（市川，1943b；铃木，1986：128）。

The new task of motherhood is a matter not simply of bearing and raising children, but of bearing sound children and raising them well. In other words, the great mission towards humankind that women who eternally pass on that most holy flame, life, are charged with is to contribute to, above and beyond the mere preservation and continuation of the human race, its evolution and improvement. (Hiratsuka 1920: 165; Furukubo, 1991:78).
母亲的新任务不仅仅是生育和抚养孩子，而是生育健康的孩子并将他们养育好。换句话说，永远传递那最神圣火焰——生命的女性所承担的对人类的伟大使命，是在仅仅维持和延续人类种族之上，为其进化和改善做出贡献。（平塚 1920：165；古久保，1991：78）

From a eugenic point of view, it is desirable that in this country too, and as soon as possible, certain individuals should be forbidden by law to marry and a sterilisation law should be put into force. (Hiratuska, 1917; Furukubo 1991:78).
从优生学的角度来看，在我国也应尽快通过法律禁止某些人结婚，并实施绝育法。（平塚，1917；古久保，1991：78）

In 1938, as a result of a request from the military, the Kobe Women’s Association for National Defence issued a directive to all its chapters concerning ‘protective guidance’ to the families of soldiers who had been killed and, more particularly, the wives of soldiers serving at the front. This directive ordered them to implement, under a cloak of secrecy, effective and appropriate measures to ensure that the moral conduct of the wives of soldiers in the Imperial Army should not give rise to the slightest suspicion. As a result, in Hyogo prefecture a Wives of Heroes Society (Yūshi tsuma no kai) and Mothers on the Home Front Society (Jūgo haha no kai) were inaugurated. These bodies gave ‘protective guidance’ to the young wives of soldiers at the front, or assigned officials to individual wives of soldiers away on active service with instructions to establish close relationships with them and keep a watch on them, so as to ensure that their chastity was not compromised. It is recorded with pride in the History of the Head-quarters of the Kobe District of the Greater Japan Women’s Association for National Defence (Dai-Nippon Kokubō Fujin Kai Kōbe Chihō Honbu Shi) that as the real aim was kept totally secret from the wives, ‘there was nothing to trigger any kind of negative reaction, and the successful prevention of the problem of lewd conduct that we had been concerned about was an accomplishment beyond measure’ (Kanō, 1987; 1995d:73).
1938 年，应军方的请求，神户国防妇女协会向其所有分会发布了一项关于对阵亡士兵家属，尤其是前线士兵妻子的“保护指导”指令。该指令要求他们在保密的掩护下，采取有效且适当的措施，确保帝国陆军士兵妻子的道德行为不引起丝毫怀疑。结果，在兵库县成立了“英雄妻子会”（Yūshi tsuma no kai）和“后方母亲会”（Jūgo haha no kai）。这些组织对前线士兵的年轻妻子进行“保护指导”，或指派官员与服役中的士兵妻子建立密切联系并进行监视，以确保她们的贞洁不受侵犯。 在《大日本国防妇人会神户地区总部史》（Dai-Nippon Kokubō Fujin Kai Kōbe Chihō Honbu Shi）中自豪地记载着，由于真正的目的对妻子们完全保密，“没有引发任何负面反应，我们成功防止了我们所担忧的猥亵行为问题，这是一项无可估量的成就”（Kanō, 1987; 1995d:73）。

The Paradox of this Gender Strategy
这一性别策略的悖论

We’ve been taught that we’re fighting to protect our wives and sweethearts at home, but if the wives and sweethearts we were protecting turned up on the front line I wouldn’t know what we were fighting for (Ueno, 1991).
“我们被教导说，我们是在为保护家中的妻子和心上人而战，但如果我们要保护的妻子和心上人出现在前线，我就不知道我们到底在为什么而战了。”（上野，1991）

Women and the Issue of Conversion
女性与转变问题

Suzuki Yūko cites the following from Ichikawa's post-war recollections:
铃木裕子引用了市川战后回忆录中的以下内容：

Since I was a national subject living under the conditions of that time, although I wouldn’t go as far as saying that it was only natural, I don’t feel any sense of shame. I wonder if I am wrong? (Ichikawa, 1979; Suzuki, 1989b:103).
由于我是那个时代条件下的国民，虽然我不会说这是理所当然的，但我并不感到羞愧。我是不是错了？（市川，1979；铃木，1989b：103）。

I felt a deep pain that cut right through to my heart and all I could do was weep and moan. Prostrating myself, all I could do was weep and moan. At night I slept fitfully, and could only weep and moan. In the morning too, all I could do was weep. For a long time my tears did not cease. Tears of profound suffering. Tears of grief. What did this pain mean? We still had not found words to express our feelings. Yet, we suffered. The pain went on and on (cited in Kano and Horiba, 1977).
我感到一种深深的痛楚，直刺心扉，我所能做的只有哭泣和哀号。俯伏在地，我只能哭泣和哀号。夜里我辗转难眠，只能哭泣和哀号。早晨也是，我所能做的只有哭泣。很长一段时间，我的泪水没有停止。那是深沉的痛苦之泪，是悲伤的泪水。这痛楚意味着什么？我们仍未找到表达感情的言辞。然而，我们在受苦。痛楚一再持续（引自加野和堀场，1977 年）。

It is difficult to say that Takamure’s comeback as the ‘human child’ was fair play. Just as in the case of the Emperor’s renunciation of his divine status…(Kanō, 1979:175).
很难说高群逸枝作为“人类之子”的回归是公平的。正如天皇放弃其神圣地位的情况一样……（狩野，1979：175）。

Ideas Capable of Transcending the 'State'
能够超越“国家”的思想

A Critique of the Reflexive School of Women's History
女性史反思学派的批判

Going Beyond the 'Nationalisation of Women' Paradigm
超越“女性国家化”范式

Part II The Military Comfort Women Issue
第二部分 军慰安妇问题

A Triple Crime  三重罪行

The Patriarchal Paradigm of National Shame
国家耻辱的父权范式

Supposing that both Japanese and Korean men assume that the women of a nation belong to the men of that nation and that rape of a country woman by those of another nation stains male honour, would this not create sufficient pressure for them to force the victims of the military comfort women problem to keep their mouths shut? (Ehara, 1992:30).
假设日本男性和韩国男性都认为一个国家的女性属于该国的男性，而被其他国家的男性强奸则玷污了男性的荣誉，这难道不会产生足够的压力，迫使军慰安妇问题的受害者保持沉默吗？（江原，1992：30）。

In the late nineteenth century rape and racism were inter-twined, with rape used as a weapon by nationalists to oppose British law. The cry of we will protect our women from the British soldiers…rose furiously. Rather than view rape as violence against women, they viewed it as an infringement of national honour (Basu, 1993; 1995:75).
19 世纪末，强奸和种族主义交织在一起，强奸被民族主义者用作反对英国法律的武器。保护我们的妇女免受英国士兵侵害的呼声愤怒地高涨。他们并不将强奸视为对妇女的暴力，而是视为对国家荣誉的侵犯（Basu，1993；1995：75）。

Suppose that a woman was raped today and the rapist informed you that the matter had been settled on the basis of a mutual agreement between the husband or the father, would you accept this? No you would not (Yamazaki H., 1995).
假设今天有一名女性被强奸，而强奸犯告诉你此事已基于丈夫或父亲之间的相互协议而解决，你会接受吗？你不会接受的（山崎弘美，1995）。

The 'Purity' of Korean Women
韩国女性的“纯洁性”

A society that relentlessly demands ‘purity’ from women is certainly not a happy society for women, and it cannot be said that simply because women have been obedient to the male demands of such a society that the women of that nation possess outstanding qualities as human beings (Maruyama, Y., 1977, 1995:194).
一个无情地要求女性‘纯洁’的社会，绝对不是一个让女性幸福的社会，不能因为女性顺从了这样一个社会对男性的要求，就说该国的女性作为人类具有卓越的品质（丸山幸子，1977，1995：194）。

The Military Rape Paradigm
军事强奸范式

The Prostitution Paradigm
卖淫范式

Ultimately, the money that they so carefully took with them was earned and saved as a result of coerced and relentless labour, regardless of their own will. In spite of this, even at the time [they were taking the money back home so carefully] the money had already become absolutely worthless bits of paper (Hikosaka, 1991:70).
归根结底，她们小心翼翼带走的钱，是通过被强迫且不懈的劳动挣得和积攒下来的，无论她们本人意愿如何。尽管如此，即使在当时[她们如此小心地带回钱]，这些钱已经完全变成毫无价值的纸片了（彦坂，1991：70）。

The Sexual Violence Paradigm
性暴力范式

Within the logic of the counter-argument of the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery, that the comfort women were not prostitutes and were very definitely not state licensed prostitutes, there is the danger of reinforcing the view that the comfort women were forced, while for prostitutes it was free-will (Yamashita, 1994:45).
在韩国征召妇女为军事性奴隶问题委员会的反驳逻辑中，慰安妇不是妓女，且绝对不是国家许可的妓女，这种说法存在强化慰安妇是被强迫的观点的危险，而妓女则是出于自由意志（山下，1994：45）。

The Nationalist Discourse
民族主义话语

The character of sexual slavery of the forced [Korean] military comfort women was clearly different than that of the Japanese women. Japanese comfort women were prostitutes within the existing state-regulated system of prostitution, and they received money, had a contract, and when the contract came to an end they could quit their life as a comfort woman…The [Korean] comfort women were different from the Japanese female prostitutes under the state licensed system of prostitution existing at that time. They were sexual slaves forced by the state and public authority to give sexual comfort to the military (Yamashita Y., 1996:44). ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23}
被强制征召的[韩国]军慰安妇的性奴隶性质明显不同于日本女性。日本慰安妇是在现有国家监管的卖淫制度内的妓女，她们获得报酬，有合同，合同期满后可以结束慰安妇的生活……[韩国]慰安妇不同于当时国家许可的卖淫制度下的日本女性妓女。她们是被国家和公共权力强迫为军队提供性慰藉的性奴隶（山下洋，1996：44）。 ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23}

According to Korean feminist Kim Eun-shil, who Yamashita introduces:
根据山下介绍的韩国女权主义者金恩实：

By conferring greater symbolic meaning to the signifier sexual violation, the nationalist discourse denies the specificity of the women’s experiences and universalises it into a national issue. To rephrase this, it was not the women but the Korean nation that was sexually violated by the rapist Japan. Due to the fact that it was the nation itself that was of issue here, the crime of rape was not endowed with any meaning until perpetrated by the Japanese Empire (Kim, 1994:41; cited in Yamashita Y., 1996:44).
通过赋予“性侵犯”这一符号更大的象征意义，民族主义话语否认了女性经历的特殊性，并将其普遍化为一个国家问题。换句话说，被强奸的不是女性，而是被日本强奸的韩国民族。由于这里的问题是民族本身，强奸罪行直到由日本帝国实施才被赋予任何意义（Kim, 1994:41；引自山下 Y., 1996:44）。

The Grey Zone of Collaboration with Japan
与日本合作的灰色地带