How the citizens of the Western Balkans see China: In Serbia, the picture is positive, sometimes with the wrong conclusion
西巴爾幹半島公民如何看待中國：塞爾維亞的印象正面，但結論有時並不正確

 

Economic relations are the leading aspect of cooperation, and political, cultural and social relations are also developing in parallel, which makes China more and more visible to citizens throughout the region. Although generally unknown, and far from the immediate sphere of interest embodied in the European Union and the Western Balkan region, with an increased level of local presence, China has become an object of observation by the interested public, as well as citizens of the countries of the region.
經濟關係是合作的主軸，政治、文化和社會關係也同步發展，這使得中國在整個地區的公民眼中越來越顯著。儘管中國對當地民眾而言普遍陌生，也遠不如歐盟和西巴爾幹地區那樣切身相關，但隨著在地影響力的提升，中國已成為相關公眾及該地區各國公民的觀察對象。

 

An insight into public opinion
民意洞察

 

The perception of China as an actor varies from country to country. A regional poll conducted by the International Republican Institute (IRI) provides concrete insight into this. According to this research, 14 percent of Serbian citizens named China as their most important partner, and Serbia is the only country in which China is mentioned in this capacity. This attitude is supported by as many as 88 percent of Serbian citizens who see China in a positive context, while only 10 percent see China partially or very negatively.
各國對中國作為一個行為者的看法不盡相同。國際共和研究所 (IRI) 進行的一項區域民調為此提供了具體的洞見。根據這項研究，14% 的塞爾維亞公民將中國視為最重要的夥伴，而塞爾維亞也是唯一一個將中國視為最重要夥伴的國家。高達 88% 的塞爾維亞公民對中國抱持正面看法，支持了這一態度，僅有 10% 的人對中國持部分或非常負面的看法。

Comparatively, the citizens of Serbia see only Russia this way, with an equal percentage of positive and negative perceptions, while, for example, the United States of America is viewed positively by only 22 percent of citizens, while a large 75 percent have a negative perception. The European Union was not the subject of this research.
相較之下，塞爾維亞公民僅對俄羅斯抱持同樣的看法，其正面與負面觀感的比例相當。舉例來說，僅有 22% 的公民對美國持正面看法，而高達 75% 的人則持負面觀感。歐盟並未納入本次研究的調查對象。

It is interesting how the citizens of Montenegro view China. Although less represented as an actor, with a significantly lower level of economic presence and a relatively recent negative experience with the impact of China's Chinese loan on the financial stability of the state, 66 percent of citizens see China in a positive context.
蒙特內哥羅公民如何看待中國，這點相當有趣。儘管中國在該國的影響力較小，經濟存在感顯著較低，且近期因中國貸款對國家財政穩定造成負面衝擊，但仍有 66% 的公民對中國抱持正面看法。

What makes it different from Serbia is that even 31 percent view it negatively. It is important to note that of the 66 percent of citizens who declared that they see China in a positive context, only 17 percent of them said that they see China as a very positive actor, while 49 percent stated that they see it as positive to a certain extent. There is also an obvious difference compared to Serbia, where 49 percent of citizens said they see China extremely positively, and 39 percent somewhat positively.
與塞爾維亞不同的是，蒙特內哥羅有高達 31% 的人對中國持負面看法。值得注意的是，在 66% 對中國持正面看法的公民中，僅有 17% 的人認為中國是「非常正面」的行為者，而 49% 的人則表示「在一定程度上」正面看待。這與塞爾維亞也存在明顯差異，在塞爾維亞，有 49% 的公民表示他們對中國的看法「極度正面」，39% 的人則認為「還算正面」。

In Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia, China does not have an explicitly negative connotation, with 53 percent of BiH citizens stating that they see China somewhat or extremely positively, while in North Macedonia the situation is similar with 56 percent of citizens who supported this view. The difference is obvious in Kosovo and Albania. The percentage of Kosovo residents included in this survey who stated that they view China positively is only 18, while in Albania that number is slightly higher and amounts to 43 percent.
在波士尼亞與赫塞哥維納及北馬其頓，中國並未帶有明顯的負面意涵，53% 的波赫公民表示他們對中國的看法「還算或極度正面」；北馬其頓的情況也類似，有 56% 的公民支持此觀點。科索沃和阿爾巴尼亞的情況則有明顯不同。本次調查中，僅有 18% 的科索沃居民對中國持正面看法，而在阿爾巴尼亞，這個數字略高，為 43%。

The research also delves deeply into the topic of China's economic presence, with a focus on foreign direct investment. Zooming in on Serbia, as a country with the most significant level of economic cooperation with China in the region, as many as 66 percent of Serbian citizens stated that they know about some of the Chinese investments in their country.
該研究也深入探討了中國的經濟影響力，特別是其對外直接投資。以塞爾維亞為例，作為該地區與中國經濟合作程度最高的國家，高達 66% 的塞爾維亞公民表示，他們知道中國在當地的一些投資案。

However, the largest number of citizens, as many as 34 percent, incorrectly state investments in infrastructure, one of the biggest misconceptions about cooperation with China, because in the case of infrastructure projects, cooperation is realized in the form of financial arrangements, not as an investment.
然而，最大多數的公民（高達 34%）卻誤以為是投資基礎建設，這是對中國合作最常見的誤解之一，因為在基礎建設專案中，雙方的合作是以財務協議的形式進行，而非投資。

In second place, now correctly, is the investment of Ziđin mining in Bor, followed by investments in industry, railway reconstruction (again, a loan, not an investment), and the purchase of an ironworks in Smederevo.
'其次，這次終於對了，是紫金礦業 (Ziđin mining) 在博爾 (Bor) 的投資案，再來則是對工業的投資、鐵路重建（這同樣是貸款，而非投資），以及收購斯梅代雷沃 (Smederevo) 的一座鋼鐵廠。'

Compared to Serbia, no other country is even close in terms of the level of citizens' awareness of the presence of Chinese investments in the country.
'與塞爾維亞相比，沒有任何一個國家的民眾，對中國在該國投資的認知程度能與之相提並論。'

In the second position are the citizens of Montenegro, where 30 percent of them stated that they were aware of Chinese investments in the country, but within that percentage, 66 percent of them cited the construction project of the Bar-Boljare highway, which indicates that misconceptions related to the Chinese presence in region go beyond the borders of Serbia, and it is important to point out them in other countries as well, even though they are not directly included in specific cases.
'位居第二的是蒙特內哥羅的公民，其中 30% 的人表示知道中國在該國有投資，但在這之中，又有 66% 的人舉出巴爾-博爾賈雷 (Bar-Boljare) 高速公路的建設計畫，這顯示出與中國在該地區活動相關的誤解已跨越了塞爾維亞的國界。因此，即便其他國家並未直接涉及特定案例，點出這些誤解也同樣重要。'

In the end, it is important to gain insight into the context in which the mentioned investments are viewed, whether as something that contributes to the development of the state's economy or comes with certain consequences. In Serbia, 53 percent of citizens believe that Chinese investments refer primarily to economic benefits for both sides, Serbia and China, while as many as 31 percent of citizens surveyed state that they believe that economic cooperation comes with certain political demands and expectations.
'最後，我們必須深入了解看待這些投資案的背景脈絡：究竟是將其視為對國家經濟發展有所貢獻，還是認為會帶來某些後果。在塞爾維亞，53% 的公民相信中國的投資主要是為塞爾維亞與中國雙方帶來經濟利益；然而，高達 31% 的受訪公民則表示，他們認為經濟合作伴隨著特定的政治要求和期望。'

In Montenegro, on the other hand, almost a third of citizens think that economic benefit is the goal of economic cooperation, only a few percent more believe that it comes with political demands, and almost a fifth of citizens think that the goal of investment is to spread influence and gain control over certain elements of the state.
'另一方面，在蒙特內哥羅，近三分之一的公民認為經濟合作的目標是獲取經濟利益，但認為其伴隨政治要求的比例又略高一些，同時將近五分之一的公民認為，投資的目的是為了擴張影響力並取得對國家某些元素的控制權。'

 

The role of the media in creating the perception of China
媒體在塑造中國形象上所扮演的角色

 

It is important to understand why citizens have this kind of perception of cooperation with China.
我們必須了解，為何公民會對和中國的合作抱持這種看法。

It is obvious that there is a difference between countries in the level of development of relations with China and the perception of citizens. Serbia represents, to a certain extent, an isolated case, and from the other countries of the region, an interesting example can be found in the case of Montenegro.
顯然，各國與中國的關係發展程度以及公民觀感皆不相同。某種程度上，塞爾維亞 (Serbia) 算是一個特例，而在該地區其他國家中，蒙特內哥羅 (Montenegro) 則是一個值得探討的有趣案例。

In this country, China is not an everyday topic and is not on the agenda as often as in the case of its northern neighbor. The country has also clearly defined its Euro-Atlantic orientation, and is a member of the NATO alliance. In the end, it is obvious that a certain percentage of citizens have not forgotten what kind of problems the state got into because of a loan that came due in a very complex period of time, and put Montenegro in a situation where it has to seek help and ways to solve the debt crisis on the international stage.  
在這個國家，中國並非日常話題，也不像其北方鄰國那樣頻繁地出現在議程上。該國也明確定義了其親歐洲—大西洋的路線，並且是北約（NATO）的成員國。最後，顯而易見的是，有一定比例的公民並未忘記，國家曾因一筆在非常複雜時期到期的貸款而陷入何種困境，這使得蒙特內哥羅（Montenegro）不得不在國際舞台上尋求協助與解決債務危機的方法。

In Serbia, the situation is significantly different.
在塞爾維亞，情況則大不相同。

First of all, China is perceived in a positive context by the majority of citizens due to the high level of cooperation with the representatives of the ruling majority, institutionalized cooperation and media presence, which is embodied to a lesser extent in media content created by Chinese media houses, and in a significantly higher percentage by popular domestic media, primarily those who advocate an editorial policy that promotes the work of the Government of the Republic of Serbia and prominent leaders.
首先，由於與執政多數黨代表的高度合作、制度化的協力關係以及媒體的曝光，大多數塞爾維亞公民對中國抱持正面看法。這種正面形象，一小部分體現在中國媒體機構製作的內容中，但絕大部分則是由受歡迎的國內媒體所塑造，尤其是那些編輯政策旨在宣傳塞爾維亞共和國政府及傑出領袖政績的媒體。

Narratives about China as a country that helps the economic development of Serbia are dominant in the presentation of the partnership, and among the dominant media you will rarely find positions that observe China through a critically oriented prism.
在塞爾維亞與中國的夥伴關係論述中，「中國協助塞爾維亞經濟發展」的說法佔據了主導地位；而在主流媒體中，你也很難找到以批判性視角審視中國的立場。

The context in which the media work that are classified as independent and try to objectively observe the entire development of relations - both the one that undoubtedly had some benefits for bilateral cooperation and the one that had negative consequences for various aspects of society (lack of transparency, environmental pollution , poor treatment of the workforce) do not have the level of influence that the mainstream media has - it facilitates the creation of a dominantly positive perception of China among the citizens of Serbia.
在這樣的背景下，那些被歸類為獨立媒體、並試圖客觀看待雙邊關係整體發展的媒體工作，其影響力遠不及主流媒體。這就使得塞爾維亞公民對中國普遍抱持著正面的觀感。所謂的雙邊關係發展，既包含無疑對雙方合作有益的部分，也涵蓋了對社會各層面造成負面影響的部分（例如：缺乏透明度、環境污染、勞工待遇不佳）。

In previous years, China's presence on the media scene of Serbia and Montenegro has gradually grown, providing a clear insight into the evolving geopolitical dynamics of the region.
近年來，中國在塞爾維亞與蒙特內哥羅媒體界的影響力逐漸擴大，這也清楚反映出該地區地緣政治情勢的演變。

The media monitoring report covering the period from September to October 2024 reveals great differences in the way China's activities, investments and diplomatic engagements are portrayed in the central news programs of these countries. While the tone of reporting is generally positive, Serbia has become the scene for extensive discussion about China, while the presence of China in Montenegrin media has remained limited and often peripheral.
這份涵蓋 2024 年 9 月至 10 月期間的媒體監測報告顯示，各國的重點新聞節目在報導中國的活動、投資與外交接觸時，呈現出極大的差異。雖然報導基調普遍正面，但塞爾維亞已成為廣泛討論中國議題的場域，而中國在蒙特內哥羅媒體中的曝光度則依然有限，且往往處於邊緣位置。

Case study Serbia: China as a strategic partner
個案研究：塞爾維亞──視中國為戰略夥伴

The media report of the Birodi organization, which covers the period between September 1 and 30, 2024, indicates that 59 reports were broadcast on the most popular Serbian television channels, including televisions with the national frequency RTS1, Pink, Happy, Prva and B92. China is mentioned.
Birodi 組織的媒體報告指出，在 2024 年 9 月 1 日至 30 日期間，塞爾維亞最受歡迎的幾個電視頻道共播出了 59 則提及中國的報導，其中包括擁有全國頻道的 RTS1、Pink、Happy、Prva 和 B92 等電視台。

In comparison, only two reports were broadcast on the Montenegrin public services TV RTCG and TV Vijesti, which emphasizes the peripheral role of China in the Montenegrin media.
相較之下，蒙特內哥羅的公共電視台 RTCG 和 Vijesti 電視台僅播出了兩則報導，凸顯了中國在該國媒體中無足輕重的地位。

The frequency and prominence of China in Serbian media reflects its growing geopolitical and economic influence in the country. A significant part of the report was broadcast on the public service RTS (32.8%), while other television stations such as TV Prva (25.9%) and TV Happy (19%) followed this trend. This also points to the argument that China as a topic is not unknown among the largest media houses in Serbia, and that it has reach to a large number of viewers and readers.
中國在塞爾維亞媒體出現的頻率和顯著性，反映了其在該國日益增長的的地緣政治和經濟影響力。其中，公共電視台 RTS 播出的報導佔了相當大的比例（32.8%），而 TV Prva（25.9%）和 TV Happy（19%）等其他電視台也跟進了此一趨勢。這也說明了中國這個議題在塞爾維亞各大媒體中並不陌生，且能觸及廣大的觀眾和讀者。

 

Also, out of the total number of contributions, exactly half only mentioned China within the broader topic, while the other half had the topic of China in their focus. The total time devoted to China was four hours and twelve minutes, of which most of the time was devoted only to brief mentions. This is also defined by the fact that the BRICS summit was also held in this period, and that China, as one of the members, was the focus of a large number of articles and reports, without focusing on it as an individual actor.
此外，在所有相關報導中，正好有一半僅在探討更廣泛的議題時順帶提及中國，另一半則是以中國為主題。所有報導中與中國相關的總時長為 4 小時 12 分鐘，其中大部分都只是簡短帶過。這也是因為金磚國家峰會（BRICS summit）恰好在此期間舉行，而中國作為成員國之一，自然成為大量文章和報導的焦點，但並非鎖定其為獨立的行為者來進行探討。

The portrayal of China in the Serbian media mainly falls into three categories: geopolitics, economic relations and political diplomacy.
塞爾維亞媒體對中國的報導，主要可分為三大類：地緣政治、經濟關係及政治外交。

Geopolitics (32.8% of reports) focused on China's relations with global superpowers, particularly the United States and Russia, as well as its stance on the war in Ukraine. These reports often portray China as a rising power seeking to increase its influence on global political dynamics. The reports coming from the most popular, mainstream media are in line with the narratives and messages that China is trying to place on a global level, and it can be said that Serbia is a particularly fertile and favorable ground for the amplification of propaganda messages, primarily due to the compliance of the authorities in Serbia with such by interpreting China's role, both at the global level and in bilateral relations.
地緣政治（佔報告的 32.8%）相關報導聚焦於中國與全球超級大國的關係，特別是與美國和俄羅斯的關係，以及其對烏克蘭戰爭的立場。這些報導通常將中國描繪成一個崛起中的強權，試圖擴大其在全球政治動態中的影響力。來自最主流、最受歡迎媒體的報導，與中國試圖在全球層面傳達的論述和訊息一致。可以說，塞爾維亞是放大這類宣傳訊息的絕佳沃土，這主要是因為塞爾維亞當局在解讀中國於全球層級及雙邊關係中所扮演的角色時，對此類論述採取了順從的態度。

Economic relations are the second most important (24.1%) in reporting, with details on Chinese investments and business ties in Serbia, which have grown significantly in the last decade.
在相關報導中，經濟關係的重要性位居第二（佔 24.1%），內容詳述了過去十年來，中國在塞爾維亞的投資與商業關係皆有顯著的成長。

In the political category (19%), bilateral relations, the role of Chinese leadership in Serbian politics and common political goals are often discussed, especially in opposition to Western influence.
在政治類別（19%）中，雙邊關係、中國領導層在塞爾維亞政壇所扮演的角色，以及共同的政治目標是經常被討論的話題，尤其是在反對西方影響力方面。

A significant part of the media coverage (15.5%) was dedicated to economic cooperation between Serbia and China, especially in the field of infrastructure. Reports on Chinese investments in railways, roads and energy projects have often highlighted the long-term implications of these projects for the development of Serbia and its integration into the wider European infrastructure system. The opening of the Linglong factory in Zrenjanin was one of the key events that caused considerable media attention, emphasizing how the economic and environmental dimensions of Chinese engagement affect Serbia.
媒體報導中有相當大一部分（15.5%）聚焦於塞爾維亞與中國之間的經濟合作，尤其是在基礎設施領域。關於中國在鐵路、公路及能源計畫的投資報導，經常強調這些計畫對於塞爾維亞的發展，及其融入更廣泛歐洲基礎設施體系的長遠影響。玲瓏輪胎（Linglong）在茲雷尼亞寧（Zrenjanin）的工廠開幕是引發媒體高度關注的關鍵事件之一，凸顯了中國的參與在經濟與環境層面對塞爾維亞所帶來的影響。

It is important to emphasize that a large number of these reports actually conveyed the statements of Linglong company officials and officials of the Republic of Serbia who attended the opening of the company, and that it is actually about amplifying the political messages that the government in Serbia wanted to send through this event.
值得強調的是，這些報導中有很大一部分實際上是在傳達玲瓏公司 (Linglong company) 高層，以及出席該公司開幕典禮的塞爾維亞共和國 (Republic of Serbia) 官員的說法。這其實是為了放大塞爾維亞政府想透過這次活動所傳達的政治訊息。

Politically, China is portrayed as a strong ally, and Serbian officials, such as Foreign Minister Ivica Dačić, often emphasize the "iron friendship" between the two countries. Additionally, China and its actors are predominantly presented in a positive light in the reports. Out of a total of 32 minutes and 15 seconds during which China is discussed, the reporting tone is positive in as much as 89.9% of the time.
在政治層面上，中國被描繪成一個強大的盟友，而塞爾維亞的外交部長伊維察·達契奇 (Ivica Dačić) 等官員也經常強調兩國之間的「鐵桿友誼」。此外，在相關報導中，中國及其行為者絕大多數都以正面形象出現。在總長 32 分 15 秒的中國相關報導中，高達 89.9% 的時間都保持著正面的基調。

A similar pattern is noticeable in the analysis of reporting on individual actors from China. Although they are represented in shorter time intervals, a positive tone prevails in these segments as well.
在分析關於中國個別行動者的報導時，也觀察到類似的模式。儘管這些報導篇幅較短，但內容基調同樣以正面為主。

From the above data, it is easy to conclude that China has no problem with the image created about it by the popular media in Serbia.
從上述資料可輕易得出結論：中國對於塞爾維亞主流媒體為其塑造的形象並無異議。

The dominant positive presentation created an image of China as a "friendly country" that is ready to help Serbia, as a country that encourages economic development and supports important political interests, such as respect for the principle of territorial integrity - a sentence that can be found in every press release of political of the leader of Serbia after the meeting with Chinese partners.
這種主流的正面論述，將中國塑造成一個「友善國家」的形象——它隨時準備好幫助塞爾維亞，鼓勵其經濟發展，並支持其重要的政治利益，例如尊重領土完整原則。這句話在塞爾維亞領導人與中方夥伴會晤後的每篇新聞稿中都能看到。

Also, it is possible to draw the conclusion that the biggest contributors to China's promotion in Serbia are the decision makers embodied in political leaders in the highest positions in Serbia. The reasons for this type of promotion are multiple. There is a prevailing need to promote the narrative about the economic development of the country, where cooperation with China is presented as one of the catalysts of development.
此外，我們也可以得出結論，在塞爾維亞，中國形象的最大推手，正是以最高層政治領袖為代表的決策者。這種宣傳模式背後有多重原因，其中最主要的是，他們迫切需要推廣國家經濟發展的論述，而與中國的合作，便被描繪為發展的催化劑之一。

Promotion through media narratives is evident through the percentages related to the economic cooperation between the two countries, and it can be said that the promotion of China is to some extent a passive promotion, where the primary presentation of the decision makers in Serbia is as a facilitator of development. The gain for the ruling elite is twofold, on the one hand, personal promotion and sending of important political messages is done, while on the other hand, points are scored with a reliable partner who enables political interests to be implemented.
從兩國經濟合作的相關數據百分比中，可以明顯看出媒體敘事所發揮的宣傳作用。可以說，這種對中國的宣傳在某種程度上是被動的，因為塞爾維亞的決策者主要是以發展推手的形象出現。對執政菁英而言，這麼做有雙重好處：一方面，他們達成了個人宣傳並傳遞了重要的政治訊息；另一方面，也討好了這位能讓他們實現政治利益的可靠夥伴。

 

Case study of Montenegro: A more cautious approach
蒙特內哥羅案例研究：更審慎的作法

The contrast with Serbia is the situation in Montenegro.
蒙特內哥羅的情況則與塞爾維亞形成對比。

 

Media coverage of China in Montenegro was significantly more moderate. During the period from September to October 2024, only two reports on China were broadcast on the Montenegrin public service RTCG, compared to a larger number of reports on private channels such as Nova M and Prva CG. Nevertheless, the topic of China is still peripheral in the Montenegrin media, with only nine out of 24 reports being fully devoted to this topic.
蒙特內哥羅媒體對中國的報導明顯溫和許多。在 2024 年 9 月至 10 月期間，蒙特內哥羅的公共廣播電視公司 (RTCG) 僅播出了兩則關於中國的報導，相較之下，Nova M 和 Prva CG 等私人頻道的報導數量則較多。儘管如此，中國議題在蒙特內哥羅媒體中仍屬邊緣，24 則相關報導中，僅有 9 則完全聚焦於此議題。

The coverage of topics in which China is mentioned in the Montenegrin media was wider, including international topics such as China's relations with North Korea, Taiwan and the European Union. Reports on China's role at the BRICS summit and its role in proposing a solution to the war in Ukraine were a significant part of the coverage. Compared to Serbia, media coverage in Montenegro remained neutral, with 70.1 percent of reports moderate in tone, and Chinese leadership, including President Xi Jinping, portrayed favorably, but only briefly.
蒙特內哥羅媒體提及中國的報導主題範圍更廣，涵蓋了中國與北韓、台灣及歐盟關係等國際議題。關於中國在金磚國家峰會所扮演的角色，以及其為烏克蘭戰爭提出解決方案的報導，是其中相當重要的一部分。與塞爾維亞相比，蒙特內哥羅的媒體報導保持中立，70.1% 的報導語氣溫和，而包含國家主席習近平在內的中國領導階層，則被正面描繪，但篇幅簡短。

As the global balance of power continues to shift, both Serbia and Montenegro find themselves in a delicate geopolitical position.
隨著全球權力平衡不斷轉移，塞爾維亞 (Serbia) 和蒙特內哥羅 (Montenegro) 的地緣政治處境都相當微妙。

In Serbia, Chinese influence is mainly seen as a strategic opportunity to improve economic development and strengthen political alliances, especially if the reduction in the level of democracy leads to the conclusion that Serbia is moving away from the sphere of influence of the European Union. Media in Serbia wholeheartedly accept the growing role of China, portraying it as a natural and useful partner, especially in the field of infrastructure and international diplomacy.
在塞爾維亞，中國的影響力主要被視為促進經濟發展和鞏固政治聯盟的戰略機遇，尤其在民主程度下降，導致外界認為塞爾維亞正脫離歐盟影響範圍時更是如此。塞爾維亞媒體全心全意地接受中國日益增長的角色，將其描繪成一個自然且有益的夥伴，特別是在基礎設施和國際外交領域。

In Montenegro, however, relations with China remain nuanced. Although economic and geopolitical relations with China are acknowledged, Montenegrin media remain wary of China's global ambitions, especially in connection with its connection with Russia. Concerns about China's promotion of authoritarian political narratives and its growing influence on global security and regional stability have been a key theme in reports on China-Montenegro relations.
然而在蒙特內哥羅，與中國的關係則較為複雜。儘管蒙特內哥羅承認與中國的經濟和地緣政治關係，但其媒體仍對中國的全球野心保持警惕，特別是考量到中國與俄羅斯的關聯。對於中國提倡威權政治論述，及其對全球安全和區域穩定日益增長的影響力所產生的擔憂，一直是中蒙關係報導中的一個關鍵主題。

 

How to proceed?
接下來該怎麼做？

 

As China's influence grows on a global level, it will probably become more and more important in the media and political discussions in the Balkans.
隨著中國在全球的影響力與日俱增，其在巴爾幹半島媒體與政治議題討論中的重要性，很可能也會日益提升。

In Serbia, China is already positioned as a key partner in the country's development and foreign policy action, and the media will continue to reinforce this narrative, as long as the relationship remains mutually beneficial. In Montenegro, however, China's role remains carefully balanced, with growing recognition of its economic importance, but also increasing attention to the political and security implications of deeper ties.
在塞爾維亞，中國已被定位為該國發展與外交行動的關鍵夥伴，只要雙邊關係維持互利，媒體便會持續強化此論述。然而在蒙特內哥羅，中國的角色仍處於審慎的平衡之中，儘管其經濟重要性日益受到認可，但深化關係所帶來的政治與安全影響，也愈發受到關注。

The reason for this is real coalitions and defined foreign policy directions.
這背後的原因，在於我們建立了實質的聯盟，並確立了明確的外交政策方向。

While Serbia continues to promote its multi-vector approach to foreign policy relations, and positions membership in the European Union as a priority, while simultaneously developing relations with other partners, Montenegro has a more clearly defined orientation towards its transatlantic friends, embodied among other things in its membership in the NATO alliance.
塞爾維亞 (Serbia) 持續推行其多面向的外交政策，將加入歐盟 (European Union) 視為優先目標，同時也與其他夥伴發展關係；相較之下，蒙特內哥羅 (Montenegro) 則有更明確的親大西洋路線，其北約 (NATO) 成員國的身分便是最好的體現。

Ultimately, the future of Chinese engagement in Serbia and Montenegro will depend not only on political and economic decisions, but also on how the media in both countries continue to portray China's growing influence in the region. This will further be defined by the level of democratic practices in the states of the region, and the level of media freedom.
歸根究柢，中國未來在塞爾維亞和蒙特內哥羅的參與程度，不僅取決於政治和經濟決策，也取決於兩國媒體如何持續描繪中國在該地區日益增長的影響力。而這一切又將受到該地區各國的民主實踐程度，以及媒體自由度的影響。

If the main role of the most popular media, especially in Serbia, remains the promotion of political elites in power, and not objective reporting, the image of China will be presented the way political leaders want it. If there is a change in the narrative and certain positive developments in the field of raising the level of democratic practices, we can expect an approach that is more critical, if not towards the entire presence of China, then at least towards those corrosive aspects of its presence in the Western Balkans region.
如果塞爾維亞 (Serbia) 主流媒體的主要作用，仍然是替執政的政治菁英做大內宣，而非客觀報導，那麼中國的形象就只會是政治領袖所期望的樣子。然而，一旦論述出現轉變，民主實踐水平也有了某些正面進展，我們便可以預期，一種更具批判性的觀點將會出現——即使不是針對中國的全盤存在，也至少會檢討其在西巴爾幹地區所帶來的有害影響。

 

CONCLUSION
結論

The analysis deals with the perception that citizens of the Western Balkans, but primarily Serbia and Montenegro, have of China. The focus on Serbia is understandable because it is a country that is presented in public as a key partner of China in the Western Balkans. If we take into account the media narratives, especially by the media close to the ruling structures in Serbia and Montenegro, it is not surprising that China is perceived very positively in Serbia and partly in Montenegro. In other Western Balkan countries, the very positive perception of China by citizens is present to a lesser extent than in these two countries.
本分析旨在探討西巴爾幹半島公民，尤其是塞爾維亞與蒙特內哥羅人民，對中國的看法。之所以將焦點放在塞爾維亞，是因為該國在公開場合中，被視為中國在西巴爾幹半島的關鍵合作夥伴。若考量到媒體論述，特別是那些親近塞爾維亞與蒙特內哥羅執政當局的媒體，那麼中國在塞爾維亞及部分蒙特內哥羅地區獲得高度正面的評價，也就不足為奇了。在西巴爾幹半島的其他國家，公民對中國的正面觀感則不如這兩國來得普遍。

Of particular interest is the part of the research that related to Chinese investments in Serbia and Montenegro, where citizens cited infrastructure projects that are being implemented by Chinese companies with money from Chinese creditors, which is, therefore, not an investment but a loan. Such a perception of the citizens of Serbia and Montenegro is largely influenced by the media close to the ruling structures, which rarely or almost never deal with the details of signed contracts, which are usually unknown to the general public. Even when it comes to specific investments by Chinese companies (the Zinjin Mine in Bor, for example), media close to the ruling structures do not talk about the non-compliance with domestic and international legislation when it comes to, for example, the protection of the environment and the health of the population. The positive image of China, which is broadcast in Serbia by national media, is dominantly created by representatives of government institutions in Serbia and partly in Montenegro.
研究中特別值得關注的部分，是關於中國在塞爾維亞與蒙特內哥羅的投資。當地民眾會舉出由中國企業承攬的基礎建設計畫，但這些計畫的資金其實來自中國債權人，因此本質上是貸款而非投資。塞爾維亞與蒙特內哥羅民眾會有這樣的認知，很大程度上是受到親執政當局的媒體所影響，這些媒體鮮少或幾乎從不探究合約細節，而這些細節通常也不為大眾所知。即使是中國企業的特定投資案（例如：博爾市的紫金礦業），親執政當局的媒體也避談其不符合國內外法規之處，例如在環境保護和人民健康等議題上。在塞爾維亞，中國的正面形象主要是由塞爾維亞政府機構的代表所塑造，蒙特內哥羅亦有部分類似情況。

At the same time, NGOs and independent media that deal with the problems of non-transparent and suspicious business operations of Chinese companies or unknowns related to contracts with Chinese creditors, have no support from either the ruling structures or public broadcasters.
與此同時，那些處理中國企業不透明、可疑商業行為，或與中國債權人合約相關不明問題的非政府組織和獨立媒體，卻得不到執政當局或公廣媒體的任何支持。

All of the above indicates that citizens, specifically in Serbia and Montenegro, have a somewhat distorted image of the role that China has in their countries, so it is not surprising that the majority of respondents in these countries experience China very positively.
綜上所述，塞爾維亞 (Serbia) 與蒙特內哥羅 (Montenegro) 的公民對中國在其國內所扮演的角色，似乎有著些許扭曲的印象，因此這些國家的多數受訪者對中國抱持非常正面的觀感，也就不足為奇了。

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