The Name Phoinikes 菲尼克斯之名
Author(s): E. A. Speiser
作者：E. A. 斯皮泽
Source: Language, Apr., 1936 - Jun., 1938, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Apr., 1936 - Jun., 1938), pp. 121-126
来源：《语言》杂志，1936 年 4 月至 1938 年 6 月，第 12 卷，第 2 期（1936 年 4 月至 1938 年 6 月），第 121-126 页。

Published by: Linguistic Society of America
出版单位：美国语言学会
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/408754
稳定链接：https://www.jstor.org/stable/408754

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
JSTOR 是一个非营利性服务平台，致力于帮助学者、研究人员和学生发现、使用并基于可信的数字档案库中的丰富内容开展研究。我们通过信息技术和工具提升工作效率，并促进新型学术研究形式的诞生。如需了解更多关于 JSTOR 的信息，请联系 support@jstor.org。

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms
您使用 JSTOR 档案库即表示您已阅读并同意《使用条款与条件》，该条款可查阅网址：https://about.jstor.org/terms

THE NAME Phoinikes 名称菲尼克斯

E. A. Speiser E. A. 斯皮泽University of Pennsylvania
宾夕法尼亚大学

The purpose of the present paper is not to advance yet another etymology for Greek Фоїvt

ξ

‘Phoenician’, but rather to reduce the number of acceptable suggestions with the aid of new evidence from an independent quarter. Although the material to be considered is predominantly linguistic, archaeological sources will also be brought into discussion.
本文的目的并非提出希腊语“Phoenician”（Фоїvt

ξ

）的又一词源解释，而是借助独立来源的新证据，缩小可接受的词源假说范围。尽管待考材料主要为语言学资料，但考古学资料也将纳入讨论范围。

The current explanations of the ethnicon Фоїvt

ξ

and its immediate relatives fall into three groups,

^{1}

as follows:
目前对民族名称“Фоїvt”及其近亲的解释主要分为三类，具体如下：

The term is Greek in origin, going back to pous’s ‘blood-red’.
该术语源自希腊语，可追溯至“pous”的“血红色”。
It is based on Egyptian Fnh-w ‘Phoenicians’.
它源自古埃及语的 Fnh-w，意为“腓尼基人”。
Both $Φ_{o i ν t ξ}$ and $F n h - w$ go back to a common source.
$Φ_{o i ν t ξ}$ 和 $F n h - w$ 都源自同一个原始来源。

Let us first re-state briefly the arguments used by each of the above factions.
让我们首先简要重述上述各派所使用的论点。

фоїvt $ξ$ is a genuine Greek word with numerous and diversified usages. It signifies the fabulous bird ‘Phoenix’, ‘red purple’, ‘palm tree’ and its fruit the ‘date’, and ‘a musical instrument’. All these terms may have had a common origin, on the assumption of some ultimate connection with Phoenicia, or the Phoenicians. But the same can scarcely be true of the numerous instances in which தоїvt $ξ$ appears as a proper name outside Phoenicia. Thus it is found to designate a river near Thermopylae, a mountain in Boeotia and in Caria, a god and a place in Crete, not to mention the derivative formations of this term. $^{2}$ Etymologically we have here the adjective you’s ‘blood-red’, with the suffix $i k$ , a perfectly normal construction according to W. Schulze. $^{3}$ There remains the problem of justifying the connection between ‘Phoenician’ and ‘red’. On this point the arguments become colorful in-
фоїvt $ξ$ 是一个真正的希腊词汇，具有多种多样的用法。它表示神话中的“凤凰”鸟、“红紫色”、“棕榈树”及其果实“椰枣”，以及“一种乐器”。所有这些术语可能具有共同的起源，假设它们与腓尼基或腓尼基人存在某种最终联系。然而，当 தоїvt $ξ$ 作为专有名词出现在腓尼基以外的地区时，这种情况就难以成立。例如，它被用来指代热奥普利斯附近的一条河流、博奥蒂亚和卡里亚的一座山脉、克里特岛的一位神灵和一个地名，更不用说该词的派生形式了。 $^{2}$ 从词源学上讲，这里是形容词“血红”的词根“you’s”加上后缀 $i k$ ，这是一种完全正常的构词方式，正如 W. Schulze 所指出的。 $^{3}$ 剩下的问题是如何证明“腓尼基”与“红色”之间的联系。在这个问题上，论据变得五花八门——

deed. The Phoenicians earned this distinction by being red-skinned;

^{4}

they owe the name to the circumstance that their land, in common with Caria, was noted for red skies in the morning;

^{5}

they were so named because of their far-famed ability to extract from murex shells a red-purple dye.

^{6}

事实。腓尼基人因皮肤呈红色而获得这一称号；

^{4}

他们得名于其领土与卡里亚地区共同以晨曦时分天空呈红色而闻名；

^{5}

他们因从蛤蜊壳中提取出著名红色染料的能力而得名。

^{6}

2. Fnh-w is one of several names by which Phoenicians were known to the Egyptians. This became தoivic-єs in Greek, and the sing. form was subsequently applied to such Phoenician articles as the palm, the musical instrument in question, and the purple dye.

^{7}

2. Fnh-w 是腓尼基人在埃及人中的多个名称之一。这一名称在希腊语中演变为 தoivic-єs，其单数形式随后被用于指代腓尼基人的某些物品，如棕榈树、文中提到的乐器以及紫色染料。

^{7}

3. An exhaustive examination of all the passages in which Fnh-w occurs was made by the distinguished German Egyptologist Kurt Sethe.

^{8}

He found that the bearers of that name were localized generally in Palestine and Syria; specific references to Phoenicia proper are clear in the Ptolemaic period. The name may perhaps be traced to the word

f n h

which occurs as early as the Old Kingdom and means something like ‘skilful’, or as an appellative ‘carpenter, shipwright’.

^{9}

The specialization for ‘Phoenician’ would not be surprising in view of the known proficiency of the Phoenicians in the art of building ships. Since the Greeks appear to have associated the Phoenicians with another local industry, viz. the production of red purple, there is a likelihood of ultimate relationship between the Greek and the Egyptian designations. But a direct connection is precluded by phonetic considerations, the respective initial consonants (

φ

and

f

) not being normally interchangeable.

^{10}

The difficulty would disappear if we assumed an original Phoenician term from which both

^{goiv}_{k - ϵ s}

and Fnh-w were derived. Popular etymology later modified this assumed prototype into ‘maker(s) of red purple’ and ‘shipwright(s)’ respectively. To be sure, no such native name has been discovered as yet; but available Phoenician sources are rather scanty.
3. 著名德国埃及学家库尔特·塞特（Kurt Sethe）对所有出现 Fnh-w 的段落进行了全面考察。

^{8}

他发现，该名称的持有者主要分布于巴勒斯坦和叙利亚地区；在托勒密时期，对腓尼基本土的明确提及较为清晰。该名称可能源自古王国时期就已出现的词汇

f n h

，意为“技艺高超”，或作为称谓指“木匠、船匠”。

^{9}

鉴于腓尼基人在造船技艺上的卓越成就，该词专指“腓尼基人”并不令人意外。由于希腊人似乎将腓尼基人与另一项本地产业——红紫色染料生产——联系在一起，希腊与埃及的称谓之间可能存在最终关联。但发音上的差异排除了直接联系的可能性，两者初始辅音（

φ

和

f

）通常不可互换。

^{10}

如果假设存在一个原始的腓尼基术语，从中衍生出

^{goiv}_{k - ϵ s}

和 Fnh-w，那么这一困难将不复存在。民间语源学后来将这一假设的原型分别改为“红紫色制造者”和“造船匠”。当然，迄今尚未发现这样的本土名称；但现存的腓尼基资料相当匮乏。

^{4}

First suggested by Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phönizier 107.

^{4}

首次由皮茨曼（Pietschmann）提出，见《腓尼基人史》第 107 页。

^{5}

Beloch, Griechische Geschichte I

^{2} 70

^{5}

贝洛赫，《希腊历史》第一卷

^{2} 70

^{6}

Meyer, op. cit.

^{6}

梅耶，同上。

^{7}

First proposed by Brugsch, Geschichte Ägyptens unter den Pharaonen 242.

^{7}

首次由布鲁施提出，见《法老统治下的埃及史》第 242 页。

^{8}

Der Name der Phönizier bei Griechen und Ägyptern (Mitteil. d. Vorderas. Ges. 21. 305 ff).

^{8}

腓尼基人在希腊人和埃及人中的名称（见《前亚细亚学会通讯》第 21 卷，第 305 页起）。

^{9}

It is interesting to note that virtually the same accomplishments are attributed to the divine artificer of the Semitic inhabitants of Ugarit; cf. Ginsberg, JRAS 1935. 49f.

^{9}

值得注意的是，几乎相同的成就也被归功于乌加里特闪米特人的神圣工匠；参见 Ginsberg, JRAS 1935. 49f.

^{10}

As a matter of fact, the only sound that the words have definitely in common is [

n

]; the vowels of the Greek ethnicon would be strange in a Semito-Hamitic word, but we are spared the necessity of further comparisons thanks to the normal Egyptian practice of vowelless writing.

^{10}

事实上，这些词汇中唯一确定相同的音素是[

n

]；希腊民族名称中的元音在闪米特-哈米特语族词汇中会显得异常，但由于埃及人通常采用无元音书写的习惯，我们无需进行进一步比较。

It will be evident even from this summary presentation that each of the above positions is open to serious criticism. To begin with the last one, Sethe crystallized for us the meaning of the term

F n h - w

in all its ramifications. But in assuming an ultimate dependence upon a native Phoenician name he was building on an argument from silence. He was not blind, however, to this inherent weakness of his theory, which can not be said for his many excerptors.

^{11}

In 1916, the year in which Sethe’s study appeared, it was not unreasonable to expect the discovery of some Asiatic prototype of

F n h - w

. Since then we have had, however, an enormous increase in Phoenician and other West-Semitic epigraphic materials. They have failed to affect the onomastic situation. The only known native name for the entire district remains as before ‘Canaan’ (Phoenician and Hebrew Kn’n, cuneiform Kinahhi, Kinahna),

^{12}

while the people called themselves after this or that leading city (Sidon, Gubla/Byblos, Ugarit, and the like). The second view, viz. the importation of the Greek term from Egypt, betrays no worry over phonetic considerations. For this very reason Sethe himself found it untenable;

^{13}

nor has anyone succeeded in solving the puzzle of why the Greeks should have combed Egypt in search of a suitable designation for the Phoenicians. Moreover, Fnh-w was neither the commonest nor the least ambiguous Egyptian appellation for these Asiatics or their country. Any thought of a connection between

^{goiv κ - ϵ s}

and

F n h - w

, must therefore be given up.
从这一简要概述中即可看出，上述每一种观点都经得起严肃的批评。首先来看最后一种观点，塞斯为我们阐明了术语

F n h - w

在所有层面的含义。然而，他在假设该术语最终源自一个原始腓尼基名称时，实际上是基于一个“沉默的证据”来构建论点。不过，他并非对这一理论内在弱点视而不见，而他的许多引述者则未能意识到这一点。

^{11}

1916 年，即塞特研究发表之年，期待发现

F n h - w

的亚洲原型并非不合理。然而此后，腓尼基及其他西闪米特语族的铭文材料大幅增加。这些材料并未改变地名学状况。整个地区唯一已知的本土名称仍为“迦南”（腓尼基语和希伯来语 Kn’n，楔形文字 Kinahhi，Kinahna），

^{12}

而当地人则以某座主要城市命名（如西顿、古布拉/比布洛斯、乌加里特等）。第二种观点，即认为希腊术语源自埃及，并未考虑发音问题。正因如此，塞特本人认为该观点站不住脚；

^{13}

且至今无人能解开希腊人为何要到埃及寻找适合腓尼基人的称谓之谜。此外，Fnh-w 既不是埃及人对这些亚洲人或其国家最常见的称谓，也不是最不模糊的称谓。因此，任何关于

^{goiv κ - ϵ s}

与

F n h - w

之间联系的推测都必须放弃。

We are thus back to the first interpretation of the Greek term as a strictly European development. That is to say,

φ o i v ν ξ

started out as a Greek appellative, presumably based on you’s’s ‘red.’ Now we can not be concerned at present with all the usages of this term. Some of them may have had the same underlying basis,

^{14}

and others may have arisen independently, entirely plausible alternatives once the color red has been allowed as a starting point. But how did the Phoenicians
因此，我们回到了对希腊术语的最初解释，即其为严格的欧洲发展。也就是说，

φ o i v ν ξ

最初作为希腊语的形容词，可能源自“你”的“红色”。目前，我们无需关注该术语的所有用法。其中一些可能具有相同的内在基础，

^{14}

而另一些可能独立产生，一旦将红色作为起点，这些都是完全合理的替代方案。但腓尼基人

come to be regarded as ‘Reds’? Disregarding all fanciful attempts at explanation, we are left with a purely industrial set-up. фоїvc came to mean ‘Phoenician’ because the word signified ‘red purple’ and the dyer producing this color, the Phoenicians being proficient in this form of work. This theory found a very vigorous champion in the late Eduard Meyer. It has considerable support in Greek tradition as far back as the Homeric sources, and it is in accordance with the testimony of later classical writers.

^{15}

The principal difficulty arising from such a view is that it presupposes the naming of a people after one of its products instead of the other way about. Recent archaeological discoveries may help to obviate this particular objection. But before material sources are drawn upon, I wish to adduce another type of evidence, capable of establishing the intimate association of Phoenicia with the purple dye industry beyond any possibility of dispute.
被视为“红党”？撇开所有牵强附会的解释不谈，我们最终得到的是一种纯粹的工业设置。фоїvc 一词逐渐演变为“腓尼基人”，因为该词原指“红紫色”，而生产这种颜色的染色工正是腓尼基人，他们在这方面技艺精湛。这一理论在晚期的爱德华·迈耶那里找到了非常有力的支持者。它在希腊传统中有着深厚的根基，可追溯至荷马时代，并且与后来的古典作家们的记载相一致。

^{15}

这种观点的主要困难在于，它假设一个民族是以其产品之一命名，而非反之。最近的考古发现可能有助于消除这一特定异议。但在引用物质证据之前，我希望提出另一类证据，足以证明腓尼基与紫色染料工业之间存在无法否认的密切联系。

In the cuneiform records from Nuzi, in the East-Tigris area, which date from the middle of the second millennium B.C., there occurs the adjective kinahhu in passages dealing with wool. One published text simply uses the word as descriptive of wool.

^{16}

Another one permits us to arrive at a closer definition of the term involved; it reads as follows: bi-ir-me-šu-nu ša ku-zi-ti ša ki-na-ah-hu ša ta-wa-ar-wa ‘the dyes of the cover (are) of kinahhu (and) of tawarru’.

^{17}

The latter word (usually found in the form tabarru; the final wa in the present instance is the Hurrian genitive ending) is known to designate ‘deep yellow’ and ‘red’.

^{18}

In kinahhu we have then an adjective descriptive of some dye, presumably of a kind similar to the tab/warru-dye. Unpublished texts in the possession of the Semitic Museum at Harvard help further to define kinahhu as a sub-variety of tabarru, hence ‘a kind of red’. Other passages link kinahhu with uqnu ‘lapis, purple’.

^{19}

The combined result of these disclosures is that kinahhu signifies ‘(red-) purple dye’.
在东底格里斯地区努兹的楔形文字记录中，这些记录可追溯至公元前第二千纪中期，出现了一个形容词“kinahhu”，用于描述羊毛。已发表的一份文本中，该词被直接用作羊毛的描述性词汇。

^{16}

另一文本使我们能够对该术语进行更精确的定义，其内容如下：bi-ir-me-šu-nu ša ku-zi-ti ša ki-na-ah-hu ša ta-wa-ar-wa “覆盖物的染料为 kinahhu 和 tawarru”。

^{17}

后者（通常以 tabarru 形式出现；本例中的 wa 是赫梯语属格后缀）已知用于指代“深黄色”和“红色”。

^{18}

在 kinahhu 中，我们因此得到一个形容词，用于描述某种染料，推测与 tab/warru 染料类似。哈佛大学闪米特博物馆收藏的未发表文本进一步将 kinahhu 界定为 tabarru 的亚种，即“一种红色”。其他段落将 kinahhu 与 uqnu（“青金石，紫色”）关联。

^{19}

这些发现的综合结果表明，kinahhu 意为“（红）紫色染料”。

We have seen that the proper name Kinahhu represents our ‘Canaan’. The present adjective, unknown outside the Nuzi texts, is based obviously on this geographic term. To place this equation beyond a shadow of doubt, we have still another Harvard document which
我们已经看到，专有名词“Kinahhu”代表我们的“迦南”。当前的形容词在努兹文本之外未见记载，显然源自这一地理术语。为了彻底消除任何疑虑，我们还有一份哈佛大学的文献，其中

shows that the kinahhu-dye was actually imported from the West.

^{20}

It follows that the land-name ‘Canaan’, the only one to be applied by the Phoenicians to their own country, had become in Mesopotamia an adjective meaning ‘purple dye’ as early as 1500 B.C. The fame of the Syrian coast as the home of such dyes antedates thus by centuries the oldest Greek references that point in the same direction.
表明金哈胡染料实际上是从西方进口的。

^{20}

由此可推断，腓尼基人用来指代自己国家的地名“迦南”，早在公元前 1500 年左右就在美索不达米亚地区已成为“紫色染料”的形容词。叙利亚海岸作为这种染料产地的声誉，因此比最早指向同一方向的希腊文献早了数百年。

Thus far we have had comparatively clear sailing. The use of geographic terms to describe local products is quite normal. In the case of Фоїvt

ξ

, however, the reverse process has to be assumed. Does it mean that the Greek word for ‘red purple’ must be derived from the ethnicon Фої

ν

เ

ξ

after all? In that case the latter would be left without any etymology, the equation with Egyptian Fnh-w being definitely out. Now the cuneiform evidence strongly favors a connection between the names for the people and their product. Such a connection can be maintained for Greek it we start out with ‘red purple’ (based on фouvo’s ‘blood-red’) and proceed thence to the Фоivck-єs, but not vice versa. Or have the two Greek terms really nothing in common, being merely homonyms? In view of the cuneiform parallel this would be putting an entirely unwarranted strain on the long arm of coincidence. The only available solution is to derive the Greek ethnicon from the word for ‘red purple’.
到目前为止，我们一直进展顺利。用地理术语描述本地产品是相当常见的。然而，在Фоїvt

ξ

的情况下，必须假设相反的过程。这是否意味着希腊语中表示“红紫色”的词最终必须源自民族名称Фої

ν

เ

ξ

？如果这样，后者将无法解释其词源，与埃及语 Fnh-w 的对应关系也必然不成立。而楔形文字证据强烈支持地名与产品名称之间的关联。这种关联在希腊语中可以维持，只要我们从“红紫色”（基于фouvo 的“血红色”）出发，进而推导出Фоivck-єs，但反之则不行。或者，这两个希腊术语真的毫无共同点，仅仅是同音异义词？考虑到楔形文字的平行例证，这将对巧合的解释施加完全不必要的压力。唯一的可行解决方案是将希腊民族名称溯源至“红紫色”一词。

Archaeological evidence may step into this breach with some indirect confirmation. In a suburb of the North Syrian city of Ugarit

^{21}

(modern Râs esh-Shamrah) the excavators have uncovered traces of workshops for making purple dye, to judge from the pounded murex shells left on the spot.

^{22}

Now it is interesting that these workshops were in the Mycenaean, not the native quarter. In view of this it may be permissible to conjecture that the word

φ

oiv

ι ξ

was brought to Syria by the Mycenaeans who found the place an excellent source of supply of the shells required.

^{23}

In that case the land may have been the first to be designated after the product, Фогікп becoming ‘land of the purple dye’, while the inhabitants became Фоі

ν κ

-єs secondarily. But the
考古证据可能通过间接证据填补这一空白。在北叙利亚城市乌加里特（今拉什什姆拉）的郊区，考古学家发现了制作紫色染料作坊的痕迹，这从现场留下的碾碎的蜑螺壳可以推断出来。

^{22}

值得注意的是，这些作坊位于迈锡尼人而非本地居民的居住区。基于此，我们可以推测，词汇

φ

oiv

ι ξ

可能是由迈锡尼人带入叙利亚的，因为他们发现该地是获取所需贝壳的优质来源。

^{23}

如果是这样，这片土地可能首先因产品而得名，Фогікп成为“紫色染料之地”，而居民则次要地被称为Фоі

ν κ

-єs。但

main argument in favor of tracing the ethnicon to the name for the dye need not rest on such purely hypothetical grounds.
支持将民族名称追溯至染料名称的主要论据无需建立在如此纯粹假设的基础上。

In conclusion, I may be permitted to venture an explanation of the curious Greek tradition which would derive the Phoenicians from the Persian Gulf.

^{24}

Historically there is absolutely nothing to justify such a view. Do we have here an example of popular learning? The reasoning may have been something like this: 'Фоїvt

ξ

means “Phoenician” as well as “red”. Why? Because the Phoenicians came from the Red Sea (‘E

ρ v θ ρ \dot{a}

λ α σ σ α

, i.e. the Persian Gulf)’. Herodotus himself need not have been the guilty schoolmaster. By his time this play on words may have attained to the dignity of tradition.
综上所述，我或许可以尝试解释这一令人费解的希腊传统，即认为腓尼基人源自波斯湾。

^{24}

历史上完全没有证据支持这种观点。这是否属于民间知识的范畴？其推理可能大致如下：'Фоїvt

ξ

既指“腓尼基人”，也指“红色”。为什么？因为腓尼基人来自红海（‘E

ρ v θ ρ \dot{a}

λ α σ σ α

，即波斯湾）。”赫罗多特本人未必是这种观点的始作俑者。到他那个时代，这种文字游戏可能已升华为传统。

^{24}

Herodotus 7. 89.

^{24}

希罗多德 7. 89.

$^{1}$ A complete statement of the various views would require a lengthy article. With one or two exceptions, only the latest discussions of the problems at issue will be cited below.
$^{1}$ 对各种观点的完整陈述需要一篇长篇文章。除了一两个例外，下面仅引用关于这些问题的最新讨论。
$^{2}$ Cf. Eduard Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums I² 1.97; 2. 66.
$^{2}$ 参见爱德华·迈耶，《古代史》第一卷，第 1.97 页；第 2 卷，第 66 页。
$^{3}$ Berlin SB 1910, 803 f.
$^{3}$ 柏林 SB 1910，第 803 页及以下。
$^{11}$ Cf., e.g., Peiser, OLZ 1919.5 ff., who would see in Kinahhi ‘Canaan’ the prototype required by Sethe, and Eisler, ZDMG 1919. 154ff. I am obliged to my colleague Dr. Z. S. Harris for calling my attention to several discussions on the subject.
$^{11}$ 参见，例如，Peiser，《OLZ》1919.5 页起，他认为 Kinahhi ‘Canaan’ 是 Sethe 所要求的原型，以及 Eisler，《ZDMG》1919. 154 页起。我谨此感谢我的同事 Dr. Z. S. Harris 指出关于此主题的几篇讨论。
$^{12}$ See Index to Knudtzon’s Amarna 1577. The origin and etymology of $K n^{'} n$ and its cognates are not strictly relevant to the present problem.
$^{12}$ 参见克努茨森《阿玛纳 1577》的索引。 $K n^{'} n$ 及其同源词的起源和词源与当前问题无关。
$^{13}$ See his explicit statement, op. cit. 329: ‘Von einer direketen Abhängigkeit . . . kann selbstverständlich keine Rede sein.’
$^{13}$ 参见其明确表述，同上，第 329 页：“当然，根本不存在直接依赖的关系。”
$^{14}$ E.g. the name of the fabulous bird ‘Phoenix’ may have been linked with the adjective and the ethnicon under the influence of $b y n - w$ , the Egyptian designation for the legendary bird; cf. Sethe 307.
$^{14}$ 例如，神奇的鸟类“凤凰”的名称可能在 $b y n - w$ （埃及对这种传奇鸟类的称谓）的影响下，与形容词和民族名称产生了关联；参见 Sethe 307。
$^{15}$ On purple, especially the Tyrian kind, see Pliny 9. 60-63.
$^{15}$ 关于紫色，尤其是提尔紫色，参见普林尼《自然史》第 9 卷第 60 至 63 节。
$^{16}$ For the text see Chiera, Joint Expedition at Nuzi 125.5.
$^{16}$ 有关文本，请参见奇耶拉，《努兹联合考察队报告》125.5。
$^{17}$ Ibid. 314. 4 f.
$^{17}$ 同上，第 314 页，第 4 页及以下。
$^{18}$ Cf. Meissner, Beiträge zum Assyrischen Wörterbuch 1. 47f.
$^{18}$ 参见梅斯纳尔，《亚述语词典》第 1 卷，第 47 页及以下。
$^{19}$ I am grateful to Prof. R. H. Pfeiffer and to Dr. E. R. Lacheman for enabling me to examine these texts in transliteration kindly furnished by them.
$^{19}$ 我谨向 R. H. 费弗尔教授和 E. R. 拉赫曼博士致以诚挚的谢意，感谢他们慷慨提供这些文本的转写版本，使我有机会进行研究。
$^{20}$ This important document which I first read on the spot soon after it had been dug up by the late Dr. Chiera was kindly collated for me by Dr. Pfeiffer, the Curator of the Harvard Semitic Museum.
$^{20}$ 这份重要文件是我在它被已故的奇耶拉博士发掘后不久，首次在现场阅读的。随后，哈佛大学闪米特博物馆馆长皮费尔博士慷慨地为我整理了这份文件。
$^{21}$ The importance of the purple industry of Ugarit is attested, incidentally, by a lengthy cuneiform text recently published by Thureau-Dangin; cf. his article in Syria 15. 137 ff.
$^{21}$ 乌加里特紫色产业的重要性，顺便提一下，得到了最近由 Thureau-Dangin 发表的一篇长篇楔形文字文本的证实；参见他在《叙利亚》第 15 期第 137 页及以后的论文。
$^{22}$ Illustrated London News 1935. 712.
$^{22}$ 《插图伦敦新闻》1935 年。第 712 期。
$^{23}$ For the purple industry in the Aegean area see G. Casson, Phoenicians and Purple Industry, Antiquary 1913. 328 ff.
$^{23}$ 关于爱琴海地区的紫色工业，请参阅 G. Casson 的《腓尼基人与紫色工业》，载于《古物学杂志》1913 年，第 328 页起。

THE NAME Phoinikes 名称 菲尼克斯

THE NAME Phoinikes 名称菲尼克斯