METROPOLITANIZATION OF THE GREATER LOME AREA: BETWEEN URBAN EXPANSION AND NEW GOVERNANCE CHALLENGESISATION DU GRAND LOME"3">LOME: BETWEEN URBAN EXPANSION AND NEW GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES

Authors: AIDAM Koudjo^1*, DJENAISSEM NAMARDE Thierry¹ ANOUMOU Kouassi Rodolphe¹, GBEKLEY E. Holaly², AHOLOU Coffi¹   

 *AIDAM Koudjo: Email: genenino31@gmail.com| Tel: 90 04 16 65 

Affiliations:

Regional Center of Excellence on Sustainable Cities in Africa (CERViDA-Dounedon), University of Lomé, Lomé BP 1515, Togo.

2-Clinic for Educational, Societal, and Political Development Expertise (CEESPOD), IASBASE, Lomé, Togo.

SUMMARY

Faced with rapid urbanization that is reshaping the territorial configurations of sub-Saharan Africa, the Greater Lomé metropolitan area, capital of Togo, illustrates the profound territorial changes underway. Its population has grown from 8,000 in 1914 to over 2.19 million in 2022, concentrating nearly 27% of the national population on less than 1% of the territory. This rapid growth has been accompanied by unplanned urban sprawl, driven by an informal land market in which 75% of transactions are customary sales. As a result, up to 26% of agricultural land is converted to urban areas each year. This study aims to analyze the dynamics of metropolitanization in Greater Lomé and its effects on governance, urban planning, and urban services. The methodology adopted combines a mixed approach based on geographic information systems (GIS), field surveys, and semi-structured interviews (N=50), supplemented by analysis of urban planning documents and regulatory texts. The results reveal poor coverage of basic needs: only 10% of households in peri-central areas have reliable access to drinking water, while 70% of daily trips are made by motorcycle, in the absence of structured public transport. New hubs, such as Adétikopé, are emerging without metropolitan coordination. The gap between the planned city and the city as it is lived continues to widen. The study concludes that there is an urgent need to build integrated and agile metropolitan governance in order to steer this urban growth towards more sustainable and inclusive development.

Keywords:Metropolization, Greater Lomé, Urban sprawl, Urban governance, Togo

INTRODUCTION

The phenomenon of metropolization, characterized by an intense concentration of populations and strategic functions within large urban areas, has been profoundly reshaping territories in sub-Saharan Africa for several decades ("3">Biakouye, 2023). Togo is fully part of this dynamic, with its capital, Lomé, establishing itself as a leading metropolis capturing most of the national urban growth (Biakouye, 2023)."9">Nyassogbo, 1984). In 2022, the Greater Lomé metropolitan area was home to nearly 2.19 million inhabitants, representing approximately 27% of the country's total population and nearly two-thirds of its urban population(INSEED, 2022). However, this trend is not new: in 1958-1960, Lomé was already 5.5 times larger than Sokodé (and seven times larger than Kpalimé, the third largest city); by 1970, this gap had widened to 6.5 times Sokodé and 9.5 times Kpalimé. This "macrocephaly" in Togo, this imbalance between the permer city and the subsequent ones has therefore worsened significantly over the decades (Margueret, 1994). This demographic preponderance has been accompanied by a spectacular spatial explosion: the urbanized area of the city grew from just 55 hectares in 1914 to an estimated 373 to 425 square kilometers today, illustrating rapid and continuous expansion (Takou et al., 2021).Takou et al., 2021).

This rapid growth, mainly oriented towards the north and east due to constraints imposed by the ocean to the south and the Ghanaian border to the west, is leading to urban sprawl, resulting in widespread and often uncontrolled peri-urbanization. Each year, this process leads to the conversion of a significant proportion of peripheral agricultural land into built-up areas (Somadjago et al., 2020), with a rate reaching 26% in the immediate vicinity of the city (DAGL, 2025). This sprawl generates fragmentation of the urban fabric and encourages the emergence of new slums (Biakouye, 2023) and creates deep territorial divisions. 

Indeed, access to basic social infrastructure and services such as drinking water, electricity, healthcare, and education is becoming increasingly unequal, severely penalizing newly urbanized areas."7">es nouvellement urbanisées( Gbekley et al., 2023). At the same time, this dynamic exacerbates pressure on transport networks (Suka and Dziwonou, 2021) and fuels a highly active but largely informal land market, characterized by increasing monetization and insufficient state regulation( Bawa, 2017, UN Habitat, 2023).

This rapid urbanization raises several scientific, social, economic, and environmental issues. Urban space is being reconfigured under the combined effects of demographics, land dynamics, socio-economic precariousness, and the still incomplete institutionalization of urban governance ("5">Aguejdad, 2009). While its built-up area is spreading into former rural land, engulfing the surrounding countryside and causing imbalances, land conflicts and institutional fragmentation have emerged, as noted by Bawa (2017) and Ouro (2022). Finally, the dream of individual housing, fueled by strong social representations, supplants the collective need for regular housing, thereby amplifying pressure on peri-urban land (Guézéré, 2011).As city centers become denser, the peripheries experience disorderly morphological growth, marked by areas of spontaneous housing, pockets of urban poverty, and serious deficits in basic urban services.

Faced with these major challenges, the Togolese authorities have incorporated these concerns into their strategic documents, such as the "Togo 2025 Government Roadmap," which aims to modernize the country through an inclusive approach (>Kakpo, 2025). In terms of planning, initiatives such as the National Land Use Plan (SNAT) aim to better structure this development and correct imbalances. The most significant institutional response has been the creation of the Greater Lomé Autonomous District (DAGL), a territorial entity aimed at better coordinating the development of the 13 municipalities of the agglomeration. However, despite these planning efforts, formalized in particular by the Master Plan for Development and Urban Planning (Agetur-Togo, 2017), the metropolitan area remains diverse and its management fragmented. The central challenge therefore lies in the ability of this new governance structure to effectively manage an urban reality that seems to be beyond its capabilities.

Furthermore, Lomé's strategic importance in the national urban system also highlights the urgent need to consider this metropolis through the lens of sustainable development. The city is nearly nine times more populous than the country's second largest urban area, which increases pressure on its infrastructure, land resources, and public services (Follygan et al., 2017). As a result, Greater Lomé plays a dual role: it is both a driver of national development and an area of significant urban vulnerability.

This article aims to analyze the dynamics of metropolitanization in Greater Lomé by examining the interactions between population growth, spatial sprawl, and institutional responses. The objective is twofold: first, to show how Lomé's expansion is the result of a combination of complex dynamics that produce socio-spatial inequalities; second, to assess whether current urban policies, particularly the DAGL framework, are adequate to meet the challenges posed. The central question can be stated as follows: What are the characteristics of the metropolization of Greater Lomé, and to what extent is this evolution accompanied by effective governance and planning?

Through this question, our study aims to shed light on the territorial, institutional, and social constraints facing Greater Lomé in its transformation into a metropolitan area, but also to provide a strategic reflection on the challenges and opportunities that this transformation presents."2">Lomé in its metropolitan transformation, but also to provide a strategic reflection to guide development, urban planning, and innovative governance policies for more balanced, inclusive, and resilient development.

2. MATERIALS AND METHODS

2.1. Presentation of the study area

Greater Lomé comprises 13 municipalities: Baguida, Togblekopé, Légbassito, Sanguera, Vakpossito, Aflao-Sagbado, Aflao-Gakli, Amoutiévé, Bè West, Bè center, Bè-East, Agoè-Nyivé, Adétikopé. (including the prefectures of Golfe andAgoè-Nyivé) as well as a few localities in the prefectures of Zio and Avé (Djagblé, Aveta, and Aképe),thus forming a rapidly changing metropolitan area.

Its territorial boundaries are: the Atlantic Ocean to the south, the border of Aflao-Ghana and the prefecture of Avé to the west, the prefecture of Zio to the north, and the Lacs prefecture to the east (Figure 2). The urban fabric is unevenly distributed with densities ranging from 1,307 inhabitants per km² to 2,357 inhabitants per km² (Figure 2)."8">2 and 357 inhabitants/km²².

Figure 1: Map of the Autonomous District of Greater Lomé

Source: DGCN, OSM, produced by AIDAM Koudjo 2025.

2.2. General Approach

To understand the complex and multifactorial dynamics of the metropolitanization of Greater Lomé, this study adopts a mixed research design (qualitative and quantitative). The objective is to combine different sources and types of data to obtain a holistic understanding of the phenomenon. The approach is based on the principle of triangulation, which involves systematically cross-referencing information from documentary analysis, statistical data, spatial analysis, and field surveys to reinforce the validity and reliability of the results.The research is intended to be multi-scale (from the neighborhood to the Greater Lomé metropolitan area), multi-stakeholder (residents, local elected officials, government technicians) and multi-tool (statistics, interviews, Geographic Information Systems).

2.3. Data Collection

Digital tools such as tablets with the KoboToolbox app for the survey, GIS system for maps and spatial evolution were used.

2.2.1. Documentary and Statistical Analysis

An in-depth review of the literature was the first step. It aimed to establish the theoretical and contextual framework for the study. The documentary corpus included:

Scientific publications: fundamental doctoral theses, articles, reports, institutional and official texts,"4">contributions, legal and regulatory texts, and statistical data have been used to analyze demographic trends, growth rates, and population densities. This data was supplemented by socioeconomic indicators provided by the National Institute of Statistics and Economic and Demographic Studies (INSEED).

2.2.2. Spatial and Cartographic Analysis (GIS)

To visualize and quantify urban sprawl, a diachronic spatial analysis was conducted using Geographic Information Systems (GIS), relying on software such as QGIS or ArcGIS. This analysis shows the evolution of urban sprawl in Greater Lomé between 1914 and 2022. This method made it possible to objectively measure spatial expansion and correlate it with demographic data, thereby validating the observed trends.

2.2.3. Field Surveys

A field survey campaign was conducted between January and April 2025 to compare secondary data with the reality on the ground. It was structured around three tools:

Direct observations: Field visits were conducted in key peripheral neighborhoods, particularly in the municipalities of Agoè-Nyivé and Golfe. The objective was to systematically observe and document the state of infrastructure (roads, drainage, networks), types of housing, land use (formal and informal), and socio-spatial dynamics.

Semi-structured interviews: A total of around fifty (N=50) qualitative interviews were conducted with a representative sample of key stakeholders:

Inhabitants: Heads of households (the 13 urban municipalities: Agoè-Nyivé, Adétikopé, Amoutiévé, Baguida, Bè West, Bè Center, Bè East, Légbassito, Sanguéra, Togblékopé, Vakpossito, Aflao-Gakli, Aflao-Sagbado) living in peri-urban areas to understand their perceptions, adaptation strategies, and feelings about the changes.

Local officials: Mayors, deputy mayors, and traditional leaders to understand the challenges of local management (planning, services, land regulation).

Professionals and technicians: Executives from the Ministry of Urban Planning (MUHRF) and the Autonomous District of Greater Lomé (DAGL) to analyze institutional strategies and technical constraints. The interviews were recorded with the consent of the participants and then transcribed in full for analysis.

Questionnaires: A structured questionnaire was administered to a sample of households to quantify certain aspects such as access to basic services (water, electricity, sanitation), modes of transport, and land tenure security.

2.4. Data Analysis and Processing

2.4.1. Quantitative Analysis

Statistical data (RGPH, INSEED) and data from questionnaires were processed using statistical software (e.g., SPSS, Excel). The analysis produced graphs showing trends (Figure 2 and Figure 3) to illustrate the major trends in metropolization.

2.4.2. Qualitative Analysis

The transcripts of the interviews were subjected to thematic content analysis. This process involved systematically coding the discourse to identify, classify, and analyze recurring themes, convergences, and divergences of opinion. The main thematic categories included: access to services, perceptions of urbanization, land governance, expectations of the DAGL, and conflicts of use.

2.4.3. Triangulation and Synthesis

The final phase consisted of systematic triangulation of data. This integrated approach allowed sources to be cross-referenced to validate findings. For example:

Statistical data on low water connection rates (source: INSEED) were compared with residents' accounts of their daily difficulties in obtaining water. The official discourse of DAGL actors on inter-municipal coordination was analyzed in light of the regulatory framework (decentralization laws) and field observations on the fragmentation of services.

This confrontation made it possible to produce an analysis identifying the discrepancies between discourse, texts, and practices, and offering a nuanced and validated vision of the metropolitanization of Greater Lomé.

2.5. Ethical Considerations

The research was conducted in strict compliance with ethical principles. Authorization was sought from the relevant authorities (municipalities, chiefdoms) prior to any field investigation. The free and informed consent of each participant in the interviews and questionnaires was obtained in advance, after a clear presentation of the study's objectives. The anonymity and confidentiality of respondents were guaranteed, and all personal data were anonymized during the processing and publication of the results.

3. RESULTS

Analysis of the data collected provides a detailed picture of the dynamics shaping the metropolitanization of Greater Lomé. The results highlight a complex process centered on unprecedented demographic and spatial growth, profound land use changes in the suburbs, and the major infrastructure challenges that result. These three closely intertwined themes are presented in turn.

3.1.Exponential population growth as a driver of spatial expansion

The first striking finding of our investigation is the confirmation of exceptionally sustained population growth, which is the main driver of urban transformation in Greater Lomé. The figures show a veritable population explosion: from a city of around 80,000 inhabitants in 1960, the Lomé metropolitan area saw its population reach nearly 1.48 million in 2010, exceeding 2.19 million in 2022 (INSEED, 2022).

Figure 2: Population growth in the Lomé metropolitan area (1960–2030)

Source: The figures for 1960 and 1981 are retrospective estimates, while those for 2010 and 2022 come from RGPH-4 and RGPH-5, respectively.

Analysis of this curve (Figure 2) reveals a particularly notable acceleration since the beginning of the 21st century. This dynamic can be explained by the combination of two phenomena: a high natural surplus, characteristic of many southern cities, and a massive and continuous rural exodus to the capital, which concentrates Togo's economic, administrative, and educational opportunities.

This demographic pressure inevitably results in spectacular spatial expansion. The urban frontier of Lomé continues to expand, absorbing surrounding villages and agricultural land. As pointed out by Bawa (2017), the physical footprint of the city has more than doubled in a few decades. Between 1970 and 2010, the number of peripheral localities with more than 1,000 inhabitants rose from 80 to 168, reflecting the constant emergence of new neighborhoods."4">This figure, supplemented by estimates of nearly 15 new urban localities appearing each year on the outskirts, illustrates a rapidly growing peri-urbanization that is difficult to control.

However, this expansion is characterized by one fundamental feature: very low density. A World Bank study (2018) highlights an average density of only 69 inhabitants per hectare for the entire metropolitan area, a figure well below the standards observed in other major global cities, where it can reach several tens of thousands of inhabitants per hectare. This paradox of a city that spreads out without becoming denser can be explained by a phenomenon of urban sprawl. Landowners, anticipating future increases in property values, are developing often informal subdivisions well beyond the existing built-up area. The result is a discontinuous and fragmented metropolitan landscape, where large undeveloped plots are interspersed between built-up areas, creating an extremely sprawling urban fabric (Gonzalez-Calle, 2024)."7">Gonzalez-Calle, 2024).

For example, the urbanized area of Lomé grew from 55 hectares in 1914for 8,000 inhabitants to approximately 425,600 hectares (425.6 km²) for 2.19 million inhabitants in 202"4">million inhabitants in 2022 (Figure3).

Figure 3: Evolution of the area of Lomé (Petit Lomé, Grand Lomé, Autonomous District of Grand Lomé) over the years

Source: DZIWANU, 2010, modified by AIDAM Koudjo, 2025.

3.2. Land market changes and the emergence of planned informal urbanization

The second focus of our findings concerns the land tenure mechanisms underlying this urban sprawl. The urbanization of Greater Lomé is based on a massive and rapid conversion of rural land into building land, orchestrated by a rapidly changing land market. The outskirts, once agricultural, are now the scene of intense speculation and frenetic land transactions (Takili et al., 2022).. A major shift has taken place: while land was traditionally exchanged through customary means (donation, inheritance, loan), three-quarters of land transfers are now monetized.

However, this monetization has not been accompanied by market formalization. The market remains largely informal and poorly regulated. The majority of new plots come from subdivisions described as "clandestine," carried out by customary landowners or small private developers outside any state planning framework. These operations are carried out without prior development, without servicing and without reserving space for public facilities and essential infrastructure. The study by Bawa (2017) is illuminating in this regard: it reveals that 66% of land acquired on the outskirts is for speculative or construction purposes (housing, future housing developments) and not for agriculture, and that annually, up to 26% of the agricultural area of peri-urban municipalities was converted into building land during the 2000s.

The profile of buyers confirms this trend: 93% of them already live in the Lomé metropolitan area. They are mainly civil servants and middle-class employees who, faced with the prohibitive cost of land in central neighborhoods, are investing in the suburbs to secure assets or prepare for a construction project.

This informal real estate boom has two major and ambivalent consequences:

On the one hand, it promotes relatively broad access to land ownership. The use of customary land, which is less expensive and more accessible than formal (titled) land, enables the middle and lower classes to become landowners. Notably, this system also benefits groups traditionally excluded from the land market, such as women, who are increasingly gaining access to property in peri-urban areas.

On the other hand, it leads to unplanned and precarious urbanization. Neighborhoods spring up "out of nowhere," with no paved roads, no storm drainage systems, and partial or even non-existent connections to water and electricity networks.

It is crucial to note a specific feature of Lomé highlighted by the World Bank: unlike other African cities, these neighborhoods do not take the form of traditional "slums," in the sense of illegal squats on public or private land. In Lomé, there are instead unauthorized housing developments that are legitimized by customary land transactions. The plots are sold, but their legal status remains precarious (no registration in the land registry). This unique feature, directly linked to the resilience and adaptability of the customary land tenure system, shapes an urban landscape of a "sprawling city without traditional slums," but whose precariousness is infrasructural rather than illegal.

3.3. Structural inadequacy of urban infrastructure and services

The logical and direct consequence of the growth and informal sprawl dynamics described above is a glaring lack of basic urban infrastructure and services, particularly in the vast areas of recent expansion. This third finding is the most tangible challenge facing Lomé's urbanization.

The speed and dispersion of spatial growth have far exceeded the planning and investment capacity of public authorities. The low-density urban sprawl model makes the provision of networked infrastructure (water, electricity, sanitation, roads) extremely costly and technically complex. Serving a fragmented and sparsely populated area requires much longer networks per capita than in a compact city, which places a heavy burden on public budgets and significantly slows down the rollout of services. This results in a deep territorial divide within Greater Lomé. While the central and peri-central neighborhoods enjoy a relatively decent level of infrastructure, large parts of the periphery remain under-equipped. New residents in these neighborhoods face daily challenges: unpaved roads that are impassable during the rainy season, a lack of drainage systems causing recurrent flooding, limited access to drinking water and a reliable electricity grid, and the virtual absence of local public services such as health centers, public schools, and a structured public transport network. This chronic under-infrastructure not only degrades the quality of life of residents, but also hinders the economic development of these areas and reinforces their dependence on the city center.

3.3.1. Access to drinking water: structural inequality exacerbated by urban sprawl

Access to drinking water is one of the most revealing indicators of the socio-spatial divide caused by the uncontrolled urbanization of Greater Lomé. In newly urbanized peripheral neighborhoods, particularly in municipalities located in the northern zone (such as Zanguéra, Agoè-Nyivé 6, Adétikopé), the coverage of the public network of Togolaise des Eaux (TdE) remains extremely low: less than 10% of households are connected to running water. The majority of the population is therefore forced to resort to precarious alternatives such as individual wells, informal boreholes or buying water from street vendors using jerry cans.

This inequality in distribution is mainly due to the gap between the pace of urbanization and the expansion of infrastructure. The authorities themselves acknowledge that water supply to new suburban areas has become "increasingly problematic," particularly due to the lack of anticipated structural investment in rapidly urbanizing areas.

Faced with this deficit, households develop coping strategies, including the construction of private wells or community water towers, sometimes connected to motorized pumps. However, these solutions do not guarantee the microbiological quality of the water or equitable access, especially for the poorest households. The use of well water and boreholes, which are often unregulated, exposes populations to significant health risks, including waterborne diseases, fecal contamination, and chemical poisoning linked to groundwater pollution.

Thus, this lack of drinking water infrastructure becomes not only a matter of territorial inequality, but also a threat to public health, exacerbated in a context of poorly managed densification.

3.3.2. Sanitation and waste management: a latent environmental crisis

The sanitation system in Greater Lomé, particularly in its outskirts, is characterized by a structural failure of public services in terms of waste collection and wastewater management. Officially, municipalities have set up pre-collection systems delegated to private operators or associations. However, in reality, no effective systemic organization exists in the outskirts, as highlighted by (Biakouyé, 2023). Efforts remain sporadic and insufficiently coordinated.

In most peri-urban areas, waste disposal relies on makeshift solutions: half of the households surveyed say they turn to informal community initiatives, such as local tontines or youth associations, to organize occasional collections. The other half adopt harmful practices: open burning of waste, illegal dumping in public spaces, on roadsides, or in ravines. These practices are particularly visible in certain municipalities such as Agoè-Nyivé 5, Aflao-Gakli or Baguida, where our field observations reveal the accumulation of visible piles of garbage in the spaces between urban areas.

This lack of effective waste management has a series of serious consequences: pollution of the immediate environment, obstruction of gutters (which are often non-existent or poorly maintained), seasonal flooding, and a feeling of abandonment among residents. The nuisances associated with these dumps (odors, proliferation of mosquitoes and rats, soil contamination) fuel a sense of territorial exclusion and reinforce the marginalization of these urbanized areas that were developed too quickly but forgotten by public services.

3.3.3. Access to electricity and public lighting: significant progress, but notable shortcomings

Compared to water and sanitation, electricity coverage in Greater Lomé has seen relatively more positive developments, driven by the gradual extension of medium- and low-voltage lines, particularly along main roads. However, this improvement masks persistent inequalities within the peripheral urban fabric. In several neighborhoods such as Zanguéra or Adétikopé, many households are still not formally connected to the CEET (Compagnie Électrique du Togo) network.

Faced with this absence, residents have developed various alternatives: informal or shared connections, known locally as "areigné," or the use of solar or rechargeable lamps, particularly for night lighting. The government has certainly initiated targeted rural electrification programs, including the installation of solar streetlights in some outlying municipalities. However, these measures remain sporadic, short-lived, and cover only a minority of the areas concerned.

As a result, the lack of widespread public lighting contributes to growing insecurity in the suburbs, exacerbated by the low presence of security forces in these areas. This duality between visible progress on major roads and chronic inadequacy in the suburbs reflects the difficulties of multipolar planning in a rapidly expanding urban area.

3.3.4. Road network: a considerable shortcoming in urban mobility infrastructure

The quality and layout of the road network is another key issue highlighting the lack of infrastructure development in Greater Lomé. While some major roads, such as Boulevard de la Kozah, have been paved and improved in certain sections (particularly within the municipality of Kozah), national roads have been paved and improved in certain sections (particularly within the municipality of"3">Kozah Boulevard and national roads have been paved and improved in certain sections (particularly in the municipality of Agoè-Nyivé 1), the rest of the road network remains extremely deficient. In municipalities such as Baguida, Aflao-Sagbado, Légbassito or Sanguéra, most of the secondary and tertiary roads are unpaved and in very poor condition.

During the rainy season, these roads become impassable: mud, potholes, and chronic flooding not only hinder traffic but also access to public services (ambulances, fire department, waste collection, etc.) and everyday mobility. These difficulties temporarily isolate certain neighborhoods of the city, exacerbating the precariousness of local populations. The lack of adequate roads also prevents any effective maintenance and management strategy for water and electrical infrastructure, making technical interventions difficult and costly.

The more general lack of a reliable road development plan therefore reinforces the hybrid nature of the Lomé metropolitan area: a rapidly expanding city structured by its demographic flows rather than by a rational road network. This imbalance creates an urban divide expressed not only by spatial distance, but also by functional isolation.

3.3.5. A metropolis under construction: the gap between urbanization and planning

All of the findings mentioned above illustrate a growing disconnect between the real city and the planned city. The rapid development of the urban fabric, largely supported by private initiative and customary land use practices, contrasts with the slow and insufficient pace of public intervention. This structural imbalance is at the heart of the urban crises affecting Greater Lomé today, from the shortage of basic services to the marginalization of entire neighborhoods.

This dynamic reflects a pattern observed in other sub-Saharan African cities facing explosive population growth (Abidjan, Kinshasa, Ouagadougou). However, in the case of Lomé, this phenomenon is exacerbated by the relative institutional weakness of urban planning mechanisms, the lack of an integrated digital land registry, and limitations in terms of inter-municipal coordination.

The summary map of infrastructure and services (Figure 3) clearly reveals coverage gaps, highlighting the geographical coincidence between newly urbanized neighborhoods and areas with chronic under-equipment. This confirms the urgent need to rethink the scale of public action, improve metropolitan governance, and develop innovative planning tools adapted to local realities.

Figure 4: Summary map of infrastructure and services

Source: DGCN, OSM, produced by AIDAM Koudjo 2025

3.4. Urban mobility: the hegemony of motorcycles and its externalities

The metropolitan expansion of Greater Lomé has profoundly reshaped the travel habits of its inhabitants, giving rise to a mobility system with distinct characteristics. Faced with an embryonic public transport network and ever-increasing commuting distances, the people of Lomé have overwhelmingly adopted individual transport solutions. Motorcycles, in particular, have become the dominant mode of transport. Mobility surveys conducted in 2019-2020 are clear: 72% of daily trips are made by motorcycle, relegating private cars (16%) to a distant second place."3">of daily trips are made by motorcycle, far ahead of private cars (16%) and walking (10%).

Table 1: Modal share of travel in Greater Lomé

Source: Household survey, 2025.

This almost total predominance of motorcycles, whether personal vehicles or the ubiquitous motorcycle taxis (zemidjan), is not simply a choice but a rational and spontaneous adaptation to the constraints of urban sprawl. Their flexibility, relatively low purchase cost, and ability to weave through traffic jams or on unpaved roads make them the most efficient solution for a large part of the population. While cars remain a status symbol and are becoming more common among wealthy households, their use is limited by their cost and growing congestion. In total, 76% of households in Lomé have at least one form of motorized transport, illustrating rapid motorization but with a strong bias towards two-wheelers.

This mobility structure reveals and reinforces socio-spatial dynamics. The "work" motif represents 77% of daily trips, reflecting a high degree of functional segregation between residential areas, which are mainly located on the outskirts, and employment centers concentrated in the city center and business parks. Mobility is also marked by a strong gender dimension: men are "89% more mobile" than women. This gap can be explained by differentiated social roles: women are often assigned to activities in the domestic or local sphere and have more limited access to motorized transport for economic and cultural reasons.

However, this dependence on motorcycles has serious negative externalities that weigh on the sustainability of the city.

In terms of the environment, air and noise pollution have reached critical levels. The vehicle fleet is aging: 90% of motorized vehicles are over 10 years old⁸ and poorly maintained, resulting in pollutant and greenhouse gas emissions well above standards.

In terms of health and safety, road safety is a major problem. The proliferation of two-wheeled vehicles, combined with risky behavior (speeding, failure to obey traffic rules), places Lomé among the cities with the highest accident rates. In more than 70% of accidents, the human factor is the main cause.

In short, while motorcycles were the individual response to urban sprawl, they have become a major collective problem. The issue of mobility is a key challenge for Greater Lomé, calling for a systemic overhaul to promote more sustainable, safe, and inclusive transport (rehabilitation of public transport, development of cycle paths, and the development of a metropolitan traffic plan).

This predominance of motorcycles, whether personal or motorcycle taxis zemidjan  has been characteristic of Lomé since the 2000s and reflects a spontaneous adaptation to urban sprawl. Private cars remain in the minority, mainly due to their high purchase and maintenance costs, but are becoming more common among the wealthiest households. It is noted that 76% of households in Lomé own at least one motorized means of transport (motorcycle or car). The main reason for daily travel is work (77% of trips), reflecting growing spatial segregation between places of residence (often on the outskirts) and places of employment (mainly in the center or industrial areas). Surveys also reveal a marked gender dimension: men travel significantly more than women, with men being approximately 89% more mobile than women, due to different social roles and women's greater lack of access to motorized transportation. Dependence on motorcycles has negative externalities: air and noise pollution have increased (studies indicate that 90% of motor vehicles in Lomé are over 10 years old, with high pollutant emission levels), and road safety has become a concern. Road accident statistics are high in Lomé; in 70% of cases, these accidents are due to human factors (speeding, failure to comply with traffic regulations, etc.) aggravated by the proliferation of two-wheeled vehicles. In short, the issue of mobility is a key challenge for Greater Lomé, highlighting the need for more integrated urban transport systems (public transport rehabilitation, traffic plan, etc.) to support sustainable development.

3.5. New urban centers and polycentric structuring of the metropolitan area

The expansion of Greater Lomé is not happening uniformly, but is crystallizing around secondary hubs that are rapidly emerging and beginning to redraw the functional map of the metropolis. This dynamic marks a gradual transition from a strictly monocentric model, organized around the historic center, to a polycentric structure in the making.

The case ofAdétikopé, north of the urban area, is emblematic of this transformation. A former peri-urban village, Adétikopé has become a city in its own right, established as a commune (Agoè-Nyivé 6) during the decentralization reform. Its population growth is spectacular, with an average annual rate of 13% (INSEED, 2022), 99% of which is fueled by migration from households mainly in inner-city Lomé in search of more affordable land and a better quality of life¹⁵. This change is visible in the landscape: around 90% of buildings are "modern" (concrete blocks, corrugated iron or concrete), a sign of rapid formal urbanization that is replacing traditional housing. The attractiveness of Adétikopé is enhanced by strategic investments, foremost among which is the Adétikopé Industrial Platform (PIA), launched in 2021. This large-scale project, combining an industrial zone, a logistics park, and a dry port, firmly establishes a major economic function on the northern outskirts, creating jobs and attracting businesses. (PIA), launched in 2021. This large-scale project, combining an industrial zone, a logistics park and a dry port, will firmly establish a major economic function in the northern suburbs, creating a new hub for employment and business.

Other outlying areas, such as Baguida to the east (focused on tourism and residential development) and Sanguéra to the west, are experiencing similar dynamics, albeit less intense.

Nevertheless, this emerging polycentricity is ambivalent. On the one hand, it can help relieve congestion in the historic center and bring jobs and services closer to residential areas. On the other hand, in the absence of coordinated planning at the metropolitan level, it risks producing a fragmented city, a kind of "urban archipelago." The main challenges are the disarticulation of networks (particularly transport networks, with congestion on the routes connecting these hubs to each other and to the center), the risk of widening socio-spatial inequalities between the different hubs, and the difficulty of providing public services (water, electricity, sanitation) in a coherent manner across such a vast and discontinuous territory.

Figure 5: Centralities of the Greater Lomé metropolitan area

Source: DGCN, OSM, produced by AIDAM Koudjo 2025

3.6. Metropolitan governance and decentralization 

Finally, a major finding of this study concerns the institutional changes accompanying (and seeking to control) metropolitanization. The creation of the Greater Lomé Autonomous District (DAGL) in 2019 introduced a new level of governance to coordinate the 13 municipalities that make up the metropolitan area. The DAGL, headed by a governor appointed by the State, has been tasked with taking on a number of strategic responsibilities at the metropolitan level. These include sanitation, urban transport, metropolitan land-use planning, management of large markets and facilities of common interest, and coordination of municipal actions with an inter-municipal dimension. In 2022, Parliament extended the powers of the DAGL (Law No. 2022-012) to explicitly include public health throughout the capital, street addressing, and support for harmonizing development between municipalities. This legal recognition reflects the State's desire to strengthen metropolitan governance in order to meet the challenges posed by the city's size. In practice, the DAGL has enabled the launch of a number of coordinated initiatives (for example, in solid waste management and transport planning, with the support of international partners). However, it is still too early to fully assess its impact on urbanization control. Discussions with local stakeholders suggest that the effective implementation of integrated governance remains a work in progress: there is some overlap in responsibilities between the DAGL and the municipalities of Greater Lomé, as well as financial constraints. Nevertheless, the very existence of the DAGL is seen by many observers as institutional progress towards more coherent metropolitanization. Greater Lomé thus has a "metropolitan local government" which, if it manages to gain momentum, could mitigate some of the negative externalities of urban sprawl and better plan the future of the metropolis.

4. DISCUSSION

The above results illustrate the complexity of the metropolitanization process in Greater Lomé, which combines universal dynamics and local specificities. Compared to other cities in sub-Saharan Africa, Lomé shows striking similarities: a population explosion concentrated in the capital, rapid and often uncontrolled urban sprawl, and a significant gap between the city's growth and the provision of public services. These features are reminiscent of cities such as Cotonou and Abidjan, where there is also widespread peri-urban sprawl and difficulties in metropolitan governance. The "dilution" of Lomé's urbanization into the peri-urban area partly reflects the West African model of urbanization, characterized by the availability of land and historically weak state urban planning. However, Lomé is distinguished by the absence of visible giant slums; the city has no informal settlements the size of Kibera in Nairobi or Makoko in Lagos, which can be explained by the nature of the local land market (predominance of customary settlements).Makoko in Lagos, which can be explained by the nature of the local land market (predominance of customary settlements) (Oura, 2012). This situation may suggest that Lomé has avoided the "worst" of informal urbanization, but in reality, the social cost of sprawl manifests itself in other ways: through difficult access to services, long travel times, and increased vulnerability to hazards such as flooding.

In environmental terms, the urbanization of Greater Lomé raises questions about sustainability. Urban encroachment on natural areas (lagoon mangroves, wetlands) and agricultural areas has reduced buffer zones and exacerbated stormwater drainage problems. Local authors have documented the resurgence of flooding in Lomé over the past two decades, now affecting neighborhoods that were previously spared. Climate change could exacerbate these risks, making Greater Lomé a vulnerable area (as highlighted by its low elevation between the lagoon and the ocean (Takili et al., 2022)).Takili et al., 2022). Environmental management must therefore become a central component of metropolitan planning, for example by limiting urbanization in the Zio Valley and planning storm water drainage networks at the metropolitan level.

From a socioeconomic perspective, urbanization in Lomé has been accompanied by a polarization of activities reminiscent of the theory of the primate city: Lomé is home to the overwhelming majority of Togo's administrative, financial, port, and industrial functions. While this national primacy makes Greater Lomé the engine of the economy, generating a very large share of national GDP, it also raises the issue of territorial imbalances. Indeed, the attraction exerted by the metropolis on populations throughout the country can drain secondary cities of their lifeblood (Moriconi, 1995).-Ebrarrd, 1995). In Togo, studies highlight the difficulty of promoting "balanced cities" capable of counterbalancing Lomé (Wonou, 2013). 2013), for example, is struggling to emerge as a second economic hub, and Sokodé remains modest in size. In this context, the metropolization of Lomé is a double-edged sword: it could accentuate regional disparities if no national land-use policy is put in place to support the development of other urban centers. However, at the local level, this concentration also offers opportunities for agglomeration economies (better access to markets, labor, innovation) that Greater Lomé could exploit to finance its development. The presence of regional institutions such as BOAD, BIDC, etc. and major projects such as the deep-water port and the Adétikopé Industrial Park (PIA) reinforce Lomé's role as a regional metropolis beyond the national framework. This invites us to think of Greater Lomé not only as the capital of Togo, but as a cross-border urban hub in the Lomé-Accra coastal corridor. The immediate proximity of the Ghanaian border (Aflao) integrates Lomé into an emerging conurbation and promotes daily exchanges (cross-border workers, trade, etc.). The metropolitanization of Greater Lomé thus extends beyond administrative boundaries, which could encourage inter-metropolitan cooperation in the future (e.g., between Lomé and Accra) on common issues (regional transport, coastal management, etc.).

The metropolitan governance of Greater Lomé, recently established, is both a culmination and a starting point. The culmination of a long and delayed decentralization process (remember that the first local elections in over 30 years took place in Togo in 2019), it institutionally recognizes the existence of a "Greater Lomé" entity. But it is also a starting point, as everything remains to be built in terms of the concrete functioning, resources, and legitimacy of this entity. International experience suggests that a metropolitan body can greatly improve coordination, as can be seen in Abidjan with the Autonomous District, or in Dakar with inter-municipal projects. For Lomé, the DAGL offers a unique framework for regional planning, developing a Metropolitan Urban Development Master Plan (SDAUM) and pooling certain infrastructure. However, its success will depend on the ability to establish close cooperation between the state, the DAGL governorate and the municipalities. Resistance may arise, for example if mayors perceive the DAGL as a supervisory body that reduces their powers. The financial issue is also crucial: the functioning of the DAGL and metropolitan investments require significant resources. In this regard, state funding, local taxation (e.g., the management of large markets transferred to the DAGL) and support from donors will be decisive.

One point of discussion concerns participatory and inclusive planning in this metropolitan context. Decentralization aims in principle to bring governance closer to citizens; it would be appropriate for Greater Lomé to take advantage of its new governance to involve civil society more in urban planning decisions (public consultations on local urban plans, participatory budgets at the municipal level, etc.). The high proportion of young people in Greater Lomé (over 60% are under 25) means that today's choices will shape the lives of several future urban generations. Addressing metropolitanization from the perspective of social inclusion is therefore crucial.This includes access to housing (how to control land costs and avoid a two-tier city with well-equipped neighborhoods and neglected suburbs), access to employment within the city (developing business parks in outlying municipalities to reduce disparities), and gender equality in urban opportunities (for example, facilitating women's mobility and access to home ownership, etc.).

Finally, the metropolitanization of Greater Lomé must be discussed in light of sustainable development goals and international agendas such as the United Nations SDG 11 on sustainable cities and communities. Progress has been made, particularly through projects supported by international partners to improve urban infrastructure, but much remains to be done to make Lomé a truly resilient and sustainable metropolis. The current situation highlights a common paradox in developing countries: urbanization brings economic growth and innovation, but also creates vulnerability if it is not accompanied by a strategic vision. The challenge for Greater Lomé is to move from "passive" urbanization, resulting mainly from demographic and market dynamics, to "managed" urbanization, guided by robust public policies on urban planning, transportation, the environment, and governance. "controlled" form of urbanization, guided by robust public policies on urban planning, transportation, the environment, and governance. Faced with rapid urbanization, the stated ambition is to make Greater Lomé a multipolar, resilient, and inclusive metropolis capable of meeting the needs of a growing population while ensuring more balanced and sustainable urban development. The success of this transition will depend on the ability of public actors to plan, regulate, and invest in infrastructure, while controlling urban sprawl and integrating the peripheries into the functioning of the metropolitan area.The Greater Lomé Autonomous District is now a rapidly changing metropolitan area comprising thirteen municipalities.

5. CONCLUSION

The study of the metropolitanization process in Greater Lomé highlights the profound transformation of a city that, in the space of a few decades, has gone from being a modest capital to a sprawling metropolis. This process has resulted in unprecedented demographic and spatial growth, leading to the absorption of rural peripheries and the creation of an agglomeration of more than two million inhabitants. It brings with it opportunities such as the strengthening of Lomé's economic weight, urban diversification, and the emergence of new hubs, but also considerable challenges.

Empirically, our analysis revealed structural dysfunctions caused by largely unplanned urbanization: inadequate infrastructure, unequal access to basic services, transportation and environmental problems, and socio-spatial fragmentation. These findings confirm that metropolitanization cannot be reduced to simple quantitative urban growth, but involves major territorial restructuring and institutional adjustments.

Greater Lomé is currently at a crossroads. On the one hand, the establishment of the Greater Lomé Autonomous District offers an opportunity for unified governance to address metropolitan issues in an integrated manner. On the other hand, the effectiveness of this structure remains to be proven and requires strong support from the State, adequate financial resources, and the buy-in of all local stakeholders. The development of a shared vision for metropolitan development, updated and accompanied by regulatory tools (enforceable urban planning documents, sectoral plans for mobility, sanitation, etc.), will be crucial in guiding future growth.

In terms of public policy, the priorities that emerge from this study include reducing infrastructure deficits in peripheral areas (catching up on essential services), land use control (accelerating land security and encouraging densification of already developed areas to avoid sprawl), and the development of public transport systems adapted to the metropolitan scale in order to offer a sustainable alternative to the dominance of motorcycles.

In short, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of Lomé's metropolization, but it also calls for further research. At a time when Greater Lomé is striving for harmonious and sustainable development, detailed knowledge of its metropolitan dynamics is a valuable asset for guiding action and planning the future of this emerging metropolis.

Contributions of authors: Conceptualization, AK, AC; Methodology, AK, AC,GEH, Software, AC, DN ; Validation, AK, AC, DN,; Formal analysis, GEH ; Survey, AK, AC, GEH ; Resources, GBEH; Data processing, GBEH ; Writing—original draft, AKAF; Writing—revision and editing, AK, AC,DN, GEH ; Visualization, AKS, GBEH ; Supervision, KK, NKM. All authors have read and accepted the published version of the manuscript.

Funding: This research was funded by the Regional Center of Excellence on Sustainable Cities in Africa (CERViDA_DOUNEDON), Association of African Universities (AAU) and the World Bank.

Statement from the Institutional Review Board: Not applicable.

Informed consent statement: not applicable.

Data availability statement: Data will be made available upon request.

Acknowledgments: We would like to thank the Regional Center of Excellence on Sustainable Cities in Africa (CERViDA-DOUNEDON), the Association of African Universities (AAU) and the World Bank for providing the necessary funding that facilitated our research leading to these results. We would also like to express our sincere gratitude to Professors Cyprien Coffi AHOLOU and Kossiwa ZINSOU-KLASSOU for their unconditional support and leadership in running and promoting this center of excellence.

Conflicts of interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

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